' 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Duke  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/legionofliberty01ames 


THE 


AND 


FORCE  OF  TRUTH, 

Containing  the  thoughts,  words,  and  deeds,  of  some  prominent 
Apostles,  Champions  and  Martyrs. 


SECOND  EDITION. 


SUPER  HANC  PETR  AM  -EDJFICAEO. 


{ e shall  know  the  Truth , and  the  Truth  shall  make  you  free. — Jesus  Christ. 


Illustrated  with  Engravings*. 

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Sold  at  the  office  of  the  American  A.  S.  Society,  143  Nassau-st.  New-York, 
and  at  the  offices  of  the  other  Anti-Slavery  Periodicals  and  Depositories. 


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ADVERTISEMENT  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


In  this  Legion  of  Liberty,  the  smaller  pamphlet  “ Liberty,”  is  in* 
eluded  with  additions,  amounting  in  all  to  more  than  five  hundred 
distinct  authorities,  besides  many  incidentally  introduced  ; they  are 
arranged  in  divisions  according  to  the  nations,  subjects,  &c.  By 
observing  this  order,  the  reference  to  any  individual  name  will  not 
be  difficult.  Here  is  arrayed  a host  of  witnesses  and  advocates 
for  liberty  and  humanity,  and  against  slavery  and  texas.  If  any 
of  the  testimony  is  false  let  it  be  disproved,  if  any  of  the  reasoning  is 
erroneous,  let  the  error  be  exposed.  The  interest  and  magnitude  of 
the  theme,  the  number  and  weight  of  the  authorities,  and  the  uni- 
ted force  of  the  facts  and  appeals  will  prove  a doubly-twisted  three- 
fold cord,  not  quickly  broken. 

The  work  comprises  about  four  hundred  pages,  fifty  pictures,  and 
nearly  three-fourths  of  a million  of  ems.  of  closely  printed  letter 
press.  A smaller  pamphlet  or  tract  could  be  made  from  any  of  its 
divisions.  The  sterotype  plates  will  be  sold  at  cost  or  loaned  to  any 
responsible  publisher.  The  book  is  offered  by  the  quantity  at  tho 
mere  cost  of  paper,  press  work,  and  binding,  so  that  it  may  be  with- 
in the  reach  of  all;  and  those  favorably  disposed  can  purchase  a 
number  for  distribution  ; a moderate  effort  would  place  a copy  in  every 
family. 

Price,  25  cts  single,  $2,50  per  dozen,  $16,00  per  100  in  paper  covers. 
37J  do  $3,75  do  $24,00  do  in  muslin. 


LIST  OF  THIS  ‘LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Frontispiece,  the  World. 

Title  page,  the  Rock  of  Truth, 
Ad  verlisement, 

Freedom’s  Wreath. 

1.  Division, 

Statesmen  and  Jurists. 
Thomas  Jefferson, 

Arms  of  the  United  States, 
Luther  Martin, 

Elbridge  Gerry, 

Liberty  Coin, 

“ Bell, 

U.  S.  Constitutions, 

U.  S.  Law,  versus  Slave  Trade, 
George  Washington, 

John  Adams, 

Gilbert  Mottier  La  Fayette, 
Thomas  Jeiferson, 

Pennsylvania  Act,  1780, 
Benjamin  Franklin, 

Benjamin  Rush, 

Anthony  Benezet, 

Patrick  Henry, 

John  Jay, 

Joel  Barlow, 

Samuel  Adams, 

Thaddeus  Kosciusko, 

Horatio  Gates, 

William  Pinkney, 

Warner  Miffin, 

William  Eaton, 

William  Ray, 

Janies  Riley, 

De  Witt  Clinton, 

James  Madison,  „ 

James  Monroe, 

Samuel  L.  Mitchell, 

Alexander  Hamilton, 

Nathaniel  Chipman, 

James  Wilson, 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins, 

Andrew  Jackson, 

Joseph  Siory, 

Daniel  Webster, 

N.  Y.  Legislature,  1820, 
William  Wirt, 

John  Randolph, 

Thomas  Jefferson  Randolph, 
Gov.  Randolphj 


William  Yates, 

Nathan  Sandford, 

Peter  A.  Jay, 

Robert  Clark, 

James  Kent, 

Abraham  Van  Vechten, 

Jonas  Platt, 

David  Buel, 

Hezekiah  Niles, 

Myron  Holley, 

John  C.  Spencer, 

Henry  Clay, 

John  Quincy  Adams, 

Duff  Green, 

Joseph  Ritner, 

Charles  Simmons, 

Charles  Ridley, 

John  Black, 

Charles  Hammond, 

B.  Franklin  Wade, 

Alexander  Campbell, 

St.  George  Tucker, 

Cassius  M.  Clay, 

James  McDowell. 

Thomas  F.  Marshall, 

William  Dunlap, 

Horace  Greely, 

William  Cullen  Bryant, 

Charles  King, 

John  Neal, 

William  Leggett, 

Orestes  A.  Brownson, 

William  H.  Seward, 

Luther  Bradish, 

Jabez  D.  Hammond, 

Reuben  H.  Walworth, 

William  Jay, ' 

Charles  Francis  Adams, 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts, 
Thomas  Morris. 


130930 


LIST  OF  THIS  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


II.  Religious  and  Moral. 
Presbyterian  Synod, 

Me'lhodist  Episcopal  Church. 
Samuel  Hopkins, 

Jonathan  Edwards, 

Elias  Hicks, 

Jesse  Torrey,  Jr. 

John  Kendrick, 

William  Perm, 

Elias  Hicks, 

Timothy  Dwight, 

Eliphalet  Nott, 

James  T.  Woodbury, 

Evan  Lewis, 

Edward  C.  Dclevan, 

Robert  J.  Breckenridge, 

Francis  Wayland, 

Alonzo  Potter, 

William  E.  Charming, 

III.  The  Female  Phalanx. 

A.  S.  Con.  of  American  Women, 
Abby  Kelley, 

Boston  Female  A.  S.  Society, 
Hannah  F.  Gould, 

Elizabeth  Margaret  Chandler, 
Prudence  Crandall, 

Lucre*. ia  Mott, 

Maria  Weston  Chapman, 

The  Dutchess  De  Broglie, 

Lydia  H.  Sigourney, 

Lydia  Maria  Child, 

Sarah  M.  Grinike, 

Angelina  E.  Grimko, 

Female  A.  S.  So.  Putnam  Co.  III. 
Femaie  A.  S Iowa  Society, 
Drusi.la  Unthank, 

Andover  Female  A.  S.  Society, 
Providence  “ “ « 

Darlington,  Eng.  11  “ 

Elizabeth  Pease, 

Francis  Harriet  Whipple, 
Female  A.  S.  Soc.  Dorclies.  Mass, 
do  Emancipation  So.  Mass., 
Afcigr-i'  Adams, 

Eliza  Lee  Follen, 


IV.  Regular  ‘-Abolitionists- 
The  Temple  of  Liberty, 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
New-Engiand  do  do, 
Ohio  do  Convention, 
Ohio  Western  Reserve  do, 
Lewis  C.  Gunn, 

William  Lloyd  Garrison, 

Gerrit  Smith, 

William  Rawle, 

David  Paul  Brawn, 

Francis  Jackson, 

G ’orge  Bradburn, 

William  Goodeli, 

Joshua  Leavitt. 

Elizur  Wright,  Jun. 

Slave  Representation, 

Alvan  Stewart, 

Henry  Peterson, 

Thomas  Earle, 

Beriah  Green. 

Nathaniel  Culver, 

Richard  Hildreth, 

J.  Blanchard, 

S.  B.  Treadwell, 

Henry  C.  Wright, 

Thomas  Pyne, 

James  H.  Gibbon 
Charles  Marriot, 

Arnold  Buffuin, 

Samuel  J.  May, 

John  Quincy  Adams, 

Charles  Stewart, 

Henry  B.  S 'anion, 

Samuel  Lewis, 

Leicester  King, 

Leicester  A.  Sawyer, 

James  G.  Birney, 

Lewis  Tappan, 

James  C.  Jackson, 

J.  W.  Pillsbury, 

Amos  Dresser, 

Charles  Oicott, 

Ja  mes  Brown, 

Charles  C.  Burleigh, 

Wendell  Phillips. 

Francis  Gillette, 

Samuel  II.  Cox, 


LIST  OF  THIS  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


John  N.  Maffit, 

John  N.  T.  Tucker, 

Ellis  Gray  Loring, 

George  F.  Simmons, 

Charles  T.  Torrev, 

George  Bourne, 

Spencer  Kellogg, 

Stanley  P.  Hough, 

Amos  A.  Phelps, 

Erasmus  D.  Hudson, 

William  Henry  Burleigh, 
Oliver  Johnson, 

J.  Kennaday,  G.  P.  Morris, 

N.  P.  Willis, 

John  G.  Whittier, 

William  B.  Tappan, 

.<  hn  Pierpont, 

Henry  W.  Longfellow, 

James  Cannings  Fuller, 

Isaac  T.  Hopper, 

Hiram  Wilson, 

John  E.  Godfrey, 

Freeborn  Garretson, 

B.  Stanton, 

Edward  Smith, 

Orson  S.  Murray, 

James  Silk  Buckingham, 

Joseph  C.  Lovejoy, 

Abel  Brown, 

Charles  Van  Loon, 

William  L.  Chaplin, 
Pennsylvania  Hall, 

Elijah  P.  Lovejoy, 

Solomon  Southwick, 

Wesley  Bailey, 

John  A.  Collins, 

Linneus  P.  Noble, 

Joseph  C.  Hathaway, 

Frederick  Douglas, 

Stephen  S.  Foster, 

V.  United  States  Slavery. 
James  H.  Dickey, 

George  Whitfield, 

John  Rankin, 

William  Dickey, 

Augustus  WTattles, 

Cases  of  Cruelty, 

Charles  Ball, 


Theodore  D.  Weld, 

Horace  Moulton, 

Sarah  M.  Grimke, 

John  Graham, 

William  Poe, 

Privations  of  Slaves, 

John  Woolman, 

James  K.  Paulding, 

Stephen  Sewall, 

Colman  S.  Hodges, 

Joseph  Ide, 

Phineas  Smith, 

Philemon  Bliss, 

James  A.  Thorne, 

Joseph  John  Gurney, 

David  Walker, 

“ Amalgamation,” 

Customs  of  our  “ Patriarchs”  and 
“ Chivalry,” 

Moral  and  Political  Map  of  U.  S. 
Toussaint  Louverture. 

VI.  African  Character. 
Mungo  Park, 

John  Ledyard, 

Herodotus, 

C.  F.  C.  Volnev, 

Alexander  H.  Everett, 
Archbishop  Sharp, 

Omichand, 

Toussaint  Louverture, 

Phillis  Wheatley, 

Cinquez  and  Amistad  Captives, 
Simeon  S.  Jocelyn  & Co. 
Nathaniel  Southard, 

Wash.  Madison  of  the  Creole, 
William  Eustis, 

John  T.  Norton, 

Nathaniel  Paul, 

Mrs.  Anne  Paul, 

Charles  Lenox  Remond, 

Samuel  E.  Cornish  and 
Theodore  S.  Wright 
On  Colonization, 

J.  Miller  McKim, 

James  Forten  and  Jacob  Oson, 


LIST  OF  THIS  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 
Delcnda  est  Texas. 


Benjamin  Lundy, 

(Gen.  Gaines’  trespass,) 

Mexican  Decrees  for 
Universal  Freedom, 

Texas  Constitution 
against  Freedom, 

President  Guerero, 

John  Quincy  Adams, 

Tlie  Mexican  Anns, 

The  London  Patriot, 

William  B.  Reed, 

National  Intelligencer, 

Edward  J.  Wilson, 

G.  L.  Pos'.lelhwaite, 

New-York  Sun, 

N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser, 
Wilkinson's  and  Burr’s  trial, 
African  Slave  Trade  and  Texas, 
British  Commissioners  Report, 
(Bartow’s  Case.) 

Detroit  Spectator, 

American  Citizen, 

Liberia  Herald, 

Daniel  Webster, 

William  Jay, 

The  British  Parliament, 

Barlow  Hoy, 

Daniel  O'Connell, 

Col.  Thompson, 

Fowell  Buxton, 

Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna, 
Robert  Owen, 

Thomas  Branagan, 

Joseph  Sturge, 

William  E.  Channing, 
Commonwealth  of  Mass., 
Nathaniel  P.  Rogers, 

David  Lee  Child, 

Edwin  W.  Goodwin, 

Joshua  R.  Giddings, 

John  Maynard, 

Zebina  Eastman, 

Gamaliel  Bailey, 

A.  S.  Standard, 

William  L.  McKenzie, 

La  Roy  Sunderland, 

J.  B.  Lamar, 

Archibald  L.  Linn, 

William  Slade, 


British  Emancipator, 

G.  W.  Alexander, 

George  Bradburn, 

Edmund  Quincy, 

Pawtucket  Chronicle, 

Cleveland  Journal, 

Legislature  of  Vermont, 

Gen.  Assembly  of  Ohio  State, 

A.  S.  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
A.  S.  Convention  of  N.  Y.  State, 
Philadelphia  Gazette, 

Friend  of  Man, 

Pres.  Jackson’s  Inconsistency, 
William  B.  Tappan, 

Southport  American, 

Edward  Everett, 

Mass.  Legislature,  18-13 
The  Free  American, 

The  Liberator, 

The  Liberty  Press, 

New-York  American, 

Mexican  Side, 

New-York  Tribune, 

Pittsburg  Gazette, 

Lynn  Record, 

Richmond  Whig, 

Hoonsocket  Patriot, 

Hampshire  Republican, 

William  H.  Burleigh, 

Louisville  Journal, 

State  of  Rhode  Island, 
Legislature  of  Michigan, 

John  Quincy  Adams, 

Seth  M.  Gates, 

William  Slade, 

William  B.  Calhoun, 

Joshua  R.  Giddings, 

Sherlock  J.  Andrews, 

Nathaniel  B.  Borden, 

Thomas  C.  Chittenden, 

John  Mattocks, 

Christopher  Morgan, 

J.  C.  Howard,  Victor  Birdseye, 
Hiland  Hall,  Tims.  A. Tomlinson, 
Slanley  A Clark,  Chas.  Hudson, 
Archibald  L.  Linn, 

Thos.  W.  Williams,  Ti  n.  Smith, 
Dav.  Bronson,  Geo.  N.  Briggs, 
Petition  to  Congress. 


LIST  OF  THIS  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


VII.  Scenes  in  British  Eman- 
cipation in  the  West  Indies. 
Joseph  H.  Kimball, 

James  A.  Thome, 

Joseph  Hamilton, 

William  H.  Anderson, 

John  Jay, 

Orville  Holley, 

$2,000  Anonymous, 

Historical  Evidence  of  Immediate 
Emancipation, 

Appendix  to  da, 

Howe  Peter, 

John  Scoble, 

Victoria  Regina, 

Jean  Pierre  Boyer, 

Simon  Bolivar, 

Columbia, 

Uraguay, 

India, 


VIII.  Great  Britian. 

Act  of  King  William  IV. 
William  Biackstone, 
Granville  Sharp, 

Thomas  Clarkson, 

William  Wordsworth, 
William  Wilberforce, 

William  Pitt, 

Edmund  Burke, 

John  Courtaney, 

Charles  James  Fox, 

Phillip  Francis, 

Mr.  Huddlestone, 

Samuel  Whitbread, 

Thomas  Erskine, 

George  Grenville, 

William  Shakespeare, 

Samuel  Johnson, 

John  Milton, 

Alexander  Pope, 

Joseph  Addison, 

Robert  Burns, 

Tobias  Smollett, 

Thomas  Day, 

S.  J.  Pratt, 

William  Cowper, 

William  Roscoe, 

Hannah  More, 


James  Montgomery, 

Robert  Southey, 

Thomas  Campbell, 
Erasmus  Darwin, 

John  Howard, 

Good  Samaritan, 
Humanity,  by  S.  J.  Pratt, 
William  Seward  Hall, 
Freedom’s  Sun, 

Percy  Bysche  Shelley, 
George  Noel  Byron, 

John  Milton, 

Robert  Pollock, 

James  Grainger, 

George  W.  F.  Howard, 
Thomas  Pringle, 

A.  Carlisle  J.  Addison, 
James  Thomson, 

John  Bowring, 

John  Angel  James 
John  Locke, 

Adam  Smith, 

William  Sinclair, 

William  Maclure, 

Jeremy  Bentham, 

Frances  Wright, 

William  Thompson, 

John  Mason  Good, 

John  Stewart, 

William  Jones, 

Edward  L.  Bulwer, 

Henry  Brougham, 

Thomas  Fowell  Buxton, 
Elizabeth  Heyrick, 

Harriet  Martineau, 
Benjamin  Godwin, 

Edward  S.  Abdy, 
Westminster  Review, 

The  Slave  Trade, 
Edinburgh  Review, 

James  Grahame, 

Jonathan  Dymond, 

George  Combe, 

James  Cropper, 

George  Thompson, 
William  Best, 

Charles  Dickens, 
Edinburgh  Review, 

Foreign  Quarterly  Review. 


LIST  OF  THIS  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


IX.  Religious  Testimony. 
London  Evangelical, 

George  Fox, 

Society  of  Friends, 

James  Beattie, 

William  Robertson, 

William  Warburton, 

Rev.  Dr.  Primatt, 

“ “ Peckard, 

John  Wesley, 

Adam  Clark, 

Thomas  Scott, 

Samuel  T.  Coleridge, 

James  Stephens, 

Lord  Nugent, 

Dr.  Lushington, 

Andrew  Thompson, 

Rowland  Hill. 

Grotius, 

X.  Ireland. 

John  Philpot  Curran, 

Henry  Grattan, 

Maria  Edgeworth, 

Thomas  Moore, 

Daniel  O'Connell, 

Jonathan  Swift, 

Erin  Go  Bragh, 

Daniel  O’Connell, 

Theobald  Matthew  and 
70,000  other  Irishmen, 

Richard  M.  Johnson, 

Jame3  Haughton, 

Robert  R.  Madden, 

XI.  Other  Countries. 
Catholic  Saints  and  Fathers, 
G.  Seidensticker, 

Conrad  Frederick  Stollmeyer, 
Dominic  Soto, 

Pope  Gregory  XVI. 

British  Residents  of  Gibraltar, 

Malta,  &c. 

Musheer  Ahmed  Bashaw  Bey, 
James  Richardson, 

Austria, 

Russia, 


XII.  France. 
Marselloise  Hymn, 

Charles  dcs  Montesquieu, 
Jean  Jacques  Rousseau, 
George  le  Clerk  Buffon, 

H.  Gregoire, 

The  Abbe  Raynal, 

Jaques  Pierre  Brissot, 
Hyppolite  de  Saint  Anthoine, 
F.  De  la  Mennais, 

L.  Aime  Martin, 

M.  De  Tocgueville, 


Justin  Perkins  in  Persia, 
History  of  Abolition. 

XIII.  Holy  Biblb. 

Moses, 

Job, 

David, 

Solomon, 

Isaiah, 

Jeremiah, 

Jesus  Christ, 

St.  Peter, 

St.  Paul, 

St.  James, 

St.  John. 

APPENDIX. 

The  Progress  of  Cruelty, 
Slave  Laws, 

Slaves  of  Slavery, 

B.  W.  Leigh, 

F.  W.  Pickens, 

William  Harper, 

Robert  Wickliffe, 

George  McDuffie, 

John  C.  Calhoun, 

James  H.  Benton, 

Henry  Clay, 

Waddy  Thompson, 

James  Hamilton, 
Mordecai  M.  Noah, 

James  Watson  Webb, 
Henry  A.  Wise. 


THE  IMAGE  AND  SUPERSCRIPTION. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


Sine  Libertate  nihil  bonum  est,  nihil  erpetendum  hominibus. — Plutarch. 

This  Legion  of  Liberty  is  a continuation  of  the  pamphlets 
“Liberty,”  published  within  the  last  five  years,  which  should  have 
been  generally  distributed.  “ Liberty”  comprised  authorities  for 
the  most  part  prior  to  the  organization  of  the  “ Abolitionists,” 
this  second  division  contains  more  of  those  who  are  technically  60 
called;  it  should  be  read  in  connection  with  the  other,  without 
which  it  is  incomplete.  It  will  be  found  to  include  nearly  every 
variety  of  the  branches  of  its  prolific  theme;  and  of  views,  reason- 
ing, facts,  style.  See.  These  brief  extracts  are  principally  taken 
from  the  Anti-Slavery  periodicals  and  publications,  of  which  they 
give  a general  glimpse,  and  to  which  those  willing  to  prosecute  the 
subject  are  referred. 

While  by  the  common  law  of  Nature  we  should  be  free  as  our 
original  elements,  and  by  the  written  law  of  our  constitutions  and 
statutes,  we  boast  as  our  birtli-right,  of  freedom,  civil  and  religious, 
freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press;  still  on  this  really  practical 
and  vitally  important  subject,  which  mainly  regulates  our  legisla- 
tion and  morals,  our  political  economy  and  national  (want  of,) 
prosperity  and  influence;  the  total  enslavement  of  nearly  three  mil- 
lions of  our  fellow  human  beings,  the  wretched  victims  of  tyran- 
ny on  their  own  native  soil ; here  we  stand  convicted  to  our  con- 
sciences and  to  the  world,  as  the  abject  slaves  of  slavery.  The 
pulpit  is  muzzled,  it  cannot  speak;  the  press  is  fettered,  it  cannot 
move;  the  right  arm  of  the  law  is  manacled,  it  cannot  stretch  forth 
to  maintain  its  own  authority  and  supremacy.  The  defence  of  Li- 
berty, “ that  holy  principle,  whose  name  is  on  every  lip,  on  every 
coin,  on  every  badge  of  the  land,”  excites  persecution  in  the 
church,  proscription  in  the  state,  and  infamy  and  outlawry  in  the 
social  and  domestic  relations;  and  for  all  these  outrages  perpetra- 
ted in  a land  governed  by  public  opinion,  the  signal  cry  is  “ Anti- 
Slavery  ! Abolition  !”  alias  Freedom  ! Justice! 

The  severe  pecuniary  distress  and  general  bankruptcy,  has  at  last 
convinced  all  classes  that  the  credit  system  implies  corresponding 
debt;  the  day  of  reckoning  foreseen  by  men  of  sound  views  haa 


2 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


come  with  aggravation  proportioned  at  compound  interest  to  its 
procrastination.  The  signs  of  the  times  manifestly  declare  that 
the  generation  is  born  which  will  also  witness  the  death  of  slavery 
in  these  United  States.  Whether  this  human  Augean  stable,  must 
be  swept  by  a deluge  of  blood,  or  whether  by  a pure  wholesome 
stream  from  Freedom's  fount,  the  conversion  of  slaves  into  citizens, 
depends  upon  the  sovereign  people.  The  great  Arbiter  of  events 
has  left  this  yet  in  the  control  of  his  free  agents.  The  varied  scenes 
of  horror,  when  the  dread  day  of  retribution  shall  arrive,  the  mas- 
sacres, the  wholesale  rapine,  the  protracted  tortures,  the  anarchy 
of  a civil  and  a servile  war; — no  mortal  has  had  the  temerity  to 
anticipate  or  imagine; — but  it  is  written,  “With  what  judgment 
ye  judge  ye  shall  be  judged,  and  with  what  measure  ye  mete  it 
shall  be  measured  to  you  again.” 

In  arguments  anil  facts,  appeals  to  sympathy  and  equity,  the  abo- 
litionists have  with  them  the  Universe.  The  hvdra-headed  mon- 
ster oppression  shrinks  instinctively  convulsed  from  the  reflection 
of  its  own  hideous  features,  and  by  fraud,  falsehood  and  violence, 
by  lynch-law  and  gag-law,  writhes  to  shun  the  exposure,  but 
every  plea  and  pretext  ventured  by  it,  or  its  infamous  tools,  in- 
evitably recoils.  “The  slave”  say  they,  “has  less  care  and  more 
ease  than  the  master;”  then  it  is  only  fair  that  they  should  change 
conditions;  which  party  would  object  ? — “ The  slave  is  more  com- 
fortable and  better  provided  for  than  the  Northern  Laborer;” — then 
alt  the  battles  and  speeches,  and  writings,  and  preaching,  and  prayers 
for  liberty  are  vain  and  false.  To  test  this,  propose  to  the  free  yeo- 
manry and  mechanics  of  the  North,  that  they  and  their  families  for- 
ever, be  elevated  to  the  state  of  utter  bondage  of  the  South.  “ But  the 
Abolitionists  have  put  the  cause  of  emancipation  back  half  a cen- 
tury.”— Not  yet,  for  then  the  seven  new7  slave  states  should  be  nulli- 
fied, and  the  two  millions  increase  of  slaves  be  liberated.  Within 
the  last  half  century,  the  number  of  full  blooded  slave  states  has 
doubled,  and  the  number  of  full  blooded  and  half  blooded  slaves 
quadrupled.  This  frightful,  this  tremendous  increase,  gives  the  lie 
direct  to  the  shameless,  hypocritical  pretence,  that  the  present  race 
of  slave-mongers  are  guiltless,  that  the  system  was  entailed  on 
them,  and  they  are  not  responsible.  What  measure  has  been  at- 
empted  or  suggested  to  prevent  or  restrain  this  geometrical  ratio 
of  increase.  Is  it  the  insane  acts  of  the  enslaved  states  of  the 
south,  and  dough  brains  of  the  north,  in  smuggling  in  the  recogni- 
tion of  Texas,  and  attempting  the  amalgation  of  this  worthy  sister 
republic!  a recognition  which  signed  the  death  warrant  of  the 
union,  which  only  waits  annexation  to  be  irrevocably  sealed.  Is 
it  the  Colonization  Society,  the  Jesuitical  engine  of  perpetual  ban- 
ishment to  its  colored  victims,  whose  freedom  here  might  be  dan- 
gerous to  the  “peculiar  institution;” — banishment!  a cruel  word, 
which  even  the  rude  Romans  would  not  allow  in  their  penal  laws. 
This  society  which  until  lately  perverted  the  sympathies  and  para- 
lysed the  energies  of  the  few  real  friends  of  the  oppressed,  for 
the  first  sixteen  of  its  most  palmy  and  prosperous  years,  could  by 
fraud  or  force  effect  the  expulsion  of  only  2,162;  this  in  sixteen 
years,  while  the  increase  of  the  colored  slaves  is  60,000  each  year. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


Why  not  liberate  and  colonize  them,  where  they  were  horn  and 
their  fathers  before  them;  here,  where  there  services  are  needed, 
where,  it  is  said,  their  labor  is  indispensable,  without  the  enormous 
expense  of  transportation,  and  sacrifice  of  human  lives  in  acclima- 
tion and  hardships.  Emancipation  to  be  effectual  must  be  general 
throughout  the  union;  all  compensation  is  encouragement  except 
on  condition  that  the  system  be  annihilated.  Were  Maryland,  for 
instance  to  declare  itself  a free  state,  most  of  her  colored  inhabi- 
tants would  be  torn  from  their  relations  and  homes,  where  proximi- 
ty and  intercourse  with  the  free  states  is  some  check  to  cruelty, 
and  domestic  employment  and  old  attachment  renders  their  condi- 
tion comparatively  endurable,  to  be  driven  to  the  plantations  of 
the  south  west,  to  be  whipped  and  starved  to  death  on  those  human 
slaughter  grounds;  it  would  be,  to  lessen  the  evil  in  its  mitigated, 
and  extend  it  in  its  aggravated  forms.  The  haughty  ancient  domin- 
ion, the  mother  of  Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Patrick  Hen- 
ry, the  Randolphs,  and  other  staunch  abolitionists,  is  compelled  to 
obtain  a livelihood  by  this  noble  means,  the  breeding'  of  slaves  for 
the  human  shambles,  the  trafficing  in  the  nerves,  hearts,  and  souls 
of  her  own  colored  sons  and  daughters,  in  whose  veins  frequently 
courses  her  best  blood,  and  thus  save  “ the  slaves  from  advertising 
for  runaway  masters.”  And  while  this  domestic  slave  trade  is  th* 
staple  business  of  the  South,  the  foreign  still  rages  with  similar  hoi 
rors,  which  only  the  extinction  of  its  cause,  the  market  for  slaves, 
can  suppress.  Since  nothing  but  ev  il  can  possibly  flow  either  di- 
rectly or  remotely  from  this  polluted  source,  slavery;  instead  of 
shutting  the  eyes  like  the  idiot,  frightened  at  his  own  shadow,  and 
hiding  the  head  in  the  dust  like  the  stupid  ostrich  before  destruc- 
tion, why  not  grapple  with  the  mortal  foe  like  men,  like  freemen ! 

In  lieu  of  any  other  or  better  plan,  the  following  suggestions  are 
offered : 

Of  the  public  lands  a part  were  originally  ceded  by  some  of  the 
old  states,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  the  national  debt,  which  be- 
ing accomplished,  they  should  have  reverted  to  the  donor  states; 
the  rest  were  purchased  by  money  from  the  public  treasury,  of 
which  the  proportion  of  the  northern  states  would  be  about  three- 
fourths.  This  domain  being  the  common  property  of  the  com- 
mon people,  the  most  equitable  and  sure  mode  of  dividing  it  among* 
its  owners,  would  be  by  an  amendment  of  the  constitution,  to  dis- 
tribute the  annual  proceeds  among  the  states  in  ratio  of  their  rep- 
resentation, for  the  perpetual  support  of  common  schools  in  each 
state ; the  principal  to  be  invested  in  internal  improvements  or  loaned 
for  banking  purposes,  the  state  being  security  for  principal  and  fj 
percent  interest;  the  interest  to  be  appropriated  and  applied  to 
common  schools  according  to  some  plan  of  organization,  of  which 
the  state  of  New -York  probably  presents  the  best  model.  As  we 
have,  and  can  have  no  established  religion  like  the  church-and- 
state  despotisms,  it  is  indispensable  that  we  should  have  an  estab- 
lished system  of  education,  to  ensure  the  general  intelligence  of 
the  people,  without  which  a republic  is  but  a name.  The  public 
revenue  should  be  raised  directly  by  a tax  on  all  property,  that  each 
may  pay  according  to  his  ability,  and  know  the  amount  he  pays; 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


and  for  what  purpose.  If  the  Chartists  of  Great  Britain  can  bo 
starved  into  compelling  their  oppressors  to  abolish  the  monstrous 
corn  laws,  we  could  be  liberated  from  customs  and  tribute,  and 
have  free  commerce,  and  each  pay  directly  his  just  share  of  the 
necessary  public  expenses. 

The  North  is  implicated  in  the  guilt,  the  odium,  and  the  responsi- 
bility of  southern  slavery,  and  perhaps  it  would  be  a fair  way  of 
compromise  to  let  the  North  raise  one-half  the  amount,  and  the 
South  the  other  half.  Of  any  thing  contributed  through  or  by  the 
general  government,  the  north  would  pay  three  times  as  much  as 
the  south,  that  being  about  their  relative  ratio  of  support  of  go- 
vernment. But  as,  notwithstanding  the  implication  of  the  North, 
it  might  be  difficult  to  be  persuaded  that  it  has  so  much  to  do  with 
Southern  slavery  as  to  submit  to  direct  taxation  for  abolition;  and 
as  the  “ Public  Bands,”  is,  and  is  likely  to  be  a vexed  question,  per- 
haps it  will  be  better  to  waive  any  other  disposition  of  them,  and  ap- 
ply them  to  the  extinction  of  human  bondage,  thus  meet  the  south 
half  way  and  make  a compromise,  not  of  principle,  which  is  im- 
possible, but  in  order  to  agree  about  the  best  means  to  attain  it. 

The  British  Nation  paid  in  1834,  $8,000,000  towards  remunerating 
the  AVest  India  Planters  for  about  800,000  slaves;  this  ratio  would 
make  for  two  and  three-fourth  millions  of  slaves  in  the  United  States, 
about  $300,000,000.  If  the  public  lands  were  pledged  to  secure  a 
fund  of  the  amount  of  $200,000,000,  the  north  would  pay  three- 
fourths,  or  $150,000,000,  being  half  of  the  whole;  each  Southern 
state  willing  to  become  free  could  tax  all  its  property,  including 
slaves,  to  supply  the  other  half. 

If  this  estimate  be  thought  too  low,  be  it  recollected  that  the 
approximation  from  a paper  credit  currency  towards  a specie  basis 
has  condensed  the  value  of  money  some  fifty  per  cent,  since  the 
purchase  of  slaves  by  the  British,  which  is  the  rate  of  their  valua- 
tion here  proposed;  and  in  the  event  of  abolition  by  the  United 
States,  there  would  be  but  few  other  buyers  even  at  the  lowest  rates. 
Besides,  the  real  estate  of  the  south  would  then  be  enhanced  at 
least  one  half,  and  its  representation  greatly  extended,  for  instead 
of  “ three-fifths  of  other  persons,”  they  would  have  the  suffrage  of 
the  whole  five-fifths;  the  entire  union  would  be  no  longer  ruled  by 
the  representatives  of  slaves,  nor  the  south  by  martial  and  mob  law. 
It  might  perhaps  be  more  equitable  and  convenient  for  both  the 
North  and  the  South,  if  the  nett  proceeds  of  the  lands  were  pledged 
towards  a fund  of  $200,000,000  with  6 per  cent  interest  theron,  for 
a term  of  twenty  years,  and  then  if  found  inadequate,  the  deficien- 
cy to  be  supplied  by  the  general  government,  and  the  surplus  lands 
to  revert  to  the  people  of  the  Union.  The  immense  national  do- 
main should,  if  well  managed,  produce  a large  revenue;  we  see 
great  and  growing  states,  as  Ohio,  Illinois,  and  Indiana,  carved  out, 
but  where  are  the  proceeds  of  the  spoils  of  the  poor  Indian,  the 
rightful  proprietor  from  time  immemorial; — shared  among  the 
agents,  squatters,  and  speculators.  If  the  amount  realized  from  the 
public  lands,  could  be  so  large  that  one  half  would  compensate  the 
south,  it  were  highly  desirable  that  the  other  moiety  be  applied  to 
universal  education,  including  those  liberated. 


Advertisement. 


it  is  here  proposed,  that  “We,  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
in  order  to  form  a more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  ensure  do- 
mestic tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the 
general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessing-s  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
i and  «ur  posterity  do  ordain  and  establish  this,” 

ADDITIONAL  AMENDMENT  TO  THE  IT.  S.  CONSTITUTION. 

Article  XIII.  §*I.  The  public  lands  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  pledged  and  appropriated  as  a fund  on  the  part  of  the  United 
- States  towards  remunerating  the  slave  states  for  the  release  of  their 
slaves. 

§ 2.  Slavery  is  utterly  and  forever  abolished  throughout  the  Uni- 
ted States,  their  territories,  and  domains;  in  all  of  which  there 
shall  be  no  disfranchisement  or  privilege  on  account  of  color  or 
I race,  and  any  thing  and  every  thing  in  any  constitution  or  statute  to 
the  contrary  is  forever  null  and  void. 

§ 3.  The  United  States  will  hold  no  intercourse  by  treaty,  alli- 
ance, or  commerce,  with  any  nation,  state,  or  people,  that  tolerates 
human  slavery  within  its  jurisdiction. 

The  words  in  the  constitution,  art.  I,  § 2,  “ three-fifths  of  all 
other  persons,”  and  the  3d  clause,  sect.  2,  Art.  IV,  will  thus  be- 
come a dead  letter.  Any  slave  state  unwilling-  to  unite  in  this 
amendment  and  become  free,  can  of  course  secede;  it  will  leave  a 
larger  share  of  the  land  fund  for  the  others. 

As  to  the  3d  section.  We  certainly  have  a right  to  say  with 
whom  we  will  associate,  trade,  or  form  alliances;  and  after  we 
i have  done  justice  ourselves,  to  ask  others  to  do  likewise.  The 
United  States  law  of  1820,  declares,  not  only  that  every  citizen, 
but  every  person  found  engaged  in  the  foreign  slave  trade  shall  be 
adjudged  a pirate  and  shall  suffer  death.  Besides,  we  should  have 
to  decline  but  few  acquaintances,  Spain  and  Portugal,  Brazil  & Co. 

If  the  united  North  would  only  say  one  word,  “ Ay!”  would 
but  hold  up  its  hand  in  token  of  assent,  would  deposit  its  ballot  in 
token  of  its  decision,  such  an  amendment  might  be  adopted;  the 
flaming  fire-brand  of  discord  which  threatens  general  conflagra- 
tion and  chaos,  be  converted  into  the  beaming  torch  of  amity  and 
unity.  By  this  retrograde  stride,  the  patriot  and  the  philanthropist, 
the  friends  of  justice  and  humanity  would  be  set  at  liberty  to  at- 
tempt, in  some  degree,  to  repair  the  evils,  the  errors,  and  the  crimes 
accumulated  for  more  than  half  a century  by  the  bloody  dynasty  of 
slavery. 

Then  might  be  realized,  as  is  yet  reversed,  the  aspira- 
tion of  La  Fayette  in  his  farewell  address  to  Congress,  after  he 
had  achieved  our  emancipation,  “ May  this  great  monument  rais- 
ed to  Liberty,  serve  as  a lesson  to  the  oppressor,  and  an  example 
i to  the  oppressed;”  then  instead  of  being  a warning  beacon,  we 
might  become  a guiding  luminary  to  the  nations  of  the  earth ; then 
no  longer  would  the  lines  of  Byron  on  Napoleon’s  failure,  be  ap- 
plicable to  the  United  States  of  America: 

•'  A single  step  into  the  right  had  made 
This  ‘Land’  the  Washington  of  worlds  betrayed ; 

A single  step  into  wrong  has  given 

It’»  name  a scoff  to  all  the  winds  of  heaven !”  J.  R.  A. 


2* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


FREEDOM’S  WREATH. 

» 

We’ll  search  the  earth,  the  air,  the  sea, 

To  cull  a gallant  Wreath  for  THEE  ! 

And  every  field  for  freedom  fought, 

And  vale,  and  shore,  and  mount,  where  aught. 
Of  Liberty  could  ere  be  found, 

Shall  be  our  blooming  harvest  ground — 

From  victor’s  arch,  from  martyr’s  pall, 
Triumphal  or  funereal, 

For  law,  and  equal  rights,  and  life, 

Who  won  or  fell  in  holy  strife. 


FREEDOM  S WREATH. 


In  garlands,  Laurels  hang  upon 
Thermopylae  and  Marathon ; 

And  on  Philippi’s  fatal  field, 

The  Cypress  mourns  thy  broken  shield  ; 

On  Runimede  the  fragrant  Rose, 

On  Bannockburn  the  Thistle  grows  ; 

And  on  the  banks  of  Boyne,  its  leaves 
Green  Erin’s  Shamrock  wildly  weaves  ; 
Though  prostrate  now,  brave  Poland’s  Oak, 
To  tyrants  bent  not  till  it  broke  ; 

In  France,  in  sunny  France,  we’ll  get 
The  Fleur-de-lis  and  Violet , 

From  consecrated  mound  and  vale 
Of  Huguenot  and  Liberal. 

Old  Bunker-Hill  and  Yorktown’s  shore 
Will  yield  green  Bays  till  time’s  no  more ; 
And  Sea-Grass  and  the  Corals  grow 
Below  Atlantic  Seas,  below 
The  waves  of  Erie  and  Champlain, 

In  rostral  trophies  round  the  slain. 

Tobacco's  pungent  leaves  proclaim 
Of  martyred  men  a continent, 

That  Indians  nought  but  death  could  tame. 
Stem  Freedom’s  mighty  monument. 

The  Cactus  thrives  in  Mexico; 

Colombia  bears  the  Cacao ; 

Swarlh  Hayti’s  stubborn  isle  supplies 
Its  Palm-tree  towering  tow’rd  the  skies, 
From  which  to  pluck  to  fill  thy  crown, 

Some  branches  worthy  thy  renown ; 

On  sad  Bengal’s  ensanguined  plains 
The  ancient  Banyan  yet  remain  ; 

In  Italy  and  Hungary, 

The  Vine  in  air  spread  clusters  free  ; 

O’er  all  uprears  the  ’ncrested  Dove, 

Her  Olive,  pledge  of  Peace  and  Love. 

The  Level,  Shield  and  Jewel  fair, 

Badge  of  Equality  you  wear  ; 

The  tri-colored  band,  red,  white,  and  blue. 
Combines  the  fervent,  pure,  and  true. 

Aye  may  the  Chaplet  flourish  bright, 
Reflecting  like  the  heavens  thy  light; 

With  glory,  aye  thv  brow  he  bound, 

VV  :t:i  glory,  aye  thy  head  be  crown’d, 

While  Earth,  and  Air,  and  Sky,  and  Sea, 
Yield  up  their  glorious  Wreath  to  THEE . 


qM  ala^^JL 

Si  Monumentum  quczris , circumsptce. 

His  Country  13  m3  Monument 


THE  LEGIOX  OF  LIBERTY. 


I 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

A PART  OF  THE  ORIGINAL  AS  DRAFTED  BT  JEFFERSON,  AND  SUPPRES- 
SED by  Southern  influence. 

He  has  waged  cruel  war  against  human  nature  itself,  violating  its 
most  sacred  rights  of  life  and  liberty,  in  the  persons  of  a distant  peo- 
ple who  never  offended  him  ; capturing  and  carrying  them  into  sla- 
very in  another  hemisphere,  or  to  incur  miserable  death  in  their  trans. 
portation  thither.  This  piratical  warfare — the  opprobrium  of  infidel 
powers — is  the  warfare  of  the  Christian  King  of  Great  Britain.  De- 
termined to  keep  open  a market  where  MEN  should  be  bought  and 
sold,  he  has  prostituted  his  negative  for  suppressing  every  legislative 
attempt  to  prohibit  or  to  restrain  this  execrable  commerce.  And  that 
this  assemblage  of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distinguished  die, 
he  is  now  exciting  those  very  people  to  rise  in  arms  among  us,*  and 
to  purchase  that  liberty  of  which  he  has  deprived  them  ; thus  pay- 
ing off  former  crimes  committed  against  the  liberties  of  one  people, 
with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit  against  the  lives  of 
another. 

[*  This  society  will  never,  in  any  way,  countenance  the  oppressed, 
in  vindicating  their  rights  by  resorting  to  physical  force. — Constitu- 
tion of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  Art.  Ill,] 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Pkilanthrophy  imploring  America  to  release  the  Slave  and  7 ev ivc  Liberty. 

LUTHER  MARTIN. 

The  Genuine  Information  delivered  to  the  Legislature  of  Maryland. 

The  report  was  adopted  by  a majority  of  the  convention,  but  not 
without  considerable  opposition.  It  was  said,  that  we  had  just  as. 
sumed  a place  among  independent  nations,  in  consequence  of  our 
opposition  to  the  attempts  of  Great  Britain  to  enslave  vs ; that  this 
opposition  was  grounded  upon  the  preservation  of  those  rights,  to 
which  God  and  Nature  entitled  us,  not  in  particular,  but  in  common 
with  all  the  rest  of  mankind.  That  we  had  appealed  to  the  Sv. 
preme  Being  for  his  assistance,  as  the  God  of  Freedom,  who  could 
not  but  approve  our  efforts  to  preserve  the  rights  which  he  had  thus 
imparted  to  his  creatures;  that  now,  when  we  scarcely  had  risen 
from  our  knees,  from  supplicating  his  aid  and  protection — in  form- 
ing our  government  over  a free  people,  a government  formed  pre- 
tendedly  on  the  principles  of  liberty  and  for  its  preservation — in 
that  government  to  have  a provision  not  only  putting  it  out  of  its 
power  to  restrain  and  prevent  the  slave-trade,  even  encouraging  that 
most  infamous  traffic,  by  giving  the  states  power  and  influence  in 
the  Union  in  proportion  as  they  cruelly  and  wantonly  sport  with 
the  rights  of  their  fellow-creatures,  ought  to  be  considered  as  a so- 
lemn mockery  of,  and  insult  to,  that  God  whose  protection  we  had 
then  implored,  and  could  not  fail  to  hold  us  up  in  detestation,  and 
render  us  contemptible  to  every  true  friend  of  liberty  in  the  world. 
It  was  said,  it  ought  to  be  considered  that  national  crimes  can  only  be, 
and  frequently  are,  punished  in  this  world  by  national  punishments;  and 
that  the  continuance  of  the  slave-trade,  and  thus  giving  it  a nation- 
al sanction  and  encouragement,  ought  to  be  considered  as  justly  expo- 
sing us  to  the  displeasure  and  vengeance  of  him,  who  is  equally 
Lord  of  all,  and  who  views  with  equal  eye,  the  poor  African  slave 
and  his  American  master ! 


LIJTHER  MARTIN. 


It  was  urged  that  by  this  system,  we  were  giving  the  general  gov- 
ernment full  and  absolute  power  to  regulate  commerce,  under  which 
i general  power  it  would  have  a right  to  restrain,  or  totally  prohibit 
I the  slave-trade : it  must,  therefore,  appear  to  the  world  absurd  and 
disgraceful  to  the  last  degree,  that  we  should  except  from  the  exer- 
i cire  of  that  power,  tiie  only  branch  of  commerce  which  is  unjustifiable 
in  its  nature,  and  contrary  to  the  rights  of  mankind.  That  on  the 
contrary  we  ought  rather  to  prohibit  expressly  in  our  constitution, 

; the  further  importation  of  slaves ; and  to  authorize  the  general  go 
j i vernment  from  time  to  time,  to  make  such  regulations  as  should  be 
, thought  most  advantageous  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  and 
the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  which  are  already  in  the  states. 

That  slavery  is  inconsistent  with  the  genius  of  republicanism,  and 
1 1 has  a tendency  to  destroy  those  principles  on  which  it  is  supported, 
j as  it  lessens  the  sense  of  the  equal  rights  of  mankind,  and  habituates 
i I us  to  tyranny  and  oppression.  _It  was  further  urged,  that  by  this 
i system  of  government,  every  state  is  to  be  protected  both  from 
foreign  invasion  and  from  domestic  insurrections ; that  from  this 
consideration,  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  it  should  have  a pow- 
er to  restrain  the  importation  of  slaves,  since  in  proportion  as  the 
number  of  slaves  was  increased  in  any  state,  in  the  same  propor- 
tion the  state  was  weakened  and  exposed  to  foreign  invasion,  or  do- 
mestic insurrection,  and  by  so  much  less  it  will  be  able  to  protect  it- 
self against  either ; and  therefore  will  by  so  much  the  more,  want 
aid  from,  and  he  a burthen  to,  the  union.  It  was  further  said,  that 
as  in  this  system  we  were  giving  the  general  government  a power, 
under  the  idea  of  national  character,  or  national  interest,  to  regulate 
even  our  weights  and  measures,  and  have  prohibited  all  possibility 
of  emitting  paper  money,  and  passing  insolvent  laws,  &c.,  it  must 
appear  still  more  extraordinary,  that  we  should  prohibit  the  govern- 
ment from  interfering  with  the  slave-trade,  than  which  nothing  could 
so  materially  affect  both  our  national  honor  and  inierest.  These 
reasons  influenced  me  both  on  the  committee  and  in  convention, 
most  decidedly  to  oppose  and  vote  against  ihe  clause  as  it  now 
makes  a part  of  the  system. 

At  this  time  we  do  not  generally  hold  this  commerce  in  so  great 
abhorrence  as  we  have  done.  When  our  liberties  were  at  slake,  we 
warmly  feit  for  the  common  rights  of  men.  The  danger  being 
thought  to  be  past,  which  threatened  ourselves,  we  are  daily  grow- 
ing more  insensible  to  those  rights.  In  those  states  who  have  re- 
strained or  prohibited  the  importation  of  slaves,  it  is  only  done  by 
legislative  acts  which  may  be  repealed.  When  those  states  find 
that  they  must  in  their  national  character  and  connexion  suffer  in 
the  disgrace,  and  share  in  the  inconveniences  attendant  upon  that 
detestable  and  iniquitous  traffic,  they  may  be  desirous  also  to  share 
in  the  benefits  arising  from  it,  and  the  odium  attending  it  will  be 
greatly  effaced  by  the  sanction  which  is  given  it  in  the  general  go- 
vernment. 

With  respect  to  that  part  of  the  second  section  of  the  first  article, 
which  relates  to  the  apportionment  of  representation  and  direct  taxa- 
tion, there  were  considerable  objections  made  to  it,  besides  the  great 


LUTHER  MARTIN. 


objection  of  inequality.  It  was  urged,  that  no  principle  could  justi- 
fy taking  slaves  into  computation  in  apportioning  the  number  of 
representatives  a state  should  have  in  the  government.  That  it  in- 
volved the  absurdity  of  increasing  the  power  of  a slate  in  making 
laws  for  freemen,  in  proportion  as  that  state  violated  the  rights  of 
freedom.  That  it  might  be  proper  to  take  slaves  into  consideration, 
when  taxes  were  to  be  apportioned,  because  it  had  a tendency  to  dis. 
courage  slavery  ; but  to  take  them  into  account  in  giving  represen- 
tation tended  to  encourage  the  slave-trade,  and  to  make  it  the  inter- 
est of  tlie  slates  to  continue  that  infamous  traffic.  That  slaves 
could  not  be  taken  into  account  as  men,  or  citizens,  because  they 
were  not  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizens,  in  the  states  which 
adopted  or  continued  slavery.  If  they  were  to  be  taken  into  account 
as  property,  it  was  asked,  what  peculiar  circumstance  should  render 
this  property  (of  all  others  the  most  odious  in  its  nature)  entitled  to 
the  high  privilege  of  conferring  consequence  and  power  in  the  go- 
vernment to  its  possessors,  rather  than  any  oilier  : and  why  slaves 
should,  as  property,  be  taken  into  account  rather  than  horses,  cattle, 
mules,  or  any  other  species  ; and  it  was  observed  by  an  honorable 
member  from  Massachusetts,*  that  he  considered  it  as  dishonorable 
and  humiliating  to  enter  into  compact  with  the  slaves  of  the  south- 
ern states,  as  it  would  with  the  horses  and  mules  of  the  eastern. 


* ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

The  idea  of  property  ought  not  to  be  the  rule  of  representation. 
Blacks  arc  property,  and  are  used  to  the  southward  as  horses  and 
cattle  to  the  northward  ; and  why  should  their  representation  be  in- 
creased to  the  southward  on  aeount  of  the  number  of  slaves,  than 
horses  or  oxen  to  the  north  ? — Secret  debates  of  the  Convention  for 
forming  the  U.  S.  Constitution,  1787. 


“LIBERTY.” 


THE  IMAOE  AND  SUPERSCRIPTION  ON  EVERY  COIN  ISSUED 
BY  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


PROCLAIM  LIBERTY  THROUGHOUT  ALL  THE  LAND  UNTO  All 
THE  INHABITANTS  THEREOF. 

CSS  BfSCBIFTION  ON  THE  BELL  IN  THE  OLD  PHILADELPHIA  GTaTSHOOU, 
WHICH  WAS  BONG  JDLY  4,  1776,  AT  THE  SIGNING  OP 
THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


3 


“LIBERTY/' 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights  ; that  among  these,  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness. That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among 
men,  deriving  their  powers  from  the  just  consent  of  the  governed, 
&c.  [See  the  whole  declaration,  signed  by  the  delegates  of  all  the 
original  states,  and  adopted  as  the  basis  of  all  the  Stale  Constitu- 
tions.] 


THE  UNITED  STATES’  CONSTITUTION. 

Amendment.  1.  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  es- 
tablishment of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or 
abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press;  or  the  right  of  the 
people  peaceably  to  assemble  and  petition  the  government  for  a 
redress  of  grievances. 

VIRGINIA. 

The  freedom  of  the  press  is  one  of  the  great  bulwarks  of  liberty, 
and  can  never  be  restrained  but  by  despotic  governments. 


MottO — “So  ALWAYS  TO  TYRANTS.” 


N.  Y.  CONSTITUTION — INDIANA G.  WASHINGTON. 


NEW  YORK  CONSTITUTION. 

Ever}-  citizen  may  freely  speak,  write,  and  publish  his  sentiments 
on  all  subjects,  being  responsible  for  the  abuse  of  that  right ; and  no 
law  shall  be  passed  to  restrain  or  abridge  the  liberty  of  speech,  or  of 
the  press. 

INDIANA. 

There  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  this 
state,  othewise  than  lor  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party 
shall  have  been  duly  convicted.  Nor  shall  any  indenture  of  any  negro 
or  mulatto,  hereafter  made  and  executed  out  of  the  bounds  of  this  stale, 
be  of  any  validity  within  this  state. — [Ohio  and  Illinois  are  similar.] 

THE  SLAVE-TRADE  DECLARED  TO  BE  PIRACY  BY 
THE  LAW  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1820. 

If  any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  being  of  the  crew  or  ship’s  com- 
pany of  any  foreign  ship  or  vessel  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  or  any 
person  whatever,  being  of  the  crew  or  ship’s  company  of  any  ship  or 
vessel  owned  in  the  whole  or  part,  or  navigated  for,  or  in  behalf  of, 
any  citizen  or  citizens  of  the  United  States,  shall  land,  from  any  such 
ship  or  vessel,  and  on  any  foreign  shove  seize  any  negro  or  mulatto, 
not  held  t.o  service  or  labor  by  the  laws  of  either  »>F  the  states  or  terri- 
tories of  the  United  States,  with  intent  to  make  such  negro  or  mulatto 
a slave,  or  shall  decoy,  or  forcibly  bring  or  carry,  or  shall  receive  such 
negro  or  mulatto  on  board  any  such  ship  or  vessel,  with  intent  as 
aforesaid,  such  citizen  or  person  shall  be  adjudged  a PIRATE,  and 
on  conviction  thereof,  before  the  circuit  court  of  the  United  States,  for 
the  district  wherein  he  may  be  thought  or  found,  shall  suffer  DEATH. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

The  benevolence  of  your  heart,  my  dear  Marquis,  is  so  conspicuous 
on  all  occasions,  that  I never  wonder  at  fresh  proofs  of  it;  but  your 
late  purchase  of  an  estate  in  the  colony  of  Cayenne,  with  a view  of 
emancipating  the  slaves,  is  a generous  and  noble  proof  of  your  hu- 
manity. Would  to  God,  a like  spirit  might  diffuse  itself  generally 
into  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this  country ! But  I despair  of  seeing  it 
Some  petitions  were  presented  to  the  Assembly  at  its  last  session,  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery ; but  they  could  scarcely  obtain  a hearing. — 
Letter  to  Lafayette. 

I hope  it  will  not  be  conceived  from  these  observations,  that  it  is  my 
wish  to  hold  the  unhappy  people  who  are  the  subject  of  this  letter,  in 
slavery.  I can  only  say,  that  there  is  not  a man  living,  who  wishes 
more  sincerely  than  I do,  to  see  a plan  adopted  for  the  abolition  of  it; 
but  there  is  only  one  proper  and  effectual  mode  by  which  it  can  be 
accomplished,  and  that  is,  by  the  legislative  authority ; and  this,  as 
far  as  my  suffrage  will  go,  shall  not  be  wanting. — Letter  to  Robert 
Morris. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


I never  mean,  unless  some  particular  circumstance  should  compe 
me  to  it,  to  possess  another  slave  by  purchase ; it  being  among  my  firs 
ivishes  to  see  some  plan  adopted  by  which  slavei-y  in  this  country  may  b 
abolished  by  law. — Letter  to  John  F.  Mercer. 

Because  there  are,  in  Pennsylvania,  laws  for  the  gradual  abolition 
slavery,  which  neither  Maryland  nor  Virginia  have  at  present ; t 
which  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  they  must  have,  and  at 
period  not  remote. — [Reasons  for  depreciation  of  southern  lands  in 
letter  to  Sir  John  Sinclair.] 

Cambridge,  February  2S,  1776. 

Miss  Phillis, — Your  favor  of  the  26th  of  October,  did  not  reach 
my  hands  till  the  middle  of  December.  Time  enough,  you  will  say, 
to  have  given  an  answer  ere  this.  Granted.  But  a variety  of  impor- 
tant occurrences,  continually  interposing  to  distract  the  mind  and  with- 
draw the  attention,  I hope  will  apologize  for  the  delay,  and  plead  my 
excuse  for  the  seeming,  but  not  real  neglect.  I thank  you  most  sin- 
cerely for  your  polite  notice  of  me,  in  the  elegant  lines  you  enclosed ; 
and  however  undeserving  I may  be  of  such  encomium  and  panegyric, 
the  style  and  manner  exhibit  a striking  proof  of  your  poetical  talents ; 
in  honor  of  which,  and  as  a tribute  justly  due  to  you,  I would  have 
published  the  poem,  had  I not  been  apprehensive,  that,  while  I only 
meant  to  give  the  world  this  new  instance  of  your  genius,  I might  have 
incurred  the  imputation  of  vanity.  This,  and  nothing  else,  determined 
me  not  to  give  it  place  in  the  public  prints. 

If  you  should  ever  come  to  Cambridge,  or  near  head-quarters,  I shall 
be  happy  to  see  a person  so  favored  by  the  Muses,  and  to  whom  nature 
has  been  so  liberal  and  beneficent  in  her  dispensations.  I am,  with 
great  respect,  your  obedient  humble  servant. — Letter  to  Phillis  Wheatley. 
[Jin  Jlfrican.] 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  nations,  cultivate  peace 
and  harmony  with  all ; religion  and  morality  enjoin  this  conduct;  and 
can  it  be  that  good  policy  does  not  equally  enjoin  it  ? It  will  be  worthy 
of  a free,  enlightened,  and,  at  no  distant  period,  a great  nation,  to  give 
to  mankind  the  magnanimous  and  too  novel  example  of  a people 
always  guided  by  an  exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who  can 
doubt  that,  in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  the  fruits  of  such  a plan 
would  richly  repay  any  temporary  advantages  which  might  be  lost  by 
a steady  adherence  to  it?  Can  it  be,  that  Providence  has  not  connected 
the  permanent  felicity  of  a nation  with  its  virtue?  The  experiment, 
at  least,  is  recommended  by  every  sentiment  which  ennobles  human 
nature.  Alas ! is  it  rendered  impossible  by  its  vices  ? — Farewell 
Address. 

Upon  the  decease  of  my  wife,  it  is  my  will  and  desire  that  all  my 
slaves,  which  I hold  in  my  own  right,  shall  receive  their  freedom.  To 
emancipate  them  during  her  life,  would,  though  earnestly  wished,  be 
attended  with  such  insuperable  difficulties,  on  account  of  their  inter- 
mixture by  marriages  with  the  dower  negroes,  as  to  create  the  most 
fearful  sensation,  if  not  disagreeable  consequences  from  the  latter, 
while  both  descriptions  are  in  the  occupancy  of  the  same  proprietor ; if 


JOHN  ADAMS LAFAYETTE. 


not  being  in  my  power,  under  the  tenure  by  which  the  dower  negroes 
are  held  to  manumit  them.  And,  whereas,  among  those  who  will 
receive  their  freedom  according  to  tliis  clause,  there  may  be  some,  who, 
from  old  age,  or  bodily  infirmities,  and  others,  who,  on  account  of  their 
infancy,  will  be  unable  to  support  themselves,  it  is  my  will  and  desire 
that  all  who  come  under  the  first  and  second  descriptions,  shall  be 
comfortably  clothed  and  fed  by  my  heirs  while  they  live ; _ and  that  such 
■of  the  latter  description  as  have  no  parents  living,  or  if  living,  are  unable 
or  unwilling  to  provide  for  them,  shall  be  bound  by  the  Court  until  they 
■shall  arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years : and  in  case  where  no 
record  can  be  produced  whereby  their  ages  can  be  ascertained,  the 
judgment  of  the  Court  upon  its  own  view  of  the  subject,  shall  be 
adequate  and  final.  The  negroes  thus  bound,  are  by  their  masters 
and  mistresses  to  be  taught  to  read  and  write,  and  to  be  brought  up  to 
some  useful  occupation,  agreeably  to  the  laws  of  the  commonwealth 
of  Virginia,  providing  for  the  support  of  orphans  and  other  poor  children. 
And  l"do  hereby  expressly  forbid  the  sale  or  transportation  out  of  the 
said  commonwealth,  of  any  slave  I may  die  possessed  of,  under  any 
pretence  whatever.  And  1 do,  moreover,  most  pointedly  and  most 
solemnly  enjoin  it  upon  my  executors,  hereafter  named,  or  the  survivor 
-of  them/to  see  that  this  clause  respecting  slaves,  and  every  part  thereof 
be  religiously  fufilled,  at  the  epoch  at  which  it  is  directed  to  take  place, 
without  evasion,  neglect,  or  delay,  after  the  crops  which  may  then  be 
on  the  ground  are  harvested.  Particularly  as  it  respects  the  aged  and 
infirm,  seeing  that  a regular  and  permanent  fund  be  established  lor 
their  support,  as  long  as  there  are  subjects  requiring  it,  not  trusting  to 
The  uncertain  provisions  to  be  made  by  individuals. — ■Washingten,s  Will. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

The  day  is  passed — the  4th  of  July,  1776,  will  be  a memorable 
■epocha  in  the  history  of  America,  It  ought  to  be  commemorated  as 
the  day  of  deliverance  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion  to  Almighty  God. 
It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp,  shows,  & c.,  from  one  end  of  the 
■continent  to  the  other,  from  this  time  forward  for  ever!  You  will  think 
me  transported  with  enthusiasm  ; but  I am  not.  I am  well  aware  of 
the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure  that  it  will  cost  to  maintain  this  Decla- 
ration, and  support  and  defend  these  states ; yet  through  all  the  gloom, 
I can  see  the  rays  of  light  and  glory.— I can  see  that  the  end  Is  worth 
more  than  all  the  means ; and  that  posterity  will  triumph  although  you 
and  I may  rue,  which  I hope  we  shall  not — Letter,  Philadelphia,  July 
■5th,  1776. 

Great  is  Truth — great  is  Liberty — great  is  Humanity;  and  they 
must  and  will  prevail. — Letter  to  a friend. 

LAFAYETTE. 

While  I am  indulging  in  my  views  of  American  prospects,  and 
American  liberty,  it  is  mortifying  to  be  told  that  in  that  very  country, 
a large  portion  of  the  people  are  slaves ! It  is  a dark  spot  on  the  face 
of  the  nation.  Such  a state  of  tilings  cannot  always  exist 


*3 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


I see  in  the  papers,  that  there  is  a plan  of  gradual  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  district  of  Columbia.  I would  be  doubly  happy  of  it,  for  the 
measure  in  itself,  and  because  a sense  of  American  pride  makes  me 
recoil  at  the  observations  of  the  diplomatists,  and  other  foreigners,  who 
gladly  improve  the  unfortunate  existing  circumstances  into  a general 
objection  to  our  republican,  and  (saving  that  deplorable  evil)  our 
matchless  system. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

The  whole  commerce  between  master  and  slave  is  a perpetual 
exercise  of  the  most  boisterous  passions  ; the  most  unremitting  despo- 
tism on  the  one  part  and  degrading  submissions  on  the  other.  Our  1 
children  see  this  and  learn  to  imitate  it ; for  man  is  an  imitative  animal. 
This  quality  is  the  germ  of  all  education  in  him.  From  his  cradle  to 
his  grave  he  is  learning  to  do  what  he  sees  others  do.  If  a parent 
could  find  no  motive  either  in  his  philanthropy  or  his  self-love,  for 
restraining  the  intemperance  of  passion  towards  his  slave,  it  should 
always  be  a sufficient  one  that  his  child  is  present.  But  generally  it 
is  not  sufficient.  The  parent  storms,  the  child  looks  on,  catches  the 
lineaments  of  wrath,  puts  on  the  same  airs  in  the  circle  of  smaller 
slaves,  gives  loose  to  his  worst  passions,  and  thus  nursed,  educated, 
and  daily  exercised  in  tyranny,  cannot  but  be  stamped  by  it  with 
odious  peculiarities.  The  man  must  be  a prodigy  who  can  retain  his 
manners  and  morals  undepraved  by  such  circumstances.  And  with 
what  execration  should  the  statesman  be  loaded,  who  permitting  one 
half  the  citizens  thus  to  trample  on  the  rights  of  the  other,  transforms 
those  into  despots,  and  these  into  enemies,  destroys  the  morals  of  the 
one  part,  and  the  amor  patri®  of  the  other.  For  if  the  slave  can  have 
a country  in  this  world,  it  must  be  any  other  in  preference  to  that  in 
which  he  is  born  to  live  and  labor  for  another:  in  which  he  must  lock 
up  the  faculties  of  his  nature,  contribute  as  far  as  depends  on  his  indi- 
vidual endeavors  to  the  evanishment  of  the  human  race,  or  entail  his 
own  miserable  condition  on  the  endless  generations  proceeding  from 
him.  With  the  morals  of  the  people,  their  industry  also  is  destroyed. 
For  in  a warm  climate  no  man  will  labor  for  himself  who  can  make' 
another  labor  for  him.  This  is  so  true,  that  of  the  proprietors  of  slaves- 
a very  small  proportion  indeed  are  ever  seen  to  labor.  And  can  the 
liberties  of  a nation  be  thought  secure  when  we  have  removed  their 
only  firm  basis,  a conviction  in  the  minds  of  the  people  that  these 
liberties  are  of  the  gift  of  God?  That  they  are  not  to  be  violated  but 
with  his  wrath  ? Indeed,  I tremble  for  my  country  when  I reflect  that 
God  is  just;  that  his  justice  cannot  sleep  for  ever;  that  considering 
numbers,  nature,  and  natural  means  only,  a revolution  of  the  wheel 
of  fortune,  an  exchange  of  situation,  is  among  possible  events : that  it 
may  become  probable  by  supernatural  interference ! The  Almighty 
has  no  attribute  which  can  take  side  with  us  in  such  a contest. 

What  an  incomprehensible  machine  is  man ! Who  can  endure  toil, 
famine,  stripes,  imprisonment,  and  death  itself,  in  vindication  of  his 
own  liberty,  and  the  next  moment  be  deaf  to  all  those  motives  whose 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


power  supported  him  through  his  trial,  and  inflict  on  his  fellow  men  a 
bondage,  one  hour  of  which  is  fraught  with  more  misery  than  ages  of 
that  which  he  rose  in  rebellion  to  oppose.  But  we  must  wait  with 
patience  the  workings  of  an  overruling  Providence,  and  hope  that  that 
is  preparing  the  deliverence  of  these  our  suffering  brethren.  When 
the  measure  of  their  tears  shall  be  full — when  their  tears  shall  have 
involved  heaven  itself  in  darkness — doubtless  a God  of  justice  will 
awaken  to  their  distress,  and  by  diffusing  a light  and  liberality  among 
their  oppressors,  or  at  length  by  his  exterminating  thunder  manifest 
his  attention  to  tilings  of  this  world,  and  that  they  are  not  left  to  the 
guidance  of  blind  fatality. 

I am  very  sensible  of  the  nonor  you  propose  to  me,  of  becoming  a 
member  of  the  society  for  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade.  Y ou  know 
that  nobody  wishes  more  ardently  to  see  an  abolition,  not  only  of  the 
trade  but  of  the  condition  of  slavery ; and  certainly  nobody  will  be 
more  willing  to  encounter  every  sacrifice  for  that  object.  But  the 
influence  and  information  of  the  friends  to  this  proposition  in  France 
will  be  far  above  the  need  of  my  association. — Letter  to  M.  Warville, 
Paris,  February,  1788. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favor  of  July  31st  was  duly  received,  and  was 
read  with  peculiar  pleasure.  The  sentiments  breathed  through  the 
whole,  do  honor  to  both  the  head  and  heart  of  the  writer.  Mine,  on 
The  subject  of  the  slavery  of  negroes,  have  long  since  been  in  possession 
of  the  public,  and  time  has  only  served  to  give  them  stronger  root. 
The  love  of  justice  and  the  love  of  country  plead  equally  the  cause  of 
these  people ; and  it  is  a moral  reproach  to  us  that  they  should  have 
pleaded  it  so  long  in  vain,  and  should  have  produced  not  a single 
effort, — nay,  I fear,  not  much  serious  willingness  to  relieve  them  and 
ourselves  from  our  present  condition  of  moral  and  political  reprobation. 

It  is  an  encouraging  observation,  that  no  good  measure  was  ever 
proposed  which,  if  duly  pursued,  failed  to  prevail  in  the  end.  We 
have  proof  of  this  in  the  history  of  the  endeavors  in  the  British  Parlia- 
ment to  suppress  that  very  trade  which  brought  this  evil  on  us.  And 
you  will  be  supported  by  the  religious  precept,  “ be  not  weary  in  well 
doing.”  That  your  success  may  be  as  speedy  and  complete,  as  it  will 
be  honorable  and  immortal  consolation  to  yourself,  I shall  as  fervently 
and  sincerely  pray  as  I assure  you  of  my  great  friendship  and  respect. 
■=— Letter  to  Edward  Cole,  Esq.,  dhiptsl  25,  1814. 

PREAMBLE  TO  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  ACT,  1780. 

W e conceive  that  it  is  our  duty,  and  we  rejoice  that  it  is  in  our 
power,  to  extend  a portion  of  that  freedom  to  others  which  has  been 
extended  to  us,  and  relieve  from  that  state  of  thraldom,  to  which  we 
ourselves  were  tyrannically  doomed,  and  from  which  we  have  now 
every  prospect  of  being  delivered.  It  is  not  for  us  to  inquire  why,  in 
in  the  creation  of  mankind,  the  inhabitants  of  the  different  parts  of  the 
earth  were  distinguished  hy  a difference  of  features  and  complexion. 
It  is  sufficient  to  know,  that  all  are  the  work  of  an  Almighty  hand. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


We  find  in  the  distribution  of  the  human  species,  that  the  most  fertile, 
as  well  as  the  most  barren  parts  of  the  earth  are  inhabited  by  men  of 
different  complexions  from  ours,  and  from  each  other  ; from  whence, 
wc  may  reasonably,  as  well  as  religiously  infer,  that  He,  who  placed 
them  in  their  various  situations,  hath  extended  equally  his  care  and 
protection  to  ali,  and  that  it  bccometh  not  us  to  counteract  his  mercies. 
We  esteem  it  a peculiar  blessing,  granted  to  us,  that  we  arc  this  day 
enabled  to  add  one  more  step  to  universal  civilization,  by  removing,  as 
much  as  possible,  the  sorrows  of  those  who  have  lived  in  undeserved 
bondage,  and  from  which,  by  the  assumed  authority  of  the  kings  of 
Great  Britain,  no  effectual  legal  relief  could  be  obtained.  Weaned  by 
a long  course  of  experience  from  those  narrow  prejudices  and  partiali- 
ties we  had  imbibed,  we  find  our  hearts  enlarged  with  kindness  and 
benevolence  towards  men  of  all  conditions  and  nations;  and  we  con- 
ceive ourselves,  at  this  particular  period,  extraordinarily  called  upon 
by  the  blessing  which  we  have  received,  to  manifest  the  sincerity  of 
our  professions,  and  to  give  a substantial  proof  of  our  gratitude. 

And  whereas,  the  condition  of  those  persons  who  have  heretofore 
been  denominated  negro  and  mulatto  slaves,  has  been  attended  with 
circumstances  which  not  only  deprived  them  of  the  common  blessing 
they  were  by  nature  entitled  to,  but  has  cast  them  into  the  deepest 
afflictions,  by  an  unnatural  separation  and  sale  of  husband  and  wife 
from  each  other,  and  from  their  children  ; an  injury,  the  greatness  of 
which,  can  only  be  conceived  by  supposing  that  we  were  in  the  same 
unhappy  case.  In  justice,  therefore,  to  persons  so  unhappily  circum- 
stanced, and  who,  having  no  prospect  before  them,  wherein  they  may 
rest  their  sorrows  and  their  hopes,  have  no  reasonable  inducement  to 
render  the  service  to  society  which  they  otherwise  might,  and  also,  in 
grateful  commemoration  of  our  own  happy  deliverance  from  that  state 
of  unconditional  submission,  to  which  we  were  doomed  by  the  tyranny 
of  Britain.  Be  it  enacted,  That  no  child  Hereafter  born  shall  be  a 
slave,  &e. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

LIbi  Libehtas,  ibi  Patuia 

Where  Liberty  dwells,  thei  e is  my  country. 

Two  other  societies  were  also  established  in  Philadelphia  about 
this  period,  founded  on  the  principles  of  the  most  refined  humanity; 
< ne  “/or  alleviating  the  miseries  of  / tublic  prisons,'”  and  the  other,  “foi 
promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery,  the  relief  of  free  negroes  unlawfully 
held  in  bondage,  and  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of  Ike  African 
race.” — Of  each  of  these,  Dr,  Franklin  was  president.  He  had  as 
early  as  the  year  1772,  strongly  expressed  his  abhorrence  of  the  traffic  in 
slaves,  as  appears  by  his  letter  of  the  22d  August,  in  that  year,  to  Mr. 
Anthony  Benezet,  inserted  in  the  first  part  of  his  Private  Correspondence. 

According  to  S tuber's  account,  Dr.  Franklin’s  name,  as  president 
of  the  Abolition  Society,  was  signed  to  the  memorial  presented  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  on  the  12th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1789,  praying  them  to  exert  the  full  extent  of  power  vested  in 


BENJAMIN  RUSH ANTHONY  BENEZET. 


them  by  the  Constitution,  in  discouraging  the  traffic  of  the  human 
species.  This  was  his  last  public  act. — Memoirs  by  Wm.  Temple 
Franklin. 

' To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  : 

From  a persuasion  that  equal  liberty  was  originally  the  portion,  and 
is  still  the  birthright  of  all  men,  and  influenced  by  the  strong  ties  of 
humanity  and  the  principles  of  their  institution,  your  memorialists  con- 
[ ceive  themselves  bound  to  use  all  justifiable  endeavors  to  loosen  the 
bands  of  slavery,  and  promote  a general  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  • 
freedom.  Under  these  impressions,  they  earnestly  entreat  your  serious 
attention  to  the  subject  of  slavery ; that  you  will  be  pleased  to  counte- 
nance the  restoration  of  liberty  to  those  unhappy  men,  who  alone  in 
this  land  of  freedom,  are  degraded  into  perpetual  bondage,  and  who 
amidst  the  general  joy  of  surrounding  freemen,  are  groaning  in  servile 
subjection — that  you  will  devise’means  for  removing  this  inconsistency 
from  the  character  of  the  American  people — that  you  will  promote 
mercy  and  justice  toward  this  distressed  race — and  that  you  will  step 
to  the  very  verge  of  the  power  vested  in  you  for  discouraging  every 
species  of  traffic  in  the  persons  of  our  fellow  men. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  President. 

Philadelphia,  Feb.  3,  1790.  [ Federal  Gazette,  1790.] 

BENJAMIN  RUSH. 

The  [cruel]  master’s  wealth  cannot  make  him  happy. — The  suffer- 
ings of  a single  hour  in  the  world  of  misery,  for  which  he  is  preparing 
himself  will  over  balance  all  the  pleasures  he  ever  enjoyed  in  this  life — 
and  for  every  act  of  unnecessary  severity  he  inflicts  on  his  slaves,  he 
shall  suffer  tenfold  in  the  world  to  come. 

His  unkind  behaviour  is  upon  record  against  him.  The  gentle 
spirits  in  heaven,  whose  happiness  consists  in  expressions  of  gratitude 
and  love,  will  have  no  fellowship  with  him.  His  soul  must  be  melted 
with  pity,  or  he  can  never  escape  the  punishment  which  awaits  the 
hard-hearted,  equally  with  the  impenitent,  in  the  regions  of  misery. — 
Paradise  of  Neirro  Slaves. 

About  the  year  1775,  I read  a short  essay  with  which  I was  much 
pleased,  iji  one  of  Bradford’s  papers,  against  the  slavery  of  the  Africans 
in  our  country,  and  which,  I was  informed,  was  written  by  Thomas 
Paine.  This  excited  my  curiosity  to  be  better  acquainted  with  him. 
\Ve  met  soon  afterwards  at  Mr.  Aitkens’  bookstore,  where  I did 
homage  to  his  principles  and  his  pen  on  the  subject  of  the  enslaved 
Africans.  He  told  me  it  was  the  first  piece  he  had  ever  published  here. — 

I possess  one  of  his  letters  written  to  me  from  France  upon  the  subject 
of  the  aboliton  of  the  slave-trade. — Letter  to  Cheetham,  July  17,  1809. 

ANTHONY  BENEZET. 

I can  with  truth  and  sincerity  declare,  that  I have  found  amongst 
the  negroes  as  great  variety  of  talents,  as  among  a like  number  of 
whites 7 and  I am  bold  to  assert,  that  the  notion  entertained  by  some 


PATRICK  HENRY. 


r>;" 


that  the  blacks  are  inferior  in  their  capacities,  is  a vulgar  prejudicjit® 
founded  on  the  pride  or  ignorance  of  their  lordly  masters,  who  ha\i  11 
kept  their  slaves  at  such  a distance  as  to  be  unable  to  form  a rig' 
judgment  of  them. 


PATRICK  HENRY. 


hftto 


Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at  the  pried 
of  chains  and  slavery  ? Forbid  it,  Almighty  God  ! — I know  not  whal 
course  others  may  take  ; but  as  for  me,  give  me  liberty,  or  give  mi" 
death ! 


Hanover,  January  18,  1773. 

Dear  Sir, — I take  this  opportunity  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of! 
Anthony  Benezet’s  book  against  the  slave-trade:  I thank  you  for  it 
It  is  not  a little  surprising,  that  the  professors  of  Christianity,  whose! 
chief  excellence  consists  in  softening  the  human  heart ; in  cherishingl 
and  improving  its  finer  feelings,  should  encourage  a practice  so  totally1 
repugnant  to  the  first  impressions  of  right  and  wrong.  What  adds  to1 
the  wonder  is,  that  this  abominable  practice  has  been  introduced  ini 
the  most  enlightened  ages.  Times,  that  seem  to  have  pretensions  to- 
boast  of  high  improvements  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  refined 
morality,  have  brought  into  general  use,  and  guarded  by  many  laws, 
a species  of  violence  and  tyranny,  which  our  more  rude  and  barbar- 
ous, but  more  honest  ancestors,  detested.  Is  it  not  amazing,  that  at 
u time,  when  the  rights  of  humanity  are  defined  and  understood  with 
precision,  in  a country,  above  all  others,  fond  of  liberty,  that  in  such 
an  age,  and  in  such  a country,  we  find  men  professing  a religion  the 
most  humane,  mild,  gentle  and  generous,  adopting  a principle  as  re- 
pugnant to  humanity,  as  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  Bible,  and  destruc- 
tive to  liberty?  Every  thinking,  honest  man  rejects  it  in  speculation 
how  few  in  practice  from  conscientious  motives! 

Would  any  one  believe  that  I am  master  of  slaves,  of  my  own  pur- 
chase ! I am  drawn  along  by  the  general  inconvenience  of  living  here 
without  them.  I will  not,  I cannot  justify  it.  However  culpable  my 
conduct,  I will  so  far  pay  my  devoir  to  virtue,  as  to  own  the  excel- 
lence and  rectitude  of  her  precepts,  and  lament  my  want  of-conformity 
to  them. 

I believe  a time  toill  come,  when  an  opport  unity  will  be  offered  to  abolish, 
this  lamentable  evil.  Every  thing  we  can  do  is  to  improve  it,  if  it 
happens  in  our  day ; if  not;  let  us  transmit  to  our  descendants, 
together  with  our  slaves,  a pity  for  their  unhappy  lot,  and  our  abhor- 
rence for  slavery.  If  we  cannot  reduce  this  wished  for  reformation 
to  practice,  let  us  treat  the  unhappy  victims  with  lenity.  It  is  the 
furthermost  advance  we  can  make  towards  justice,  it  is  a debt  we  owe 
to  the  purity  of  our  religion,  to  show  that  it  is  at  variance  with  that 
law,  which  warrants  slavery.  I know  not  where  to  stop.  I could 
say  many  things  on  the  subject  j a serious  view  of  which  gives 
gloomy  perspective  to  future  times  ! — Letter  to  Robert  Pleasants. 

I repeat  it  again,  that  it  would  rejoice  my  very  soul  that  every  one 


Y1 


jilt  inti 
,0  it 
mi 


JAMES  MONROE JOHN  JAY JOEL  BARLOW. 


' my  fellow  beings  was  emancipated.  As  we  ought  with  gratitude 

- admire  that  decree  of  heaven,  which  has  numbered  us  among  the 

- fee,  we  ought  to  lament  and  deplore  the  necessity  of  holding  our 
Allow  men  in  bondage. — Debate  in  Virginia  Convention. 

JAMES  MONROE. 

We  have  found  that  this  evil  has  preyed  upon  the  very  vitals  of  the 
-;.:nion  ; and  has  been  prejudicial  to  all  the  states  in  which  it  has 
>isted. — Speech  in  the  Virginia  Convention. 

JOHN  JAY. 

The  state  of  New  York  is  rarely  out  of  my  mind  or  heart,  and  [ 
n often  disposed  to  write  much  respecting  its  affairs;  but  I have  so 
’•tie  information  as  to  its  present  political  objects  and  operations,  that!' 

• am  afraid  to  attempt  iL — An  excellent  law  might  be  made  out  of  the 
jennsylvania  one,  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery.  Till  America 
Annes  into  this  measure,  her  prayers  to  heaven  will  be  impious.  This 
e a strong  expression  hut  it  is  just.  Were  I in  your  legislature,  I 

; ould  present  a bill  for  the  purpose  with  great  care,  and  I would  never 

• ease  moving  it  till  it  became  a law,  or  I ceased  to  be  a member.  I 
; elieve  God  governs  the  world,  and  I believe  it  to  be  a maxim  in  his 

: in  our  court,  that  those  who  ask  for  equity  ought  to  do  it. — Letter 
Tj  j'-oiri  Spain,  1780. 

■.  Our  society  has  been  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  first  of  May 
: r Lst,  and  we  are  happy  that  efforts  so  honorable  to  your  nation  are 
: raking  in  your  country  to  promote  the  cause  of  justice  and  humanity 
■ dative  to  the  A Ricans.  That  they  who  know  the  value  of  liberty,  and 
re  blessed  with  the  enjoyment  of  it,  ought  not  to  subject  others  to 
averv,  is  like  most  other  moral  precepts,  more  generally  admitted  in 
. ieory  than  observed  in  practice.  This  will  continue  to  be  too  much 

- re  case  while  men  are  impelled  to  action  by  their  passions  rather 
nan  by  their  reason,  and  while  they  are  more  solicitous  to  acquire 

-.  ’ealth  than  to  do  as  they  would  be  done  by.  Hence  it  is  that  India 
-.  nd  Africa  experience  unmerited  oppression  from  nations  who  have 
; ,een  Ions  distinguished  by  their  attachment  to  their  civil  and  religious 
berties,  but  who  have  expended  not  much  less  blood  and  treasure  in 
: iolating  the  rights  of  others  than  in  defending  their  own.  The  Unit'd 
tates  are  far  from  being  irreproachable  in  this  respect.  It  undoubi- 
dly  is  very  inconsistent  with  their  declarations  on  the  subject  of 
'oman  rights,  to  permit  a single  slave  to  be  found  within  their  juris- 
iction  ; and  we  confess  the  justice  of  your  strictures  on  that  head. — 

. . etter  to  an  English  Abolition  Society  from  the  Manumisicn  Society  of 
• 'Tew  York. 

JOEL  BARLOW. 

Nor  shall  I strain 

The  powers  of  pathos  in  a task  so  vain. 

As  Afric’s  wrongs  to  sing,  for  what  avails 
To  harp  for  you  these  known  familiar  tales  ; 

To  tongue  mute  misery,  and  re-rack  the  soul 
With  crimes  oft  copied  from  that  bloody  scroll, 


SAMUEL  ADAMS KOSCIUSKO, 


Where  slavery  pens  her  woes,  tho’  ’tis  but  there 
We  learn  the  weight  that  mortal  life  can  bear. 

The  tale  might  startle  still  the  accustom’d  ear, 

Still  shake  the  nerve  that  pumps  the  pearly  tear 
Melt  every  heart  and  through  the  nation  gain 
Full  many  a voice  to  break  the  barbarous  chain. 

But  why  to  sympathy  for  guidance  fly, 

(Her  aid ’s  uncertain  and  of  scant  supply,) 

When  your  own  self-excited  sense  affords 
A guide  more  sure,  and  every  sense  accords? 

Where  strong  self-interest  join’d  with  duty  lies, 

Where  doing  right  demands  no  sacrifice, 

Where  profit,  pleasure,  life  expanding  fame 
League  their  allurements  to  support  the  claim. 

’Tis  safest  there  the  impleaded  cause  to  trust, 

Men  well  instructed  will  be  always  just. 

Tyrants  are  never  free,  and  small  and  great, 

All  masters  must  be  tyrants  soon  or  late  ; 

So  Nature  works,  and  oft  the  lordling  knave 
Turns  out  at  once  a tyrant  and  a slave. 

Struts,  cringes,  bullies,  begs,  as  courtiers  must. 

Makes  one  a God,  another  treads  in  dust, 

Fears  all  alike,  and  filches  whom  he  can, 

But  knows  no  equal,  finds  no  friend  in  man. 

Ah,  would  you  not  be  slaves  with  lords  and  kings? 

Then  be  not  masters,  there  the  danger  springs. 

Equality  of  right  is  Nature’s  plan, 

And  following  nature  is  the  march  of  man. — 

Enslave  her  tribes  ! What,  half  mankind  emban, 

Then  read,  expound,  enforce  the  rights  of  man  ! 

Prove  plain  and  clear,  how  Nature’s  hand  of  old, 

Cast  all  men  equal  in  her  human  mould  1 
Their  fibres,  feelings,  reasoning  powers  the  same, 

Like  wants  await  them,  like  desires  inflame  ; 

Write,  speak,  avenge,  for  ancient  sufferings  feel, 

Impale  each  tyrant  on  their  pens  of  steel, 

Declare  how  freemen  can  a world  create, 

And  slaves  and  masters  ruin  every  state. — The  Columbiad. 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

“His  principles  on  the  subjeet  of  human  rights,  carried  him  far 
beyond  the  narrow  limits  which  many  loud  asserters  of  their  men  liberty 
have  prescribed  to  themselves,  to  the  recognition  of  this  right  in  every 
human  being.  One  day  the  wife  of  Mr.  Adams  returning  home, 
informed  her  husband  that  a friend  had  made  her  a present  of  a female 
slave.  Mr.  Adams  replied  in  a firm  decided  manner,  ‘ She  may  come 
but  not  as  a slave,  for  a slave  cannot  live  in  my  house ; if  she  comes,  she, 
must  come  free .’  She  came,  and  took  up  her  free  abode  with  the  family 
of  this  great  champion  of  American  liberty,  and  there  she  continued 
free  and  there  she  died  free.” — Rev.  Mr.  Mien,  Uxbridge,  Mass. 

KOSCIUSKO. 

General  Kosciusko,  by  his  will,  placed  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
a sum  exceeding  twenty  thousand  dollars,  to  be  laid  out  in  the  purchase 
of  young  female  slaves,  who  were  to  be  educated  and  emancipated. 
The  laws  of  Virginia  prevented  the  will  of  Kosciusko  from  being 
carried  into  effect. — Auroi-a,  1S20. 


HORATIO  GATES WILLIAM  PINKNEY. 


HORATIO  GATES. 

A few  days  ago,  passed  through  this  town,  the  Hon.  General  Gates 
and  lad}-,  on  their  way  to  take  possession  of  their  new  and  elegant 
seat  on  the  banks  of  the  East  river.  The  general,  previous  to  leaving 
Virginia,  summoned  his  numerous  family  and  slaves  about  him,  and 
amidst  their  tears  of  affection  and  gratitude,  gave  them  their  freedom  ; 
and  what  is  still  better,  made  provision  that  their  liberty  should  be  a 
blessing  to  them. — Baltimore  paper,  Sept.  8,  1790. 

WILLIAM  PINKNEY. 

Sir, — Iniquitous,  and  most  dishonorable  to  Maryland,  is  that  dreary 
system  of  partial  bondage,  which  her  laws  have  hitherto  supported  with 
a solicitude  worthy  of  a better  object,  and  her  citizens  by  their  practice 
countenanced. 

Pounded  in  a disgraceful  traffic,  to  which  the  parent  country  lent 
her  fostering  aid,  from  motives  of  interest,  but  which  even  she  would 
have  disdained  to  encourage,  had  England  been  the  destined  mart  of 
such  inhuman  merchandise,  its  continuance  is  as  shameful  as  its  origin. 

Wherefore  should  we  coniine  the  edge  of  censure  to  our  ancestors, 
or  those  from  whom  they  purchased?  Are  not  we  equally  guilty'! 
They  strewed  around  the  seeds  of  slavery — ire  cherish  and  sustain  the 
growth.  They  introduced  the  system — zoe  enlarge,  invigorate,  and 
confirm  it. 

That  the  dangerous  consequences  of  this  system  of  bondage  have 
not  as  yet  been  felt,  does  not  prove  they  never  will  be.  At  least  the 
experiment  has  not  been  sufficiently  made  to  preclude  speculation  and 
conjecture.  To  me,  sir,  nothing  for  which  1 have  not  the  evidence  of 
my  senses  is  more  clear,  than  that  it  will  one  day  destroy  that  rever- 
ence for  iibertv,  which  is  the  vital  principle  of  a republic. 

While  a majority  of  your  citizens  are  accustomed  to  rule  with  the 
authority  of  despots,  within  particular  limits;  while  your  youth  aro 
reared  in  the  habit  of  thinking  that  the  great  rights  of  human  nature 
are  not  so  sacred  but  they  may  with  innocence  be  trampled  on,  can  it 
be  expected  that  the  public  mind  should  glow  with  that  generous  ardor 
in  the  cause  of  freedom,  which  can  alone  save  a government  like  ours 
from  the  lurking  demon  of  usurpation?  Do  you  not  dread  the  con- 
tamination of  principle? 

The  example  of  Rome  shows  that  slaves  are  the  proper,  natural 
implements  of  usurpation,  and  therefore  a serious  and  alarming  evil  in 
every  free  community.  With  mijch  to  hope  for  by  a change,  and 
nothing  to  lose,  they  have  no  fears  of  consequences.  Despoiled  of 
their  rights  by  the  acts  of  government  and  its  citizens,  they  have  no 
cheeks  of  pity,  or  of  conscience,  but  are  stimulated  by  the  desire  of 
revenge,  to  spread  wide  the  horrors  of  desolation,  and  to  subvert  the 
foundation  of  that  liberty  of  which  they  have  never  participated,  and 
which  they  have  only  been  permitted  to  envy  in  others. 

But  where  slaves  are  manumitted  by  government,  or  in  consequence 
of  its  provisions,  the  same  motives  which  have  attached  them  to  tyrants, 


4 


WARNER  MIFFLIN WILLIAM  EATON. 


when  the  act  of  emancipation  has  flowed  from  them,  would  then  attach 
them  to  government  They  are  then  no  longer  the  creatures  of  despo- 
tism. They  are  bound  by  gratitude,  as  well  as  by  interest,  to  seek 
the  welfare  of  thatcountry  from  which  they  have  derived  the  restoration 
of  their  plundered  rights,  and  with  whose  prosperity  their  own  is  in- 
separably involved.  All  apostacy  from  these  principles,  which  form  the 
good  citizen,  would,  under  such  circumstances,  be  next  to  impossible. — 
Speech  in  the  Maryland  House  of  Delegates , 1789. 

WARNER  MIFFLIN. 

In  a pamphlet,  entitled  “ Observations  on  the  American  Revolution ,” 
published  by  order  of  Congress,  in  1779,  the  following  sentiments  are 
declared  to  the  world,  viz  : 

“The  great  principle  (of  government)  is  and  ever  will  remain  in 
force,  that  men  are  by  nature  free;  as  accountable  to  him  that  made 
them,  they  must  be  so;  and  so  Ions  as  we  have  any  idea  of  divine 
justice,  we  must  associate  that  of  human  freedom.  Whether  men 
can  part  with  their  liberty,  is  among  the  questions  which  have  exercised 
the  ablest  writers  ; but  it  is  concluded  on  all  hands,  that  the  right  to  be 
tree  can  never  be  alienated — still  less  is  it  practicable  for  one  generation 
to  mortgage  the  privileges  of  another.” 

Humane  petitions  have  been  presented  to  excite  in  congress  benevo- 
lent feelings  for  the  sufferings  of  our  fellow-citizens  under  cruel  bondage 
to  the  Turks  and  Algerines,  and  that  the  national  power  and  influence 
might  be  exerted  for  their  relief;  with  this  virtuous  application  I unite, 
but  lament  that  any  of  my  countrymen,  who  are  distinguished  as  men 
eminently  qualified  for  public  stations,  should  be  so  enslaved  by  illiberal 
prejudice  as  to  treat  with  contempt  a like  solicitude  for  another  class 
of  men  still  more  grievously  oppressed. 

I profess  freely  and  am  willing  my  profession  was  known  over  the 
world,  that  I feel  the  calls  of  humanity  as  strong  towards  an  African 
in  America,  as  an  American  in  Algiers,  both  being  my  brethren; 
especially  as  I am  informed  the  Algerine  treats  his  slave  with  more 
humanity;  and  I believe  the  sin  of  oppression  on  the  part  of  the 
American  is  greatest  in  the  sight  of  the  Father  of  the  family  of  mankind. 

WARNER  MIFFLIN. 
Kent  County,  Delaware,  2d  of  1st  mo.  1793. 

WILLIAM  EATON. 

[The  Tunisians  had  captured  nine  hundred  and  twenty  Sardinian 
slaves,  of  whom  General  Eaton  thus  makfs  mention:] 

“Many  have  died  of  grief,  and  the  others  linger  out  a life  less 
tolerable  than  death.  Alas — remorse  seizes  my  whole  soul  when  I 
reflect,  that  this  is  indeed  but  a copy  of  the  very  barbarity  which  my 
eyes  have  seen  in  my  own  native  country.  And  yet  we  boast  of  liberty 
and  national  justice.  How  frequently  in  the  southern  states  of  my 
own  country,  have  I seen  weeping  mothers  leading  the  guiltless  infant 
to  the  sales  with  as  deep  anguish  as  if  they  led  them  to  the  slaughter; 


WILLIAM  RAY RILEY DE  WITT  CLINTON. 


and  yet  felt  my  bosom  tranquil  in  the  view  of  these  aggressions  on 
defenceless  humanity.  But  when  I see  the  same  enormities  practised 
upon  beings  whose  complexions  and  blood  claim  kindred  with  my  own, 
1 curse  the  perpetrators,  and  weep  over  the  wretched  victims  of  then- 
rapacity..  Indeed,  truth  and  justice  demand  from  me  the  confession, 
that  the  Christian  slaves  among  the  barbarians  of  Africa,  are  treated 
with  more  humanity  than  the  African  slaves  among  professing  Chris- 
tians of  civilized  America ; and  yet  here  sensibility  bleeds  at  every  pore 
for  the  wretches  whom  fate  has  doomed  to  slavery.” — Letter  to  liis  viife. 

WILLIAM  RAY. 

Are  you  republicans? — away  ! 

’Tis  blasphemy  the  word  to  say. 

You  talk  of  freedom  ? Out  for  shame ! 

Your  lips  contaminate  the  name. 

How  dare  you  prate  of  public  good, 

Your  hands  besmear'd  with  human  blood  ! 

How  dare  you  lift  those  hands  to  heav’n 
Aiid  ask  or  hope  to  be  forgiven  ? 

How  dare  you  breathe  the  wounded  air, 

That  wafts  to  heaven  the  negro's  prayer? 

How  dare  you  tread  the  conscious  earth, 

That  gave  mankind  an  equal  birth  ? 

And  while  you  thus  inflict  the  rod, 

How  dare  you  say  there  is  a God 
That  will,  injustice,  in  i the  skies, 

Hear  and  avenge  his  creature’s  cries? 

" Slaves  to  be  sold,”  hark,  what  a sound  ? 

Ye  give  America  a wound, 

A scar,  a stigma  of  disgrace. 

Which  you  nor  time  can  e’er  efface , 

And  prove,  of  nations  yet  unborn, 

The  curse,  the  hatred,  and  the  scorn  ! 

The  Horrors  of  Slavery,  or  Tars  of  Tripoli 

CAPTAIN  RILEY. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem  to  the  philanthropist,  my  free  and  proud- 
spirited countrymen  still  hold  a million  and  a half  of  human  beings 
in  the  most  cruel  bonds  of  slavery ; who  are  kept  at  hard  labor,  and 
smarting  under  the  lash  of  inhuman  mercenary  drivers;  in  many 
instances  enduring  the  miseries  of  hunger,  thirst,  imprisonment,  cold, 
nakedness,  and  even  tortures.  This  is  no  picture  of  the  imagination. 
For  the  honor  of  human  nature,  I wish  likenesses  were  no  where  to  be 
found!  I myself  have  witnessed  such  scenes  in  different  parts  ot  mv 
own  country ; and  the  bare  recollection  of  them  now  chills  my  blood 
with  horror.- — Riley's  Narrative. 

***By  referring  to  Otis’s  Botta,  Vol.  I.  Book,  3d  page,  105,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  first  blood  spilled  in  Boston,  Massachusetts, 
for  American  Indeoendence,  was  th&t  of  a man  of  colour. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


DE  WITT  CLINTON. 

PATRIA  CARA,  CARIOR  LIBERTA5. 

Dear  is  my  Country,  Liberty  is  Dearer, 

Was  the  motto  of  the  arms  of  De  Will  Clinton,  inscribed  gen  - 
rally  in  front  of  the  works  of  his  extensive  library. 

As  early  as  1797,  in  the  New-York  Legislature,  he  devoted  his  at. 
tention  to  the  gradual  abolition  of  Slavery. 

In  the  Senate  of  New-York,  1809-11,  he  introduced  laws  to  pr 
vent  kidnapping,  or  the  farther  introduction  of  slaves,  and  to  pun. 
ish  those  who  should  treat  them  inhumanly. 

As  Governor  of  the  State  of  New-York,  in  his  speech  to  the  Le. 
gislature,  Jan.  4,  1820,  while  on  the  subject  of  filling  the  vacancy 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  he  says,  alluding  to  the  Missouri  ques- 
tion : 

“ Nor  can  I conceal  on  this  occasion,  the  deep  anxiety  which  I 
feel  on  a subject  now  under  the  consideration  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment ; and  which  is  unfortunately  calculated  to,  produce  gcographi. 
cal  distinctions.  Highly  important  as  it  is  to  allay  feelings  so  inaus- 
picious, yet  I consider  the  interdiction  of  the  extension  of  slavery, 
a paramount  consideration.  Morally  and  politically  speaking,  Sla- 
very is  an  evil  of  the  first  magnitude  ; and  whatever  may  be  the  con- 
sequences, it  is  our  duty  to  prohibit  its  progress  in  all  cases  wh  to 
such  prohibition  is  allowed  by  the  Constitution.  No  evil  can  result 
from  its  inhibition,  more  pernicious  than  its  toleration  ; and  I ear- 
nestly recommend  the  expression  of  your  sense  on  this  occasion,  as 
equally  due  to  the  character  of  the  State  and  the  prosperity  of  the 
empire.” 


JAMES  MADISON. 

1 he  United  ''n  es  having  been  the  first  to  abolish,  within  the  ex- 
tent of  their  authority,  the  transportation  of  the  natives  of  Africa 
into  slavery,  by  prohibiting  the  introduction  of  slaves,  and  by  pun- 
ishing their  citizens  participating  in  the  traffic,  cannot  but  be  grati- 
fied by  the  progress  made  by  concurrent  efforts  of  other  nations  to- 
ward a general  suppression  of  so  great  an  evil.  They  must  feel  at 
the  same  time,  the  greater  solicitude  to  give  the  fullest  efficacy  to 
their  own  regulations.  With  that  view,  the  interposition  of  Con- 
gress appears  to  be  required  by  the  violations  and  evasions  which, 
it  is  suggested,  arc  chargeable  on  unworthy  citizens,  who  mingle  in 
the  slave  trade  under  foreign  flags,  and  with  foreign  ports ; and  by 
collusive  importations  of  slaves  into  the  United  Slates,  through  ad- 
joining ports  and  territories.  I present  the  subject  to  Congress,  with 
a full  assurance  of  their  disposition  to  apply  all  the  remedy  which 
can  be  afforded  by  an  amendment  of  the  law.  The  regulations 
which  were  intended  to  guard  against  abuses  of  a kindred  character 
in  the  trade  between  the  several  states,  ought  also  to  be  more  effect- 
ual for  their  humane  object. — Message  to  Congress,  Dec.  3,  1816. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  MONROE. 

It  is  the  cause  of  serious  regret,  that  no  arrangement  has  yet 
been  finally  concluded  between  the  two  governments,  to  secure,  by 
joint  co-operation,  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade.  It  was  the 
object  of  the  British  government,  in  the  early  stages  of  the  negotia 
tion,  to  adopt  the  plan  for  the  suppression,  which  should  include  the 
concession  of  the  mutual  right  of  search  by  the  ships  of  war  of  each 
party,  of  the  vessels  of  the  other,  for  suspected  offenders.  This 
was  objected  to  by  this  government,  on  the  principle  that  as  the 
right  of  search  was  a right  of  war  of  a belligerant  towards  a 
neutral  power,  it  might  have  an  ill  effect  to  extend  it  by  treaty, 
to  an  offence  that  had  been  made  comparatively  mild,  to  a time  of 
peace.  Anxious,  however,  for  the  suppression  of  this  trade,  it  was 
thought  advisable,  in  compliance  with  a resolution  of  the  House  of 
R presentatives,  founded  on  an  act  of  Congress,  to  propose  to  the 
British  government  an  expedient  which  should  be  free  from  that  ob- 
jection. and  more  effectual  for  the  object,  by  making  it  piratical.  In 
that  mode,  the  enormity  of  the  crime  would  place  the  offenders  out 
of  the  protection  of  their  government,  and  involve  no  question  of 
search,  or  other  question,  between  the  parties,  touching  their  respective 
rights.  It  was  believed,  also,  that  it  would  completely  -suppress  the 
t ale  in  the  vessels  of  both  the  parties,  and  by  their  respective  citi- 
zens and  subjects,  in  those  of  other  powers  with  whom,  it  was  ho- 
ped, that  the  odium  which  would  thereby  be  attached  to  it,  would 
produce  a corresponding  arrangement,  and  by  means  thereof,  its  entire 
extirpation  forever.  A convention  to  this  effect  was  concluded  and 
signed  in  London,  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  March,  one  thousand, 
eight  hundred,  and  twenty-four,  by  plenipotentiaries  duly  authorized 
by  both  governments,  to  the  ratification  of  which  certain  obstacles 
have  arisen,  which  are  not  yet  entirely  removed.  The  difference  be- 
tween the  parties  still  remaining  has  been  reduced  to  a point  not  of 
sufficient  magnitude,  as  is  presumed,  to  be  permitted  to  defeat  an  ob- 
ject so  near  to  the  heart  of  both  nations,  and  so  desirable  to  the 
friends  of  humanity  throughout  the  world. — [Message  to  Congress, 
Dec.  7,  1824. 

I have  no  hesitation  to  declare  it  as  my  opinion,  that  tho  Indian 
title  was  not  affected  in  the  slightest  circumstance  by  the  compact 
with  Georgia,  and  that  there  is  no  obligation  on  the  United  States  to 
remove  the  Indians  by  force.  The  express  stipulation  of  the  com- 
pacts that  their  title  should  be  extinguished  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States,  when  it  may  be  done  peacebh / and  on  reasonable  con- 
ditions, is  a full  proof  that  it  was  tfee  clear  and  distinct  understand- 
ing of  both  parties  to  it,  that  the  Indians  had  a right  to  the  territory, 
In  the  disposal  of  which  they  were  to  be  regareded  as  free  agents. — 
Special  Message,  April  1,  1824. 


4* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


SAMUEL.  L.  MITCHELL 

By  the  wise  policy  of  our  [New-York]  legislature,  the  shackles 
of  feudal  bondage  have  been  knocked  off,  and  our  citizens,  who  feel 
nothing  of  vassalage  or  servitude,  act  with  the  spirit  of  freemen. — 
The  abrogation  of  the  laws  of  entails  and  of  primogeniture,  has  had 
the  most  happy  effect  in  rendering  easy  the  division  and  alienation 
of  real  property,  whereby  the  natural  right  of  every  man  to  a cer- 
tain part  of  .the  earth’s  surface,  which,  in  former  times,  had  been 
violently  and  unjustly  wrested  from  the  greatest  part  of  those  who 
had  advanced  much  above  barbaric  rudeness,  is  restored,  arid  with  it 
that  mediocrity  of  condition  which  hears  with  honest  indignation  the 
“ monstrous  faith  of  many  made  for  one.”  7’hc  allodial  and  socage 
tenures  of  our  lands,  by  giving  free  scope  to  purchasers,  and  undi- 
vided protit  to  cultivators,  have  paved  the  way  to  more  virtue  and 
happiness,  than  all  the  mines  of  Peru  and  Mexico  ever  have  afforded. 

Upon  calculations  and  estimates  fairly  made,  it  appears  that  the 
profits  of  plantations  must  be  enormous  to  support  a slave  cultivation. 
The  income  of  a rice,  an  indigo,  a sugar  or  a tobacco  estate,  has 
been  great  enough  in  the  newly  cultivated  lands  of  some  of  the 
Southern  States  and  West  India  Islands,  to  admit  of  this  mode  of 
management.  But  at  present  the  profits  seem  not  so  prodigious  as 
they  have  heretofore  been.  The  dearness  of  West  India  sugars,  the 
prohibition  of  new  importations  of  slaves  in  some  places,  and  the 
introduction  of  the  plough  instead  of  the  hoe,  all  indicate  the  decline' 
of  slavery,  and  all  prove  it  to  he  less  and  less  the  true  interest  of  the 
planters  to  conduct  their  business  in  the  old  way.  Where  the  pro- 
duce of  a farm  is  bread — corn,  flax,  hemp,  grass,  and  live  stock,  the 
profits  are  moderate,  and  the  labor  of  free  men  is  generally  prefer- 
red, as  most  consistent  with  good  economy  : accordingly,  in  the 
northern  states,  slavery  is  entirely  abolished.  It  appears  from  the 
great  depreciation  and  frequent  manumissions  of  slaves  in  this  state, 
that  our  fellow  citizens  are  becoming  convinced  of  the  same  truth 
by  experience.  Upon  taking  a survey  of  the  slave-hold  ■ rs  with  whom 
I am  acquainted,  I find  those  who  have  the  greatest  numbers  to  be 
men  of  considerable  hereditary  estates  in  land,  or  of  a handsome  ca- 
pital acquired  by  manage  or  bequest,  but  I cannot  name  an  instance 
of  a man  of  small  property  ever  getting  rich  upon  the  profits  of 
slave-labor.  Therefore  the  kitchen  establishments  of  those  who  keep 
fifteen  or  twenty  negroes,  are  not  to  be  considered  as  matters  of  re- 
venue, but  of  expense,  just  after  the  manner  of  a stud  of  supernu- 
merary horses,  kept  either  to  indulge  the  pride  or  gratify  the  preju- 
dice of  their  owner.  It  is  to  a Sbnviction  of  the  impolicy  and  ex- 
pensiveness of  this  kind  of  service,  rather  than  to  any  rporal  or  re- 
ligious consideration  on  the  subject,  that  the  decline  of  slavery  is- 
principally  to  be  attributed. — Oration  before  the  New-York  State' 
Agricultural  Society,  Jan.  10.  1792. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

“ In  one  of  your  gazettfes,  I find  an  association  against  the  slavery 
of  negroes,  which  seems  to  be  worded  in  such  a way  as  to  give  no  of- 
fence to  the  moderate  men  in  the  southern  states.  As  I have  ever  been 
partial  to  my  brethren  of  that  color,  1 wish,  if  you  are  in  the  socie- 
ty, you  would  move,  in  your  own  name,  for  my  being  admitted  on 
the  list.” — Letter  to  Hamilton,  from  La  Fayette. 

This  association,  emanating  from  one  previously  formed  in  Phila- 
delphia, was  composed  of  individuals,  of  whom  the  most  active  were 
members  of  the  society  of  Friends.  At  its  second  meeting  Jay  was 
chosen  president,  and  a committee  raised,  of  which  Hamilton  was 
chairman,  to  devise  a system  for  effecting  its  objects. 

Believing  that  the  influence  of  such  an  example  would  be  auspici- 
ous, he  proposed  a resolution  that  every  membe*of  the  society  should 
manumit  his  own  slaves. 

He  never  owned  a slave  ; but  on  the  contrary,  having  learned  that 
a domestic  whom  he  had  hired  was  about  to  be  sold  by  her  master,  he 
immediately  purchased  her  freedom. — Life  by  John  C.  Hamilton. 


NATHANIEL  CHIPMAN. 

Notwithstanding  the  antiquity  of  Slavery,  and  confirmed  as  it  is, 
and  has  been,  by  the  civil  institutions  of  so  many  countries,  we  can- 
not hesitate  to  say,  it  is  supported  by  no  right,  no  principle,  acknow- 
ledged by  the  laws  of  Nature ; that  it  is  inconsistent  with  all  natural 
right ; — the  right  of  personal  liberty,  of  personal  security,  and  of 
private  property, — all  are  violated  or  rather  annihilated  in  the  person 
of  the  slave.  Not  only  does  it  violate  rights  and  principles  allowed 
natural,  but  it  fails  in  that  safe  and  sure  test  of  every  law  of  Nature, 
and  of  all  civil  institutions  as  founded  in  those  laws,  its  tendency  to 
promote  the  general  interest  and  happiness  of  the  society  where  it 
prevails,  as  well  as  of  mankind  in  general.  Its  general  tendency 
is,  in  every  just  view,  directly  the  reverse, — so  generally  is  this  now 
understood,  that  to  attempt  the  proof,  would  be  as  tedious  as  it  is  un- 
necessary. 

Stiil  there  is  an  important  distinction  between  this  and  other  kinds 
of  property.  The  right  of  the  master  in  the  slave  is  truly  a mere 
•civil  and  not  a natural  right.  The  right  of  the  owner  in  the  common, 
Co  v 1 may  say,  natural  subjects  of  property  is  a natural  right  and  is 
■"•  i vy  here  respected  and  supported  by  the  laws  of  Nature  as  well  as 
-jf  soi-wty.  The  right  of  the  master  ceases  the  moment  he  passes 
with  Inis  slave  into  a country  or  state,  where  there  is  no  law  or  cus- 
tom to  support  it;  or  unless,  as  in  the  United  States,  there  is  some 
provision  :c  protect  his  property  in  the  slave  accompanying  him.  So 
a slave  escaping  into  such  a slate  becomes  free,  unless  a provision 
have  been  made,  enabling  the  master  to  reclaim  him.  But  if  a slave 
•owner  remove  with  his  slave  into  a state  to  reside  where  there  is  no 
law  to  protect  his  right,  it  ceases  at  once,  and  the  slave  becomes  ipso 
facto  free;  because  the  laws  of  that  state  protect  all  men  alike  in  their 
natural  rights. — Principles  of  Government. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Patrick  Henry. — Another  thing  will  contribute  to  bring  general 
emancipation  about.  Slavery  is  detested. — We  feel  its  fatal  effects. 
We  deplore  it  with  all  the  pity  of  humanity.  I repeat  it  again,  that  it 
would  rejoice  my  very  soul  that  every  one  of  my  fellow  beings  was 
emancipated.  As  we  ought  with  gratitude  to  admire  the  decree  of 
Heaven,  which  has  numbered  us  among  the  free,  we  ought  to 
lament  and  deplore  the  necessity  of  holding  our  fellow-men  in 
bondage. 

DANIEL  D.  TOMKINS. 

To  devise  the  means  for  the  gradual  and  ultimate  extermination 
from  amongst  us  of  slavery,  that  reproach  of  a free  people,  is  a work 
worthy  the  representatives  of  a polished  and  enlightened  nation. 

Allow  me  here  to  observe,  that  the  law  which  authorizes  the  trans- 
portation of  slaves  convicted  of  ofic.-.ces,  is  very  generally  considered 
impolitic  and  unjust.  * Impolitic,  because  it  cherishes  inducements  in 
the  matter,  to  whom  alone  these  unfortunate  creatures  can  look  for 
friendship  and  protection,  to  aggravate,  to  teuint,  or  to  entrap  the  slave' 
into  an  error — to  operate  upon  his  ignorance  or  his  fears,  to  confess  a 
charge,  or  to  withhold  from  him  the  means  ot  employing  counsel  for 
defence,  or  of  establishing  a reputation  which  is  frequently  the  only 
shield  against  a criminal  allegation.  This  inducement  will  be  pecu- 
liarly strong,  where  the  slave  is  of  that  description,  the  sale  of  which 
is  prohibited  ; for  a conviction  will  enable  the  master  to  evade  that 
restriction,  and  to  make  a lucrative  disposition  of  what  might  other- 
wise be  a burthen  to  him.  It  is  unjust,  because  transportation  is  added 
to  the  full  sentence  whichmay  be  pronounced  upon  others.  To  inflict 
less  punishment  for  the  crimes  of  those  who  have  always  breathed  the 
air  of  freedom,  who  have  been  benefited  by  polished  society,  and  by 
literary,  moral,  and  religious  instruction  and  example,  than  to  the  pas- 
sions and  frailities  of  the  poor,  untutored,  unrefined,  and  unfortunate 
victims  of  slavery,  is  a palpable  inversion  of  a precept  of  our  blessed 
Redeemer.  The  servant  “that  knew  not,  and  did  commit  things 
worhty  of  stripes,  shall  be  beaten  with  few  stripes ; for  unto  whom- 
soever much  is  given,  of  him  shall  he  much  required.” — Speech  to  JVeio 
York  Legislature,  Jan.  S,  1812. 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

[On  December,  18,  1S14,  Genrai.  Jackson  issued  in  the  French 
language  the  following.'] 

Address  to  the  Free  People  ok  Color. 

Soldiers  ! When  on  the  banks  of  the  Mobile,  I called  you  to  take 
up  arms,  inviting  you  to  partake  the  perils  and  glory  of' your  white 
fellow-citizens,  I expected  much  from  you  ; for  I was  not  ignorant 
that  you  possessed  qualities  most  formidable  to  an  invading  enemy. 
I knew  with  what,  fortitude  you  could  endure  hunger  and  thirst,  and' 
all  the  fatigues  of  a campaign.  I knew  well  how  you  loved  your 
native  country,  and  that  you  had,  as  well  as  ourselves,  to  defend 
what  man  holds  most  dear — his  parents,  relations,  wife,  children,  and' 


JOSEPH  STORY DANIEL  WEBSTER. 


property.  You  have  done  more  than  I expected.  In  addition  to  the 
previous  qualities  I before  knew  you  {o  possess,  I found,  moreover, 
among  you  a noble  enthusiasm,  which  leads  to  the  performance  of 
great  tilings. 

Soldiers  ! The  President  of  the  United  States  shall  hear  how 
praiseworthy  was  your  conduct  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  the  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  American  people  will,  I doubt  not,  give  you  the 
praise  your  exploits  entitle  you  to.  Your  general  anticipates  them  in 
applauding  your  noble  ardor. 

' f he  enemy  approaches ; his  vessels  cover  our  lakes ; our  brave 
citizens  are  united,  and  all  contention  has  ceased  among  them.  Their 
only  dispute  is  who  shall  win  the  prize  of  valor  or  who  the  most  glory, 
its  noblest  reward. 

By  Order. 

THOMAS  BUTLER,  Aid-de-camp. 
JOSEPH  STORY. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  is  also  authorized  to  employ 
our  armed  vessels  and  revenue  cutters  to  cruise  on  the  seas  for  the 
purpose  of  arresting  all  vessels  and  persons  engaged  in  this  traffic  in 
violation  of  our  laws  ; and  bounties  as  well  as  a moiety  of  the  cap- 
tured property  are  given  to  the  captors  to  stimulate  them  in  the  dis- 
charge of  their  duty. 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  mightwell  be  supposed  that  the  slave- 
trade  would  in  practice,  be  extinguished— that  virtuous  men  would  by 
their  abhorrence,  stay  its  polluted  march,  and  nicked  men  would  be 
overawed  bv  its  potent  punishment.  But  unfortunately  the  case  is  far 
otherwise.  We  have  but  too  many  melancholy  proofs  from  unques- 
tionable sources,  that  it  is  still  carried  on  with  all  . the  implacable  fero- 
citv  and  insatiable  rapacity  of  former  times.  Avarice  has  grown  more 
subtle  in  its  evasion  ; and  watches  and  seizes  its  prey  with  an  appetite 
quickened,  rather  than  suppressed,  by  its  guilty  vigils.  American 
citizens  are  steeped  up  to  their  very  mouths  (1  scarcely  use  too  bold  a 
figure)  in  this  stream  of  iniquity.  They  throng  the  coast  of  Africa 
under  the  stained  flags  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  sometimes  selling 
abroad  “their  cargoes.of  despair,”  and  sometimes  bringing  them  into 
some  of  our  southern  ports,  and  there  under  the  forms  of  the  law  de- 
feating the  purposes  of  the  law  itself,  and  legalizing  their  inhuman  but 
profitable  adventures.  I wish  I could  say  that  New  England  and 
New  England  men  were  free  from  this  deep  pollution.  But  there  is 
some  reason,  to  believe,  that  they  who  drive  a loathsome  traffic,  “and 
buv  the  muscles  and  the  bones  of  men,”  are  to  be  found  here  also.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  the  number  is  small ; but  our  cheeks  may  well  burn  with 
shame  while  a solitary  case  is  permitted  to  go  unpunished. — From 
Judge  Story's  Chirge  to  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  U.  S.  Circuit  Court,  in 
Portsmouth , A’.  H.,  May  Term,  1820. 

DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

If  there  be,  within  the  extent  of  our  knowledge  and  influence,  any 
participation  in  this  traffic  in  slaves,  let  us  pledge  ourselves  upon  the 


Jtf.  Y.  LEGISLATURE VV.  WIRT J.  RANDOLPH. 


Rock  of  Plymouth,  to  extirpate  and  destroy  it.  It  is  not  fit  that  ti 
land  of  the  pilgrims  should  bear  the  shame  longer.  Let  that  spot  l. 
purified,  or  let  it  be  set  aside  from  the  Christian  world  ; let  it  be  pi 
out  of  the  circle  of  human  sympathies  and  human  regards;  and  It 
civilized  men  henceforth  have  no  communion  with  it. 

I invoke  those  who  till  the  seats  of  justice,  and  all  who  minister  £ 
her  altar,  that  they  exercise  the  wholesome  and  necessary  severity  o 
the  law.  I invoke  the  ministers  of  our  religion,  that  they  proclaim  it 
denunciation  of  those  crimes,  and  add  its  solemn  sanction  to  th 
authority  of  human  laws.  If  the  pulpit  be  silent,  whenever  or  whet 
ever  there  may  be  a sinner,  bloody  with  this  guilt,  within  the  hearm; 
of  its  voice,  the  pulpit  is  false  to  its  trust. 

NEW  YORK  LEGISLATURE. 


jW 


tin 

■V: 

bHe> 


On  the  20th  day  of  January,  1820,  the  following  preamble  and  re 
solutions  were  taken  up  in  the  senate  (having  passed  the  house)  of  the 
New-York  Legislature,  and  unanimously  passed.  [Mr.  Van  Buren 
who  was  then  in  the  senate  of  that  state,  voted  in  favor  of  them.] 

Whereas,  the  inhibiting  the  further  extension  of  slavery  in  .the'  4 
United  States,  is  a subject  of  deep  concern  to  the  people  of  this  state : 
and  whereas,  we  consider  slavery  as  an  evil  much  to  be  deplored,  and 
that  every  constitutional  barrier  should  be  interposed  to  prevent  its]  ** 
further  extension  ; and  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  clearly!  ; 5 
gives  congress  the  right  to  require  new  states,  not  comprised  within  1 
the  original  boundary  of  the  United  States,  to  make  the  prohibition  of 
slavery  a condition  of  their  admission  into  the  Union : Therefore, 

Resolved,  (if  the  honorable  senate  concur  therein)  That  our  senators]  I 1 
be  instructed,  and  our  members  of  congress  be  requested,  to  oppose  1 
the  admission  as  a state  into  the  Union,  of  any  territory  not  comprised  :! 
as  aforesaid,  without  making  the  prohibition  of  slavery  therein  an  in-  ! 
dispensable  condition  of  admission. 


WILLIAM  WIRT. 


k 


Slavery  was  contrary  to  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nations  and  that  i : 1] 
the  law  of  South  Carolina,  concerning  seizing  colored  seamen,  was  R 
unconstitutional.  * * * * Last  and  lowest,  afeculum  of  beings  tlL 

called  overseers — the  most  abject,  degraded,  unprincipled  race — 1 f“ 
always  cap  in  hand  to  the  dons  who  employ  them,  and  furnishing 
materials  for  their  pride,  insolence,  and  love ' of  dominion. — Life  of 
Patrick  Plenry.  ! , 


JOHN  RANDOLPH. 


Dissipation,  as  well  as  ■power  or  prosperity  hardens  the  heart,  but 
avarice  deadens  it  to  every  feeling*  but  the  thirst  for  riches.  Avarice 
alone  could  have  produced  the  slave-trade.  Avarice  alone  can  drive, 
as  it  does  drive,  this  infernal  traffic,  and  the  wretched  victims,  like  so 
many  posthorses,  whipped  to  death  in  a mail  coach.  Ambition  has 
its  cover-sluts,  in  the  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance  of  glorious  war; 
but  where  are  the  trophies  of  avarice?  The  handcuff,  the  manacle, 


1 


ti 


THOMAa  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH. 


ind  the  blood-stained  cowhide  ! What  man  is  worse  received  in  society 
‘for  being  a bat'd  master  ? Who  denies  the  hand  of  a sister  or  daughter 
*0  such  monsters  ? — nay,  they  have  even  appeared  in  “ the  abused 
diape  of  the  vilest  of  women.”  I say  nothing  of  India  or  Amboyna — 
it  Cortez,  or  Pizarro. — Southern  Literary  Messenger. 

[In  March,  I S 16,  John  Randolph  submitted  the  following  resolution 
o the  House  of  Representatives:]  “'Resolved,  That  a committee  be 
Appointed,  to  inquire  into  the  eitistence  of  an  inhuman  and  illegal 
raffle  of  slaves,  carried  on  in  ana  through  the  District  of  Columbia, 
nd  to  report  whether  any,  and  what  measures  are  necessary  for  put- 
ing  a stop  to  the  same.” 

“ Virginia  is  so  impoverished  by  the  system  of  slavery,  that  the 
lbles  will  sooner  or  later  be  turned,  and  the  slaves  will  advertise  lor 
, unaway  masters.” 

“ Sir,  I neither  envy  the  head  nor  the  heart  of  that  man  from  the 
iforth,  who  rises  here  to  defend  slavery  upon  principle.” — Rebuke  of 
Idward  Everett,  in  Congress,  1820. 

“ 3.  I have  upwards  of  two  thousand  pounds  sterling  in  the  hands 
f Baring,  Brothers  & Co.,  of  London,  and  upwards  of  one  thousand 
ounds  of  like  money  in  the. hands  of  Gowan  and  Marx  ; this  money 
leave  to  my  executor,  Wm.  Leigh,  as  a fund  for  earring  into  execu- 
on  my  will  respecting  my  slaves.” 

“I  give  to  my  slaves  their  freedom,  to  which  my  conscience  tells  me 
Aaey  are  justly  entitled.  It  lias  a long  time  been  a matter  of  the  deepest 
egret  to  me,  that  the  circumstances  under  which  1 inherited  them,  and 
, he  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  have  prevented 
3 iv  emancipating  them  in  my  lifetime,  which  it  is  my  full  intention  to 
a in  case  I can  accomplish  it.”  • 

The  codicil  goes  on  to  make  provision  for  his  servants  John  and 
ife,  and  for  Juba  and  his  wife,  and  another  woman  : — “And  I 
5rebv  request  (says  he)  the  General  Assembly  (the  only  request  that 
'ever  preferred  to  them,)  to  let  the  above  named  and  such  other  of  my 
d and  faithful  slav>  s as  desire  it,  to  remain  in  Virginia;  recommend- 
2 tiiem  each  and  all  to  the  care  of  my  said  execute- , who  I know  is 

0 wise,  just  and  humane  to  send  them  to  Liberia,  or  any  other  place 
Africa  or  the  West  Indies.” — Cod.  Jan.  1826. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON  RANDOLPH. 

1 agree  with  gentlemen  m the  necessity  of  arming  the  state  for 
ternal  defence.  I will  unite  with  them  in  any  effort  to  restore  con- 
lence  to  the  public  mind,  and  to  conduce  to  the  sense  of  the  safety 
1"  our  wives,  and  our  children.  Yet  sir,  I must  ask,  upon  whom  is 

fall  the  burden  of  this  defence?  not  upon  the  lordly  masters  of  their 
mdred  slaves,  who  will  never  turn  out  except  to  retire  with  their 
milies  when  danger  threatens.  No,  sir;  it  is  to  fall  upon  the  less 
ealthy  class  of  our  citizens ; chiefly  upon  the  non-slaveholder.  I have 
lown  patrols  turned  out  where  there  was  not  a slaveholder  among  them, 
id  this  is  the  practice  cr  the  country.  I have  slept  in  times  of  alarm 
lietly  in  bed,  withw.c  having  a thought  of  care,  while  these  indi- 


I 


GOVERNOR  RANDOLPH. 

victuals,  owning  none  of  this  property  themselves,  were  patrolling 
tinder  a compulsory  process,  for  a pittance  of  seventy-five  cents  per 
twelve  hours,  the  very  curtilage  of  my  house,  and  guarding  that  pro- 
perly, which  was  alike  dangerous  to  them  and  myself.  After  all,  this 
is  but  an  expedient.  As  this  population  becomes  more  numerous,  it 
becomes  less  productive.  Your  guard  must  be  increased,  until  finally 
its  profits  will  not  pay  for  the  expense  of  its  subjection.  Slavery  has 
the  effect  of  lessening  the  free  population  of  a country. 

The  gentlemen  has  spoken  of  the  increase  of  the  female  slaves 
being  a part  of  the  profit ; it  is  admitted : but  no  great  evil  can  be 
averted,  no  good  attained,  without  some  inconvenience.  It  may  be 
questioned,  how  far  it  is  desirable  to  foster  and  encourage  this  branch 
of  profit.  It  is  a practice,  and  an  increasing  practice  in  parts  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  rear  slaves  for  market.  How  can  an  honorable  mind,  a patriot, 
and  a lover  of  his  country,  bear  to  see  this  ancient  dominior,  rendered 
illustrious  by  the  noble  devotion  and  patriotism  of  her  sons  in  the 
cause  of  liberty,  converted  in  one  grand  menagerie,  where  men  are  to 
be  reared  for  the  market,  like  oxen  for  the  shambles.  Is  it  better,  is  it 
not  worse,  than  the  slave-trade  ; that  trade  which  enlisted  the  labor 
of  the  good  and  wise  of  every  creed,  and  every  clime,  to  abolish  it  V 
The  trader  receives  the  slave,  a stranger  in  language,  aspect  and  man- 
ner, from  the  merchant  who  has  brought  him  from  the  interior.  The 
ties  of  father,  mother,  husband  and  child,  have  all  been  rent  in  twain ; 
before  he  receives  him,  his  soul  has  become  callous.  But  here,  sir, 
individuals,  whom  the  master  has  known  from  infancy,  whom  he  has 
seen  sporting  in  the  innocent  gambols  of  childhood,  who  have  been 
accustomed  to  look  to  him  for  protection,  he  tears  from  the  mother’s 
arms,  and  sells  into  a strange  country,  among  strange  people,  subject 
to  cruel  taskmasters. 

He  has  attempted  to  justify  slavery  here,  because  it  exists  in  Africa, 
and  has  stated  that  it  exists  all  over  the  world.  Upon  the  same  prin- 
ciple, he  could  justify  Mahometism,  with  its  plurality  of  wives,  petty 
wars  for  plunder,  robbery  and  murder,  or  any  other  of  the  abominations 
and  enormities  of  savage  tribes.  Does  slavery  exist  in  any  part  of 
civilized  Europe?  No  sir,  in  no  part  of  it.— Speech  in  the  Virginia 
Legislature. 

GOVERNOR  RANDOLPH. 

The  deplorable  error  of  our  ancestors  in  copying  a civil  institution 
from  savage  Africa,  has  affixed  upon  their  posterity  a depressing  bur- 
den, which  nothing  but  the  extraordinary  benefits  conferred  by  our 
happy  climate,  could  have  enabled  us  to  support.  We  have  been  far 
outstripped  by  states,  to  whom  nature  has  been  far  less  bountiful.  It 
is  painful  to  consider  what  might  have  been,  under  other  circumstances, 
the  amount  of  general  wealth  in  Virginia,  or  the  whole  sum  of  com- 
fortable subsistence  and  happiness  possessed  by  all  her  inhabitants. — 
Address  to  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  in  1S20. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


WILLIAM  YATES. 

By  the  freehold  qualification  now  affixed  to  the  right  of  voting  by 
colored  citizens  of  the  state  of  New-York,  a large  number  of  the 
people  of  the  state,  who,  from  1777,  when  the  old  constitution  was 
formed,  for  forty-five  years  had  enjoyed  the  right  of  voting,  on  the 
same  terms  as  white  citizens,  were  disfranchised.  The  odious  prin- 
ciple of  making  discriminations  among  men,  on  the  ground  of  color, 
was  established  ; and,  by  engrafting  it  into  the  fundamental  law  of 
the  state,  a monument  of  injustice  has  been  reared,  which  will  take 
years  to  demolish. 

The  convention  of  1821,  contained  as  large  a number  of  men  of 
the  first  order  of  mind  and  attainments,  as  any  similar  body  ever  as- 
eembled  in  the  United  State_s.  And  it  is  a trait  worthy  of  notice,  in 
the  members  of  that  assembly,  that  the  most  respectable,  the  purest 
and  best,  were  found  on  the  side  of  the  colored  people.  It  would  be 
invidious,  perhaps,  to  discriminate  among  the  living,  though  we 
could  point  to  such  men  as  a Chancellor  Kent,  a Jay,  and  Van  Rens- 
selaer. But  in  regard  to  the  dead,  many  of  the  worthiest  and  ablest 
in  that  body  are  now  of  that  number.  And  of  these  are  Jonas  Platt, 
and  Win.  W.  Van  Ness,  both,  when  living.  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  Rufus  King,  long  a senator  of  the  United  States,  and  Abra- 
ham Van  Vechten,  in  life  the  well  known  patriarch  of  the  New-York 
Bar,  all  of  whom,  and  others  who  might  be  named,  advocated  the 
rights  of  the  people  of  color.  The  first  vote  was  63  to  59  for  pre- 
serving their  rights. — Rights  of  Colored  Men. 

NATHAN  SANFORD. 

Here  there  is,  but  one  estate — the  people.  And,  to  me,  the  only 
qualification  seems  to  be,  their  virtue  and  morality.  If  they  may  be 
safely  trusted  to  vote  for  one  class  of  rulers,  why  not  for  all  ? The 
principle  of  the  scheme  now  presented,  is,  that  those  who  bear  the 
burdens  of  the  state  shall  choose  those  that  rule  it ; and  we  wish  to 
carry  it  almost  as  far  as  our  male  population.  It  is  the  scheme  which 
has  been  proposed  by  a majority  of  the  committee,  and  they  think  it 
safe  and  beneficial. 

PETER  A.  JAY. 

It  was  not  expected  that  this  right  of  suffrage  was  in  any  instance 
to  be  restricted,  much  less  was  it  anticipated,  or  desired,  that  a sin- 
gle person  was  to  be  disfranchised.  Why,,  sir,  are  these  men  to  be 
excluded  from  rights  which  they  possess  in  common  with  their  coun- 
trymen ? What  crime  have  they  committed  for  which  they  are  to 
be  punished  ? Why  are  they,  who  were  born  as  free  as  ourselves, 
natives  of  the  same  country,  and  deriving  from  nature  and  our  po- 
litical institutions  the  same  rights  and  privileges  which  we  have,  now 
to  be  deprived  of  all  those  rights,  and  doomed  to  remain  for  ever  as 
aliens  among  us  ? We  are  told,  in  reply,  that  other  states  have  set 
us  the  example.  It  is  true  that  other  states  treat  this  race  of  men 
with  cruelty  and  injustice,  and  that  we  have  hitherto  manifested  to- 
wards them  a disposition  to  be  just  and  liberal.  Yet  even  in  Vir- 


5 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ginia  and  North  Carolina,  free  people  of  color  are  permitted  to  vote, 
and  if  I am  correctly  informed,  exercise  that  privilege.  In  Penn- 
sylvania,  they  are  much  more  numerous  than  they  are  here,  and 
there  they  are  not  disfranchised,  [altered  in  1838,]  nor  has  any  incon- 
venience been  felt  from  extending  to  all  men  the  rights  which  ought 
to  be  common  to  all. 

ROBERT  CLARKE. 

Free  people  of  color  are  included  in  the  number  which  regulates 
your  representation  in  congress,  and  I wish  to  know  how  freemen 
can  be  represented  when  they  are  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  voting 
for  representatives.  The  constitution  says,  “ representatives  and  di- 
reot  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  different  states,  according 
to  the  inhabitants  thereof,  including  all  fi^e  persons,”  &c.  All  colors 
and  complexions  are  here  included.  It  is  not  free  “ white”  persons. 
No  sir,  our  venerable  fathers  entertained  too  strong  a sense  of  justice 
to  countenance  such  an  odious  distinction.  Now,  sir,  taking  this  in 
connexion  with  the  declaration  of  independence,  I think  you  cannot 
exclude  them  without  being  guilty  of  a palpable  violation  of  every 
principle  of  justice.  We  are  usurping  to  ourselves  a power  which  we 
do  not  possess  ; and  by  so  doing,  deprive  them  of  a privilege  to  which 
they  are,  and  always  have  been,  justly  entitled — an  invaluable  right 
— a right  in  which  we  have  prided  ourselves  as  constituting  our  su- 
periority over  every  other  people  on  earth — a right  which  they  have 
enjoyed  ever  since  the  formation  of  bur  government — the  right  of  suf. 
frage.  And  why  do  we  do  this?  Instead  of  visiting  the  iniquities  of 
these  people  upon  them  and  their  children,  we  are  visiting  their  mis- 
fortunes upon  them  and  their  posterity  unto  (he  latest  generation. 

Li  this  very  house,  in  the  fall  of  1814,  a bill  passed,  receiving  the 
approbation  of  all  the  branches  of  your  government,  authorizing  the 
governor  to  accept  the  services  of  a corps  of  2000  free  people  of  color. 
Sir,  these  were  times  which  tried  men’s  souls.  In  these  times  it  was 
no  sporting  matter  to  bear  arms.  These  were  times  when  a man  who 
shouldered  his  musket,  did  not  know  but  he  bared  his  bosom  to  re- 
ceive a death  wound  from  tiie  enemy  ere  he  laid  it  aside  ; and  in  these 
times,  these  people  were  found  as  ready  and  as  willing  to  volunteer 
in  your  service  as  any  other.  They  were  not  compelled  to  go,  they 
were  not  drafted.  .No,  yourpride  had  placed  them  beyond  your  com- 
pulsory power.  But  there  was  no  necessity  for  its  exercise  ; they 
were  volunteers  ; yes  sir,  volunteers  to  defend  from  the  inroads  and 
ravages  of  a ruthless  and  vindictive  foe,  that  very  country  which  had 
treated  them  with  insult,  degradation,  and  slavery.  Volunteers  arc 
the  best  of  soldiers  ; give  me  the  men,  whatever  be  their  complexion, 
that  willingly  volunteer,  and  not  those  who  are  compelled  to  turn 
out ; such  men  do  not  fight  from  necessity,  nor  from  mercenary  mo- 
tives, but  from  principle.  Such  men  formed  the  most  efficient  corps 
for  your  country’s  defence  in  the  late  war  ; and  of  such  consisted  the 
crews  of  your  squadrons  on  Eric  and  Champlain,  who  largely  con- 
tributed to  the  safety  and  peace  of  your  country,  and  the  renown  of 
■ her  arms.  Yet,  strange  to  tell,  such  are  the  men  whom  you  seek  to 
degrade  and  oppress. 


THE  LEGION  OE  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  KENT. 

There  was  much  difficulty  in  the  practical  operation  of  the  princi- 
ple involved  in  the  use  of  the  word  white.  What  shall  be  the  crite- 
rion in  deciding  upon  the  different  shades  of  color.  The  Hindoo  and 
Ciilnese  are  called  yellow — the  Indian  red — shall  these  be  excluded, 
should  they  come  and  reside  among  us  ? Great  efforts  were  now 
making  in  the  Christian  world  to  enlighten  and  improve  their  condi- 
tion, and  he  thought  it  inexpedient  to  erect  a barrier  that  should  ex- 
clude them  for  ever  from  the  enjoyment  of  this  important  right. 

He  was  disposed,  however,  jo  annex  such  qualifications  and  con- 
ditions as  should  prevent  them  from  coming  in  bodies  from  other 
states  to  vote  at  elections. 

Slavery  existed  in  this  stale  at  the  time  of  the  revolution,  and  yet 
it  was  not  recognized  in  the  constitution.  There  was  no  such  thing 
known  in  the  constitution  of  the  non-slave-holding  states,  with  the 
exception  of  Connecticut,  as  a denial  to  the  blacks  of  those  electoral 
privileges  that  were  enjoyed  by  the  whites.  In  Europe,  the  distinc- 
tion of  color  was  unknown.  The  judges  of  England  said,  even  so 
long  ago  as  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  that  the  air  of  England  was 
too  pure  for  a slave  to  breathe  in.  The  same  law  prevails  in  Scot- 
land, Holland,  France,  and  most  of  the  other  kingdoms  of  Europe. 

ABRAHAM  VAN  VECHTEN. 

We  are  precluded  from  denying  heir  citizenship,  by  our  uniform 
recognition  for  more  than  forty  years — nay  some  of  them  were  citi- 
zens when  tills  state  came  into  political  existence — partook  in  our 
struggle  for  freedom  and  independence,  and  were  incorporated  into 
the  body  politic  at  its  creation.  As  to  their  degradation,  that  had 
been  produced  by  the  injustice  of  white  men,  and  it  docs  not  be- 
come those  who  have  acted  so  unjustly  towards  them,  to  urge  the 
result  of  that  injustice  as  a reason  for  perpetuating  then-  degradation 
The  period  has  elapsed  when  they  -were  considered  and  treated  as 
tlie  lawful  property  of  their  masters.  Our  legislature  has  duly  re- 
cognised their  unalienable  right  to  freedom  as  rational  and  accounta- 
ble beings.  This  recognition,  and  the  provision  made  by  law  for  the 
gradual  melioration  of  their  condition,  bv  necessary  implication,  ad- 
mit their  title  to  the  native  and  acquired  rights  of  citizenship. 

Do  our  prejudices  against  their  color  destroy  their  rights  as  citi- 
zens ? Whence  do  those  prejudices  proceed  ? Are  they  founded  in 
impartial  reason,  or  in  the  benevolent  principles  of  our  holy  religion  ? 
Nay,  are  they  indulged  in  cases  where  the  services  of  men  of  color 
are  desirable  ? Do  we  not  daily  see  them  working  side  by  side  with 
white  citizens  on  our  farms,  and  on  our  public  highways  ? Is  it  more 
derogatory  to  a white  citizen  to  stand  by  the  side  of  a citizen  of  color 
in  the  ranks  of  the  militia,  than  in  repairing  a highway,  or  in  labor- 
ing on  a farm  ? Again,  are  not  people  of  color  permitted  to  par- 
ticipate in  our  most  solemn  religious  exercises — to  sit  down  w’ith  us 
at  the  same  table  to  commemorate  the  dying  love  of  the  Saviour 
of  sinners  ? This  will  not  be  denied  by  any  one  who  has  been  iri 
the  habit  of  attending  those  exercises,  and  those  religious  solemni- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIEEETT. 


ties.  And  what  is  the  conclusion  to  which  this  fact  directs  us  ? Is 
it  not  that  people  of  color  are  our  fellow  candidates  for  immortality.  ■ 
and  that  the  same  path  of  future  happiness  is  appointed  for  them  anct  ] 
us — and  that  in  the  final  judgment  the  artificial  distinction  of  color  j 
will  not  be  regarded  ? How  then  can  that  distinction  justify  us  in 
taking  front  them  any  of  the  common  rights  which  every  other  free 
citizen  enjoys? 

There  is  another,  and  to  my  mind,  an  insuperable  objection  to  the  . 
exclusion  of  free  citizens  of  color  from  the  right  of  suffrage,  arising 
from  the  provision  in  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  “ that 
the  citizens  of  each  state  shall  be  enticed  to  all  privileges  and  immu. 
nities  of  citizens  in  the  several  states.”  The  effect  of  this  provision 
is,  to  secure  to  the  citizens  of  the  other  states,  when  they  come  to 
reside  here,  equal  p ivileges  and  immunities  with  our  native  citizens. 
Suppose,  then,  that  a free  citizen  of  color  should  remove  from  tho 
state  of  Connecticut  into  this  state,  couid  we  deny  him  the  right  of 
suffrage  when  he  obtained  the  legal  qualification  of  an  elector  ? Is 
not  the  constitution  of  the  United  S' ate?  paramount  to  ours  on  the 
subject  ? 

It  was  expected  by  a considerable  portion  of  the  people  of  this 
6tate,  that  the  right  of  suffrage  would  ho  extended,  but  he  had  not 
heard  that  it  was  expected  or  desired  (except  by  some  of  the  citizens 
of  New-York,)  that  any  of  the  present  electors  of  this  state  should 
be  disfranchised.  lie  should,  therefore,  vote  for  striking  out  tho 
word  white  in  the  amendment  before  the  committee,  in  order  to  re- 
serve inviolate  the  present  constitutional  rights  of  the  electors. 

JONAS  PLATT. 

Our  republican  text  is,  that  all  men  are  born  equal,  in  civil  and 
political  rights  ; and  if  this  freehold  proviso  be  ingrafted  into  our  con- 
stitution, the  practical  commentary  will  be,  that  a portion  of  our 
fiee  citizens  shall  not  enjoy  equal  rights  with  their  fellow  citi- 
zens. All  freemen,  of  African  parentage,  are  to  be  constitutionally 
degraded  : no  matter  how  virtuous  or  intelligent.  Test  the  principle, 
sir,  by  another  example.  Suppose  the  proposition  were,  to  make  a 
discrimination,  so  as  to  exclude  the  descendants  of  German,  or  Low 
Dutch,  or  Irish  ancestors ; would  not  every  man  be  shocked  at  tho 
horrid  injustice  of  the  principle  ? It  is  in  vain  to  disguise  the  fact, 
we  shall  violate  a sacred  principle,  without  any  necessity,  if  we  re- 
tain tiiis  discrimination.  We  say  to  this  unfortunate  race  of  men, 
purchase  a freehold  estate  of  .^250  value,  and  you  shall  then  be  equal 
to  the  white  man,  who  parados  one  day  in  the  militia,  or  performs  a 
day’s  work  on  the  highway.  Sir,  ic  is  adding  mockery  to  injustice. 
We  know  that,  with  rare  exceptions,  they  have  not  the  means  of 
purchasing  a freehold  ; and  it  would  be  unworthy  of  this  grave  con- 
vention to  do,  indirectly,  an  act  of  injustice,  which  we  are  unwil- 
ling openly  to  avow.  The  real  object  is,  to  exclude  the  oppressed 
and  degraded  sons  of  Africa  ; and,  in  my  humble  judgment,  it  would 
better  comport  with  the  dignity  of  this  convention  to  speak  out,  and 
to  pronounce  the  sentence  of  perpetual  degradation  on  negroes  and 


THE  LEC-IO>'  Or  LIBERTY. 


I'nei:  posterity  for  ever,  than  to  establish  a test,  which  wc  know  they 
cannot  comply  with,  and  which  we  do  not  require  of  others. 

But,  sir,  we  owe  to  that  innocent  and  unfortunate  race  of  men, 
much  more  than  mere  emancipation.  We  owe  to  them  our  patient 
and  persevering  exertions,  to  elevate  their  condition  and  character, 
by  means  of  moral  and  religious  instruction.  As  a republican  states- 
man, I protest  against  the  principle  of  inequality  contained  in  this 
proviso.  As  a man  and  a father,  who  expects  justice  for  himself 
and  his  children,  iu  this  world  ; and  as  a Christian,  who  hopes  for 
mercy  in  the  world  to  come  : I can  not,  I dare  not,  consent  to  this 
unjust  proscription.  9 

DAVID  BUEL,  Jun. 

There  are,  in  my  judgment,  many  circumstances  which  will  for 
•ever  preserve  the  people  of  this  state  from  the  vices  and  degradation 
of  a European  population.  The  provisions  made  for  the  establish- 
ment of  common  schools,  will  in  a few  years  extend  the  benefit  of 
education  to  all  our  citizens.  The  universal  diffusion  of  information 
will  forever  distinguish  our  population  from  that  of  Europe.  Virtue 
and  intelligence  are  the  true  basis  on  which  every  republican  govern- 
ment must  rest ; where  these  are  lost,  freedom  will  no  longer  exist. 
The  diffusion  of  education  is  the  only  sure  means  of  establishing 
lhese  pillars  of  freedom.  I feel  no  apprehension  for  myself  or  my 
posterity,  in  confining  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the  great  mass  of  such 
a population.  The  farmers  of  this  country  will  always  out-number 
all  other  portions  of  our  population. 

And  I refer  to  the -general  reasoning  adopted  by  the  writers  of  the 
"Federalist,  to  demons')  ate  tire  wisdom  of  the  provisions  in  our  na- 
tional constitution,  in  regard  to  the  qualifications  of  electors  and 
elected.  Those  illustrious  statesmen  have  most  satisfactorily  shown 
:t  tube  a prominent  f ire  in  the  conslitu.ion  of  the  United  States, 
and  one  of  its  greatest  excellencies,  that  orders  and  classes  of  men 
would  nor,  and  ought  not,  as  such,  to  bo  represented:  that  every 
citizen,  qualified  by  Ids  talents  and  virtues,  should  bo  eligible  to  a 
real  in  either  branch  of  the  national  legislature,  without  regard  to 
his  occupation  or  class  in  society.  And  it  was  predicted  and  expected 
that  men  of  every  class  and  profession,  would  find  their  way  to  the 
legislature  of  the  union.  The  framers  of  the  constitution  placed  their 
confidence  in  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  great  mass  of  tho 
American  people.  It  was  their  triumphant  boast  to  have  formed  a 
government  without  recognizing  or  creating  any  odious  distinctions, 
ur  giving  any  particular  preference  to  any  particular  class  or  order 
of  men. — Debates  in  the  New-Yorle  Convention , 1821, 

KEZEKIAH  NILES. 

T is  expressly  provided  (Art.  iv.  Sec.  2.)  by  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  '•  that  the  citizens  of  each  state  shall  be  entitled  to  all 
the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  states.”  This 
is  a very  simple,  plain,  and  imperative  sentence.  Free  blacks  and 
mulatloes  are  citizens  in  ail  the  states,  I believe,  east  of  the  Dela- 
ware, as  well  as  in  the  states  northwest  of  the  river  Ohio,  and  they 


5* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


cannot  be  dispossessed  of  the  right  to  locate  themselves  where  they 
please.  11 

The  constitution  of  the  United  States  equalizes  the  privileges  of  . 
the  citizens  of  the  states,  without  respect  to  color,  or  the  countries 
from  whence  they  may  be  derived.  This  principle  must  be  main-  j - 
tained.  The  few  free  blacks  and  mulattoes  in  the  United  States  are  ; | 1 
not  to  be  considered. — It  is  the  disfranchisement  of  citizens  who  are 
citizens,  and  cannot  be  disfranchised.  Shall  we  open  the  door  to 
what  may  become  the  foulest  proscriptions  ? — Niles  Register,  1S20. 

Dealing  in  slaves  has  become  a large  business  ; establishments  are 
made  in  several  places  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  at  which  they  are  J 
sold  like  cattle  ; these  places  of  depute  are  strongly  built  and  well 
supplied  with  thumb-screws  and  gags,  and  ornamented  with  cow-skins 
and  other  whips  often  times  bloody. — Vol.  35. 


MYRON  HOLLEY. 

It  has  become  fashionable  with  many,  of  late,  to’degrade  the  word 
political  into  a signification  narrow,  sordid,  grovelling,  selfish,  and 
personal.  This  is  because  those,  who  have  chiefly  controlled  politi- 
cal action,  have  betrayed  it  to  services  charaotized  by  these  epithets. 
It  should  have,  and  may  have,  a much  higher  meaning ; and  must 
be  practically  restored  to  its  best  significance,  or  the  memory  of  our 
fathers  and  the  hopes  of  their  children  will  perish. 

Principles  do  not  take  effect  without  agency.  In  this  life,  men 
have,  at  least  for  a time,  power  to  set  them  up,  and  power  to  cast 
them  down.  Under  neglect,  they  become  useless.  Local  interest 
and  personal  ambition,  often  unite  to  set  them  aside.  Hence  the 
maxim,  that  the  price  of  liberty  is  eternal  vigilance.  This  price  we 
have  not  paid.  We  have  been  devoted  to  less  valuable  engagements. 
The  consequence  is,  our  liberties  are  greatly  impaired.  The  first 
step,  towards  their  reparation  and  confirmation,  is  a thorough  survey 
of  the  foundation  on  which  they  rest.  This  foundation  is  composed 
of  the  doctrines  of  ’76. — Rochester  Freeman. 


JOHN  C.  SPENCER. 

The  very  insertion  of  the  clause  (1st,  Art.  1st  Sect.  9,)  showed 
that  without  it  the  power  of  Congress  would  have  been  complete  and 
unlimited ; and  the  restriction  of  the  power  being  confined  to  the 
states  then  existing,  demonstrated  that  the  power  of  congress  over 
new  states  was  perfect  and  uncontrolled.  He  was  happy  to  be  able 
to  quote  higher  authorities  for  this  construction.  In  the  debate  in 
the  Pennsylvania  Convention,  which  will  be  found  in  4th  Hall’s 
American  Law  Journal,  the  venerable  Judge  Wilson  had  given  a lu- 
cid and  satisfactory  explanation  of  this  clause  : he  declares  that  it  is 
intended  to  restrict  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  old  states  until 
1808 ; that  after  that  period  the  migration  and  importation  of  slaves  | 
could  be  prohibited  altogether,  and  that  in  the  meanwhile  no  new  ' 
state  would  be  admitted  without  prohibiting  the  introduction  of  slavery. 
He  states  the  clause  to  have  been  the  result  of  compromise  between  : 


J.  C.  SPEJJCER. 


the  north  and  the  south,  and  he  congratulates  his  colleagues  on  hav 
ing  obtained  so  much.  Authority  more  decided  can  hardly  be  ex- 
pected, especially  when  it  is  recollected  that  it  is  a contemporaneous 
exposition  of  the  intention  of  the  framers  of  the  constitution,  being 
made  in  the  year  1787,  by  one  of  the  most  distinguished  in  that  band 
of  illustrious  statesmen.  In  addition  to  this,  we  have  the  testimony 
of  the  venerable  patriot,  John  Jay,  in  a letter  lately  made  public, 
which  is  equally  explicit.  And  that  exalted  statesmen  (Rufus  King,) 
whom  we  have  lately,  with  unexampled  unanimity,  elected  to  the 
senate  of  the  United  States,  has  not  only  given  evidence  the  most 
clear  and  decisive  to  the  same  point,  but  has  presented  a mass  of  in- 
valuable facts,  which  show  that  there  could  have  been  no  other  inten- 
tion in  the  minds  of  the  framers  of  the  constitution,  than  that  which 
has  been  ascribed  to  them.  If,  then,  the  plain  and  obvious  meaning 
of  the  words  themselves  required  the  sanction  of  authority,  we  have 
it  from  men  who  were  actors  in  the  scene,  and  who  were  intimately 
acquainted  with  men  and  the  events  of  the  day. 

Shall  it  (the  south-western  territory,)  be  doomed  to  the  foul  stain 
of  slavery,  or  shall  it  be  the  abode  of  freedom  and  independence  ? 
It  was  purchased  by  the  common  fund  of  the  nation,  to  which  the 
state  of  New- York  has  contributed  more  than  §100,000,000.  Shall 
we  and  our  children  be  excluded  from  its  common  and  equal  enjoy- 
ment ? That  this  will  be  the  inevitable  effect  of  allowing  slavery 
there,  is  easily  shown. 

Those  who  have  had  any  acquaintance  with  the  slave-holding  states, 
know  perfectly  well  that  there  exists  among  them  but  two  classes  of 
society,  the  very  wealthy  and  respectable,  and  the  poor,  servile  and 
degraded  ; that  in  them,  the  most  useful  portion  of  our  citizens  which 
we  call  the  middle  class  is  unknown ; labor  being  confined  to  the 
blacks,  shares  in  the  contempt  and  degradation  of  those  who  perform 
it,  and  the  consequence  is  that  personal  labor  is  despised — the  imme- 
diate effect  is  that  a white  man  must,  either  be  the  owner  of  slaves,  or 
must  become  degraded  to  their  level,  or  below  it.  Such  is  the  uni- 
form and  constant  effect  in  those  states  where  a large  portion  of  the 
population  consists  of  slaves.  If,  therefore,  slavery  be  admitted  into 
this  portion  of  the  union,  it  will  be  a virtual  exclusion  of  the  northern 
emigrant.  The  state  of  Illinois  and  the  territory  of  Missouri,  con- 
trasted only  by  the  one  rejecting  slavery  and  the  other  practically  ad- 
miting  it,  offered  a practical  proof  of  the  correctness  of  these  remarks. 
Would  it  not  then  be  unjust  in  Congress  to  pass  any  law  which,  by 
its  operation  would  exclude  the  northern  inhabitants  from  the  common 
and  equal  enjoyment  of  a property  purchased  by  a common  fund? 

I go  further  than  the  gentleman  from  Delaware,  (Erastus  Root,) 
on  this  subject.  He  says  that  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence in  this  state  constitution,  renders  slavery  unconstitutional. 
I contend  that  the  first  act  of  our  nation,  being  a solemn  recognition 
of  the  liberty  and  equality  of  all  men,  and  that  the  rights  of  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  were  inalienable,  was  the  corner 
stone  of  our  confederacy,  and  is  above  all  constitutions,  and  all  laws. 
■ — Speech  in  New-York  Legislature,  1820. 


HENRY  CLAY — JOHN  Q.  AEAM3, 


HENRY  CLAY. 

As  a mere  laborer,  tire  slave  feels  that  he  toils  for  his  master,  and 
not  tor  himself;  that  the-  laws  do  not  recognise  his  r apacity  to  acquire 
and  hold  property,  which  depends  altogether  upon  the  pleasure  of  his 
proprietor,  and  that  all  the  fruits  of  his  exertions  are  reaped  by  othefs. 
He  knows  that,  wb  tiler  sick  or  tveil,  in  times  of  scarcity  or  abun- 
dance, his  master  is  hound  to  provide  for  him  by  the  all-powerful  influ- 
ence of  self-interest.  He  is  generally,  therefore,  indifferent  lo  the 
adverse  or  prosperous  fortunes  of  his  master,  being  contented  if  he  can 
escape  his  displeasure  or  chastisement,  by  a careless  and  slovenly 
performance  of  his  duties. 

That  labor  is  best,  in  which  the  laborer  knows  that  he  will  derive 
the  profits  of  his  industry,  and  his  employment  depends  upon  his  dili- 
gence, and  his  reward  upon  his  assiduity.  lie  (hen  has  every  motive 
to  excite  him  to  exertion,  and  to  animate  him  in  perseverance.  He 
knows  that  if  ho  i.'  troatt-d  badly,  he  can  exchange  his  employer  for 
one  who  will  better  estimate  his  service  ; and  that  whatever  ho  earns 
is  his,  to  be  distributed  by  himself  as  he  pleases,  among  his  wife  and 
children,  and  friends,  or  enjoyed  by  himself.  In  a word,  lie  feels  that 
he  is  a free  agent,  with  lights,  and  privileges,  and  sensibilities; 

Wherever  the  option  cxisis  to  employ,  at  an  equal  hire,  free  or  slave 
labor,  the  former  w ill  be  decidedly  preferred,  for  the  r<  aeons  already 
assigned.  It  is  more  capable,  more  diligent.,  more  faithful,  and  in 
every  respect  more  worthy  of  confidence. 

It  is  believed  that  nowhere  in  the  fanning  portion  of  the  United 
States  would  slave  labor  he  generally  employed,  if  the  proprietor  were 
uot  tempted  to  raise  slaves  by  the  high  price  of  the  southern  market, 
which  keeps  it  up  iu  his  own. 

[Speaking  of  an  attempt  more  than  thirty-five  years  ago,  io  adopt 
gradual  emancipation  in  Kentucky,  Mr.  Clay  says:] 

VrC  were  cv:  rpoVvered  by  numbers,  and  submit!  d to  the  d vision 
of  the  majority  w :h  ■ grace  -.v! . i !.  the  mle.dnty,  in -a  republic,  should 
over  yl  M to  such  .a  decision.  1 have  tu.'.v.riheioss  rev.r  e*.?::!,  and 
never  shall  ceacv,  to  regret  a decision,  the  of  which  hate  been, 

to  place  us  in  the  rear  of  our  neighbors,  v.  ho  are  exempt  Horn  slavery,  in 
the  state  of  agriculture,  the  progress  of  'manufactures,  the  advance  of 
improvement,  and  the  general  prosperity  of  society. — Address  before  Iks 
Colon  ization  S&ei  sly. 

JOHN  G.UINCY  ADAMS. 

Not  three  days  since,  Mr.  Clayton,  of  Georgia,  called  that  species 
of  population  (via.  slaves)  tho  machinery  of  the  South.  Now  that 
machinery  had  twenty  odd  representatives*  in  that  hall, — not  elected 
by  the  machinery,  but  by  those  who  owned  it.  And  if  he  should  go 
back  to  the  history  of  this  government  from  its  foundation,  it  would  he 
easy  to  prove  that  its  decisions  had  been  affected,  in  general  by  tess 

[■*  There  are  now  twenty-five  odd  representatives— that  is,  representatives 
ef  si 3 res  ] 


DUFF  GREEN JOSEPH  RITNER. 


majorities  than  that  Is  ay,  he  might  go  further,  and  insist  that  that 
very  representation  had  ever  been,  in  fact,  the  ruling  power  of  this 
government. 

The  history  of  the  Union  lias  afforded  a continual  proof  that  tliis 
representation  of  property,  which  they  enjoy,  as  well  in  the  election 
of  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  as  upon  the 
floor  of  trie  House  of  Representatives,  has  secured  to  the  slaveholding 
states  the  entire  control  of  the  national  policy,  and,  almost  without 
exception,  the  possession  of  the  highest  executive  office  of  the  Union. 
Always  united  in  the  purpose  of  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  whole 
Union  bv  the  standard  of  the  slaveholding  interest,  their  disproportion- 
ate numbers  in  the  electoral  colleges  have  enabled  them,  in  ten  out  of 
twelve  quadriennial  elections,  to  confer  the  Chief  Magistracj'  upon  one 
of  their  own  citizens.  Their  suffrages  at  every  election,  without  ex- 
ception, have  been  almost  exclusively  confined  to  a candidate  of  their 
own  caste. — Speech  in  Congress,  Feb.  4,  1S33. 

GENERAL  DUFF  GREEN. 

W e are  of  those  who  believe  the  South  has  nothing  to  fear  from  a 
servile  war.  We  do  not  believe  that  the  abolitionists  intend,  nor 
could  they,  if  they  would,  excite  the  slaves  to  insurrection.  The  dan- 
ger of  tins  is  remote.  We  believe  that  we  have  most  to  fear  from 
the  organized  action  upon  the  consciences  and  fears  of  slaveholders 
themselves  ; from  the  insinuations  of  their  dangerous  heresies  into  our 
schools,  our  pulpits,  and  our  domestic  circles.  It  is  only  by  alarming 
the  consciences  of  the  weak  and  feeble,  and  diffusing  among  our  own 
people  a morbid  sensibility  on  the  question  of  slavery,  that  the  aboli- 
tionists can  accomplish  their  object.  Preparatory  to  this,  they  are  now 
laboring  to  saturate  the  non-slaveholding  states  with  the  belief  that 
slavery  is  a sin  against  God ; that  the  “ national  compact”  involves 
tile  non-slaveholders  in  that  sin  ; and  that  it  is  their  duty  to  toil  and 
suffer,  that  our  country  may  be  delivered  from  what  they  term  its 
blackest  stain,  its  foulest  reproach,  its  deadliest  curse. — Southern 
Review. 

JOSEPH  RITNER. 

Last,  but  worst  of  all,  came  the  base  bowing  of  the  knee  to  the  dark 
spirit  of  slavery. 

For  the  preservation  of  tliis  last  and  most  cherished  article  of  our 
national  political  creed,  the  sacrifice  of  which  has  not  yet  been  com- 
pleted, it  is  our  duty  to  make  all  possible  effort. 

To  ascertain  what  have  been,  nay,  what  are  the  doctrines  of  the 
people  of  this  slate,  on  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery,  reference  need 
only  be  made  to  the  statute  book  and  journals  of  the  legislature.  They 
will  be  found  imprinted  in  letters  of  light  upon  almost  every  page.  In 
J,  Smith’s  Laws,  493,  is  found  an  “act  for  the  gradual  abolition  of 
slavery  in  Pennsylvania,”  with  a preamble  which  should  be  printed 
in  letters  of  geld.  This  is  the  first  act  of  the  kind  passed  in  any  part 
of  the  Union,  and  was  nobly  put  forth  to  the  world,  in  the  year  1780, 


JOSEPH  RITNER. 


in  the  midst  of  the  straggle  for  national  freedom.  This  just  doctrine 
was,  through  a long  course  of  years,  adhered  to  and  perfected,  till 
slavery  ceased  in  our  state.  And  finally,  in  1S27,  the  following  open 
avowal  of  the  state  doctrine,  was  prefaced  to  the  act  “ to  prevent  cer- 
tain abuses  of  the  laws  relative  to  fugitives  from  labor.”  “ The  traffic 
in  slaves,  now  abhorred  by  all  the  civilized  world,  ought  not  in  the 
slightest  degree  to  be  tolerated  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania.” — Pam- 
phlet Laics,  page  485. 

Not  only  has  Pennsylvania  thus  expelled  the  evil  from  her  own  bor 
ders,  but  she  has  on  all  proper  occasions,  endeavored  to  guard  her 
younger  sisters  from  the  pollution.  On  the  19th  of  December,  1S19, 
the  following  language  was  unanimously  made  use  of  by  the  legisla- 
ture, and  approved  of  by  the  governor,  on  the  question  of  admitting 
new  states  into  the  Union,  with  the  right  of  holding  slaves. 

“ That  the  senators  and  representatives  of  this  state,  in  the  congress 
of  the  United  States,  be,  and  they  are  hereby  requested  to  vote  against 
the  admission  of  any  territory  as  a stats  into  the  U:  a,  unless  the 
further  introduction  of  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude,  ■.  ::c  pt  for  the 
punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con- 
victed, shall  be  prohibited,  and  all  children  born  within  the  said  terri- 
tory after  its  admission  into  the  Union  as  a state,  shall  be  iiee,  but 
may  be  held  to  service  until  the  age  of  twenty-five  years.” 

The  preamble  to  this  resolution,  too  long  to  be  cited  at  large,  is 
worthy  of  all  consideration  at  the  present  juncture. 

On  the  much  discussed  question  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, there  never  has  been  any  thing  like  hesitation.  On  the  23a  of 
January,  1819,  the  legislature  passed  a resolution  instructing  our 
representatives  in  congress  to  advocate  the  passage  of  a law  for  its 
abolition  ; and  the  voice  of  public  opinion,  as  expressed  through  the 
press,  at  meetings,  and  in  petitions,  has  been  unchanging  on  the 
subject. 

These  tenets,  then,  viz : opposition  to  slavery  at  home,  which,  by 
the  blessing  of  Providence,  lias  been  rendered  effectual  ; opposition 
to  the  admission  into  the  Union  of  new  slaveholding  states;  and 
opposition  to  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  very  hearth  and 
domestic  abode  of  the  national  honor — have  ever  been,  and  are  the 
cherished  doctrines  of  our  state.  Let  us  fellow-citizens,  stand  by  and 
maintain  them  unshrinkingly  and  fearlessly.  While  we  admit  and 
scrupulously  respect  the  constitutional  rights  of  other  states,  on  this 
momentous  subject,  let  us  not,  either  by  fear  or  interest,  be  driven  from 
aught  of  that  spirit  of  independence  and  veneration  for  freedom,  which 
has  ever  characterized  our  commonwealth. 

Above  all,  let  us  never  yield  up  the  right  of  free  discussion  of  any 
evil  which  may  arise  in  the  land  or  any  part  of  it : convinced  that  the 
moment  we  do  so,  the  bond  of  union  is  broken.  For  the  union  being 
a voluntary  compact  to  continue  together  for  certain  specified  purposes, 
the  instant  one  portion  of  it  succeeds  in  imposing  terms  and  dictating 
conditions  upon  another,  not  found  in  the  contract,  the  relation  between 
them  changes,  and  that  which  was  union  becomes  subjection. — J Mes- 
sage to  Pennsylvania  Legislature , 1836. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


CHARLES  SIMMONS. 

If  no  more  than  one  in  ten  of  the  1,244,000  slaves  who  are  sup- 
posed to  bo  “ merchantable”  should  be  crushed  annually  under  the 
horrid  system,  and  be  cut  oft’  from  no  more  than  ten  years  upon  an 
average,  and  if  we  suppose  this  time  to  be  worth  no  more  than  25 
cents  each  working  day,  or  78  dollars  a year,  it  amounts  to  a pecu- 
niary loss  of  over  ,$97,000,000  annually.  But  it  is  quite  possible  that 
this  estimate  of  one  in  ten  is  too  low  by  half ; for  we  can  scarcely 
conceive  any  thing  more  crushing  to  both  body  and  mind,  than 


slavery,  with  its  shocking  cruelties. 

62,200  recruits,  at  §>600  each §137,320,000 

41,466  overseers,  cost  §>400  each, 16,586,400 

By  124,400  premature  deaths, 97,032,000 

Other  expenses, 16,586,400 


§>167,524,800 

The  impoverishing,  evil  tendency  and  effects  of  slavery  are  to  be 
seen  in  the  wide  spread  bankruptcy,  the  diminished  value  of  estates, 
the  worn  out  plantations,  the  prostration  of  the  currencies,  the  mise- 
rable state  of  society,  and  other  evils  which  are  now  severely  expe- 
rienced in  slave  states,  and  others,  according  to  the  nature  and  ex- 
tent of  their  governmental  and  commercial  connections  with  them. 
It  is  said  the  slave  states  of  this  union  are  now  indebted  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  state  of  New-York  alone,  about  §>100,000,000 — a large 
majority  of  which  will  probably  remain  forever  unpaid.  Verily  1 the 
robbery  of  the  wicked  shall  destroy  them.’  Should  any  think  the 
above  estimate  of  the  impoverishing  tendency  and  effects  of  slavery 
exaggerated,  I ask  them  to  read  over  Mr.  Preston’s  speech,  delivered 
a few  years  since  at  Baltimore,  on  his  return  from  his  northern  tour, 
in  which  lie  contrasted  the  staie  of  the  north  with  the  south.  I ask 
them  to  cast  an  eye  to  the  present  contrast  between  New-York  and 
Virginia — or  Ohio  and  Kentucky. 

Thus  it  appears,  that  without  calculating  the  congressional  ex- 
penses occasioned  by  slavery — its  baneful  influence  upon -the  morals 
and  manners  of  the  nation — the  loss  of  the  time  of  slaves  while  in 
jail,  or  in  recovering  from  horrid  scourgings,  and  without  reckoning 
the  gain  on  estates  by  emancipation,  we  have  an  annual  loss  by  means 
of  slavery,  of  over  §>167,000,000.— Annual  cost  of  Slavery. 


CHARLES  RIDLEY 

“ By  his  last  will  and  testament,  he  emancipated  all  his  slaves.  The 
number  is  variously  estimated  at,  from  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  up- 
wards of  four  hundred  ! ! It  is  understood,  that  all  of  them,  who 
have  attained  the  age  of  twenty-eight  years,  are  to  be  free  immediate- 
ly— such  as  are  over  forty-five,  to  have  some  provision  made  for  their 
support,  out  of  his  estate.  Those  of  the  younger  class  are  to  be  free, 
the  males  at  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  and  the  females  at  twenty, 
five. 

Taking  all  things  into  view,  we  consider  it  one  of  the  most  praise- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


worthy  deeds  that  we  can  recollect,  of  the  kind,  in  the  annals  of  oui 
country.  Gen.  Ridgely  has  long  been  known  as  a very  influential  • 
character  in  Maryland.  For  several  years,  he  acted  as  governor  of 
the  state  ; and  few  men  have  taken  upon  themselves  a greater  share 
of  the  burthen  of  public  business  than  he  has  done. 

He  was  often  heard  to  express  his  uneasiness  at  the  circumstance 
of  keeping  so  many  of  his  fellow-creatures  in  unlimited  and  heredf  • 
tary  bondage  ; and,  we  have  good  grounds  to  suppose  that  it  was  a 
sense  of  religious,  as  well  as  moral  and  political  duty,  that  prompted  ' 
him  to  the  performance  of  this  just,  humane,  and  pious  deed.” — G. 
IF  E.  Aug.  1829. 


JOHN  BLACK. 

Surely  the  writer  must  deserve  well  of  slave-holders,  who  has  en- 
deavored  to  wipe  off  their  reproach,  and  reconcile  slavery  with  Chris- 
tianity. But  if  he  has  actually  succeeded,  will  not  the  Bible  be  the 
loser  ? Will  not  deists  triumph  ? Sensible  deists  and  bible  defenders 
have  heretofore  agreed  on  some  first  principles.  That  there  is  such 
a thing  as  moral  justice — that  there  is  such  a thing  as  virtue,  and 
that  there  is  an  eternal  and  irreconcilable  difference  between  moral 
right  and  wrong.  That  whatever  subverts  or  destroys  these  princi- 
ples cannot  be  a revelation  from  God.  I confess,  much  as  I love  the 
Bible,  and  if  I know  my  own  heart,  I love  it,  my  faith  in  its  being 
tlie  revealed  will  of  God,  would  be  sorely  shaken  if  I believed  that  it 
approved  of  slavery,  tyranny,  despotism,  or  the  destruction  of  the 
rights  of  man.  Certain  I am,  that  in  language  clear  as  noon  day, 
it  condemns  all  these. 


THEODORE  SEDGWICK. 

I have  ever  thought  the  protestations  of  the  southern  people  against 
a free  discussion  of  the  subject  of  slavery,  as  being  an  improper  in- 
terference  with  their  “ peculiar  institutions”  as  wholly  destitute  of 
foundation  in  law,  in  the  constitution,  or  in  proper  practices  of  a 
free  government.  And  as  I take  this  right  to  be  unquestionable,  and 
the  opposition  to  it  as  slavish  and  odious  ; in  my  own  person  I shall 
ever  defend  it,  and  I will  here  take  the  liberty  of  stating  the  grounds 
upon  which,  in  my  opinion,  the  defence  ought  to  be  put — a subject 
which  I fear  is  not  thoroughly  understood.  The  constitution  is  a 
charter  of  freedom ; the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  of  speech,  are  the 
great  pillars  upon  which  the  whole  fabric  rests.  But  this  is  not  all. 
The  constitution  in  providing  for  its  amendment,  has  by  that  act 
alone  guarantied  the  fullest  discussion  of  every  principle  contained  in 
it — for,  how  can  any  thing  be  amended  without  being  considered,  and 
how  can  anything  be  considered  without  being  discussed  ? 

It  is  not  true,  that  slavery  is  the  “ peculiar  institution”  of  the 
south ; it  is  our  institution  also,  we  have  allowed  it ; we  have  con 
sented  that  slave  property  shall  be  represented ; that  it  shall  in  part 
choose  our  representatives,  senators,  and  president ; it  is  a part  of 
the  compact.  But  it  is  a part,  an  article  of  the  constitution  that 


T.  SEDGWICK. 


may  be  amended  ; and  it  is  clear,  that  every  attempt  to  abolish  sla- 
very is  virtually  an  endeavor  to  amend  the  constitution.  Abolition 
meetings,  therefore,  can  have  no  other  design  than  to  induce  the 
slave-holding  states  to  consent  for  our  mutual  benefit  to  abolish  this 
part  of  the  compact,  and  thus  ensure  emancipation.  There  are 
other  grounds  upon  which  it  is  impossible  to  consider  the  discussion 
of  American  slavery  as  unconstitutional,  or  opposed  to  the  principles 
which  bind  us  together.  Slavery  in  every  form  is  anti-democratic, 
not,  to  be  sure,  according  to  the  creeds  or  slang  of  party,  but  accord- 
ing to  those  eternal  principles,  which  will  survive  all  party.  And  I 
must  confess,  that  I long  since  hoped,  that  this  question  might  have 
been  so  treated,  as  to  be  removed  from  all  party  influence,  and  com- 
mitted to  that  great  mass  of  democratic  citizens  of  all  parties,  in 
whose  hearts  the  fire  of  liberty  is  ever  burning,  however  much  their 
judgments  may  for  a while  be  confounded  by  party  intrigue,  attach- 
ments, and  appeals.  Nor  do  I believe  that  abolition  doctrines  will 
make  any  sure  progress,  till  this  can  be  effected — till  slavery  is  con- 
sidered  in  its  true  light,  as  an  old  poison  left  in  the  veins  ; as  foster- 
ing the  worst  principles  of  aristocracy,  of  pride,  and  aversion  to  la- 
bor ; as  therefore  the  natural  enemy  of  the  poor  man,  the  oppressed 
man,  the  laboring  man.  In  this  sense,  it  is  not  a fanciful  question 
about  the  equality  of  the  black  and  white  races,  never  perhaps  to  be 
settled  to  the  satisfaction  of  all,  but  whether  absolute  dominion  over 
any  creature  in  the  image  of  a man,  be  a wholesome  power  in  a free 
country  ; whether  this  be  a school  in  which  to  train  the  young  re- 
publican mind  ; whether  slave  blood  and  free  blood  can  course  healthi- 
ly together  in  the  same  body  politic.  With  the  true  lovers  of  free- 
dom, therefore,  of  democratic  government,  of  the  race  of  man,  rich 
or  poor,  high  or  low,  and  the  sincere  haters  of  oppression,  and  of 
every  degree  of  privileged  inequality  and  cruelty,  there  can  be  no 
question  about  the  right  to  discuss  slavery.  Whatever  may  be  pre- 
sent appearances,  and  by  whatever  names  party  may  choose  to  call 
tilings,  this  question  must  finally  be  settled  by  the  democracy  of  the 
country.  It  is  plain  to  me,  therefore,  that  the  subject  ought  for  the 
present  at  least  to  be  transferred  from  congress  to  the  great  body  of 
the  people,  on  account  of  their  superior  purity,  disinterestedness,  and 
reasonableness,  great  a solecism  as  that  may  appear;  and  treated 
with  that  reason,  moderation,  and  generosity  which  is  due  to  our 
southern  brethren,  in  the  unhappy  predicament  in  which  they  are 
placed  ; and  in  such  a way,  that  the  pestilent  spirit  of  party,  which 
in  the  United  States  is  poisoning  the  minds  of  the  people,  perverting 
their  judgments,  and  degrading  the  nation  in  the  eyes  of  the  whole 
civilized  world,  may  not  touch  it. 


6 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY 


CHARLES  HAMMOND. 

“ In  three  years,  the  slave  population  of  Mississippi  increased  from 
10,000  to  1G0,000  slaves ! at  an  average  cost  of  at  least  $1,000  each  ! 
making  the  debt  for  slaves  alone,  in  three  years,  swell  to  $90,000,- 
000 ! ! From  1833  to  1837,  cotton  bore  an  exorbitant  high  price. 
This,  together  with  the  increased  force,  induced  the  planter  to  direct 
all  his  energy  to  its  cultivation,  relying  upon  purchasing  every  arti- 
cle of  consumption.  He  neglected  to  raise  his  corn  and  pork  ; he 
had  to  purchase  more  mules,  horses  and  ploughs,  open  more  lands, 
and  increase  his  hills  with  the  merchants,  whom  he  totally  neglected 
to  pay.  When  the  crash  came  in  May,  1838,  all  the  paper  held 
against  the  planter  by  the  merchants  or  nearly  all,  was  transferred 
to  the  banks,  or  sued  upon  by  the  merchants.  The  crowds  of  busi- 
ness in  the  different  courts  delayed  judgment,  and  when  judgment 
was  at  last  obtained,  the  sheriff!  and  marshals  could  find  nothing 
scarcely  to  levy  upon.  Bankruptcy  and  min  among  some  of  tho 
merchants  were  inevitable  ; and  in  their  fall  they  crushed  the  hanks. 

“A  change  has  taken  place.  By  a late  decision  in  the  federal 
court  aL  Jackson,  Mississippi,  all  contracts  for  slaves  since  May, 
1833,  are  made  null  and  void,  the  new  constitution  forbidding  the  in- 
troduction of  slaves  for  sale.  Two-thirds  of  the  present  debt  of  the 
state  is  for  slaves  bought  since  May,  1833.” — U S.  Gaietle. 

The  facts  disclosed  are  of  immense  importance,  in  wnatever  light 
they  may  be  viewed.  Their  bearing  upon  the  trade,  and  business  of 
the  country,  is  full  of  instruction.  But  their  political  developments 
are  of  most  interest.  With  this  revival  of  the  domestic  slave  trade, 
sprang  up  the  fury  of  the  south  against  all  movements  that  touched 
the  character  of  slavery.  It  became  the  era  of  new  and  strange  doc- 
trines, which  have  been  pushed  to  sad  extremities.  These  have  been 
mainly  directed  against  freedom  of  opinion,  and  unrestrained  dis- 
cussion. The  wide  spread  they  have  taken  has  filled  many  hearts 
with  sorrow  and  apprehension.  It  has  swelled  some  with  deep  in- 
dignation. But  the  doctrine  has  gained  force,  until  it  has  become  a 
kind  of  Sibboleth  in  polilical  party.  All  at  once  here  is  a revulsion. 
Tiie  veil  is  rent  assunder — and  tile  uniting  and  conflicting  interests 
stand  exposed  in  open  view. 

The  slave  trade  was  first.  The  slave  breeders  were  pleased  with  a 
ready  market,  at  good  prices.  The  slave  dealer  rejoiced  in  his  profits. 
The  cotton  grower  felt  delight  at  tiie  gainsome  expansion  of  his  cot- 
ton fields.  The  merchants  of  the  Atlantic  cities  counted  u > the  per 
cents  upon  (heir  sales,  and  their  profits  on  exchanges.  The  bank 
gloried  in  becoming  cotton  traders.  Of  a sudden,  all  these  lumina- 
tions  are  extinguished.  In  their  stead,  we  have  tho  hideous  crowd 
of  debtors  and  creditors,  described,  by  the  correspondent  of  the  United 
States  Gazette.  Of  these,  the  slave  trader  stood  foremost  in  exulta- 
tion. But  here  conies  a new  expounding  of  the  law.  The  slave 
trader  loses  his  debt.  His  bonds  and  mortgages  are  declared  void, 
because  the  product  of  an  illegal  trade.  And  the  slaves  subjected  to 
that  illegal  trade,  are  (or  should  be)  made  freemen,  by  the  law  that 
is  violated 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBEKTY. 


B.  FRANKLIN  WADE. 

He  would  like  to  know  what  clause  in  the  constitution  denied  to 
any  inhabitant  of  this  state  the  right  to  petition.  He  held  the  right 
to  be  inherent.  It  belonged  to  those  opposed  to  the  exercise  of  this 
right,  to  show  the  grounds  upon  which  they  based  their  doctrine  ; it 
was  a monstrous  doctrine  to  deny  to  any  human  being  the  right  to 
petition.  Did  they  base  it  upon  the  ground,  that  the  colored  popu- 
lation were  not  voters  ? The  same  objection  could  be  urged  against 
receiving  the  petition  of  females.  We  taxed  their  property,  and  sub- 
jected them  to  ail  the  pains  and  penalties  of  our  laws  ; how,  then, 
can  we  deny  them  the  right  to  petition  ? 

He  had  early  imbibed  and  believed  the  doctrine,  that  the  object  and 
end  of  all  good  government  was  to  protect  the  weak  against  the 
strong,  the  virtuous  against  the  vicious  ; and  while  he  saw  one  hu- 
man being  oppressed,  he  would  assert  the  right  of  that  individual  to 
petition  for  redress.  That  right,  as  he  had  said  before,  and  as  others 
had  ably  argued,  was  existent  in  all  countries,  in  common  law,  and 
prior  and  superior  to  all  written  constitutions. 

Some  have  argued  that  blacks  are  inferior  to  the  whites  : if  so, 
their  right  to  petition  and  claims  to  protection  were  the  stronger.  He 
was  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  man  : and  if  the  granting  of  an  act  oi 
incorporation  to  a few  individuals  '■>  establish  a school  for  the  lauda- 
ble purpose  of  elevating  the  moral  and  intellectual  character  of  those 
who  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  differ  from  us  in  color,  was  to  favor 
abolitionism,  he  should  stand  obnoxious  to  that  charge.  He  would 
point  gentlemen  to  that  instrument  [Declaration  of  Independencej 
hanging  on  the  wall,  aud  say  to  them,  if  they  will  trample  its  just 
and  holy  precepts  and  principles  beneath  their  feet,  tear  it  down,  and 
efface  it  from  existence,  for  it  was  there  only  as  an  evidence  and  a 
monument  of  their  degradation  1 — Speech  in  the  Ohio  Senate,  1839. 

ALEXANDER  CAMPBELL. 

I am  neither  an  apologist  for  American  slavery,  nor  an  advocate 
of  ins'ant  and  universal  emancipation  ; but  I am  for  doing  justice  to 
master  and  to  servant,  and  for  having  them  to  do  justice  to  one  an- 
other; I ain  for  approaching  hv  an  oc’ined  plain-  a ; hit  which,  to 
attempt  in  any  other  way  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  a great  injury  to 
master  and  servant,  and  would  increase  rather  than  diminish  the 
grievances  and  evils,  political  and  moral,  so  generally  complained 
of.  I am,  above  all,  for  having  Christians  (to  whom  alone  I address 
myself  on  this  subject)  who  have  servants  to  carry  out  all  the  injunc- 
tions given  to  them  in  the  New  Testament,  and  thus  to  promote  the 
present  and  the  future  happiness  of  those  whose  eternal  destiny  is  in 
a great  measure  entrusted  to  them  ; and  in  case  of  neglect  of  duty  in 
any  instance,  I am  for  having  them  called  to  an  account  for  it  by 
those  who  watch  for  their  souls  as  they  shall  have  to  answer  for  it  in 
the  great  day  of  accounts. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ST.  GEORGE  TUCKER. 

“ Slavery  not  only  violates  the  Laws  of  Nature,  and  of  civil  soci 
cty  ; it  also  wounds  the  best  forms  of  Government : in  a Democra 
cy,  where  all  men  arc  equal,  slavery  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the 
Constitution.’’ — Montesquieu. 

Among  the  blessings  which  the  Almighty  hath  showered  down 
on  these  states,  there  is  a large  portion  of  the  bitterest  draught,  that 
ever  flowed  from  the  cup  of  affliction.  Whilst  America  hath  been 
the  land  of  promise  to  Europeans,  and  their  descendants,  it  hath 
been  the  vale  of  death  to  millions  of  the  wretched  sons  of  Africa. 
The  general  light  of  liberty,  which  hath  here  shone  with  unrivalled 
lustre  on  the  former,  hath  yielded  no  comfort  to  the  latter,  but  to  them 
hath  proved  a pillar  of  darkness,  whilst  it  hath  conducted  the  for- 
mer to  the  most  enviable  state  of  human  existence.  Whilst  we 
were  offering  up  vows  at  the  shrine  of  Liberty,  and  sacrificing  he- 
catombs upon  her  altars  ; whilst  we  swore  irreconcilable  hostility 
to  her  enemies,  and  hurled  defiance  in  their  faces  ; whilst  we  adjur- 
ed the  God  of  Battles  to  witness  our  roso'ution  to  live  free,  or  die, 
arid  imprecated  curses  on  their  heads  who  refused  to  unite  with  us 
in  establishing  the  empire  of  freedom,  we  were  imposing  upon  our 
fellow  men,  who  differ  in  complexion  from  us,  a slavery,  ten  thou- 
sand times  more  cruel  than  the  utmost  extremi  y of  those  grievan- 
ces and  oppressions  of  which  we  complained.  Such  are  the  incon- 
sistencies of  human  nature  ; such  the  blindness  of  those  who  pluck 
not  the  beam  out  of  their  own  eyes,  whilst  they  can  espy  a mote  in 
the  eyes  of  their  brother ; such  that  partial  system  of  morality 
which  confines  rights  and  injuries  to  particular  complexions  ; such 
the  effect  of  that  self-love  which  justifies  or  condemns,  not  accord- 
ing to  principle,  but  to  the  agent.  Had  we  turned  our  eyes  inward- 
ly when  we  supplicated  the  Father  of  Mercies  to  aid  the  injured 
and  oppressed  ; when  we  invoked  the  Author  of  Righteousness  to 
attest  the  motives,  and  the  justice  of  our  cause;  and  implored  tho 
God  of  Battles  to  aid  our  exertions  in  its  defence,  should  we  not  have 
stood  more  self-convicted  than  the  contrite  publican  ? Should  we 
not  have  left  our  gift  upon  the  altar,  that  we  might  be  first  recon- 
ciled to  our  brethren  whom  we  held  in  bondage  ? Should  we  not 
have  loosed  their  chains  and  broken  their  fetters  ? Or  if  the  diffi- 
culties and  danger  of  such  an  experiment  prohibited  the  attempt  du- 
ring the  convulsions  of  a revolution,  is  it  not  our  duty  to  embrace 
the  first  moment  of  constitutional  health  and  vigor  to  effectuate  so 
desirable  an  object,  and  to  remove  from  us  a stigma,  with  which 
our  enemies  will  never  fail  to  upbraid  us,  nor  our  conscience  to  re- 
proach  us. 

If  ever  there  was  a cause,  if  ever  an  occasion,  in  which  all  hearts 
should  be  united,  every  nerve  strained,  and  every  power  exerted,  sure- 
ly the  restoration  of  human  nature  to  its  inalienable  rights  is  such. 
— Dissertation  on  Slavery,  Virginia. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERT" 


CASSIUS  M.  CLAY. 

The  tide  of  black  population,  which  under  the  law  of  1833,  and 
the  more  stringent  amendments  of  1840,  was  turned  away  from  our 
land,  is  to  sweep  with  more  than  Etnajan  desolation  among 
us.  The  blacks  are  to  kur^-  on  to  that  fast  approaching  crisis, 
when  they  shall  out-number  the  whites.  The  elysian  pros- 
pect of  South  Carolina  civilization,  woos  us  in  the  distance — each 
city,  and  town,  and  village,  and  cross-road,  shall  boast  its  maga- 
zine of  arms  ; not  to  repel  a foreign  invader,  but  to  crush  domestic 
insurrections — the  night  owl  shall  arouse  the  timid  female  and  the 
restless  husband  from  their  turbid  dreams — the  one  to  grasp  in  bit- 
ter mockery  that  bible,  in  whose  boundless  and  infinite  promises  of 
mercy  and  support,  no  vestige  of  hope  or  alliance  can  now  be  found ; 
tile  other  to  seize  those  arms  upon  which  he  nightly  slumbers  ; not 
with  the  vain  expectation  of  successful  defence,  but  with  the  despond- 
ing purpose  of  selling  life  as  dearly  as  possible. 

To  make  way  for  this  most  glorious  consummation,  our  free  white 
laborers  are  to  be  driven  out ; our  manufactories,  already  too  incon- 
siderable, are  to  be  destroyed ; our  cities  are  to  crumble  down,  our 
rich  fields  are  to  grow  sterile,  our  frequented  places  to  be  deserted, 
our  morals  to  be  still  more  corrupted,  more  universal  debauchery  to 
exist  among  our  male  whites,  more  mulattoes  to  stand  as  eternal 
curses,  before  the  lovely  eyes  of  our  wives,  our  daughters,  our  moth- 
ers; most  damning  monuments  of  our  self  abasement  and  crime,  di- 
luting the  boasted  purity  of  our  saxon  biood,  with  those  who  in  our 
holy  regard  for  the  dignity  of  mankind,  we  will  not  allow  to  aspire 
to  the  common  name  of  men.  The  flush  of  anger  and  petty  tyran- 
ny is  forever  to  disfigure  the  bright  faces  ef  our  little-ones ; educa- 
tion must  perish  among  the  people,  idleness  and  unbridled  passions 
must  characterise  the  rich ; poverty  and  contempt  for  labor  degrade 
the  poor;  our  state  must  dwindle  away  yet  more  in  political  impor- 
ance,  till  we  shall  become  the  contempt  of  mankind,  with  the  onlv 
consolation  that  we  most  richly  deserve  i*c — blindly  rushing  into  a 
secondary  oriental  civilization,  to  fall  by  the  Yankee  arm,  as  the 
multitudes  of  haughty  Chinese,  were  mowed  down  by  British  pow- 
er. And  all  this  for  what  purpose  ? That  a class  of  men  whom  the 
General  Government  has  pledged  millions  of  men  and  money  to 
bring  to  the  gallows,  may  grow  rich  by  feeding  on  the  very  vitals 
and  life  biood  of  our  devoted  state  ! Is  not  this  monstrous  ? Are  we 
already  so  infatuated — has  retribution  so  soon  overtaken  us — have 
the  gods  already  maddened  us  for  destruction  ? Is  this  indeed  the  de- 
liberate voice  of  Kentucky — Has  she  made  up  her  mind  that  her  re- 
presentatives should  do  this  deed — Is  she  not  ashamed  by  the  gaze 
of  Christendom — Is  she  utterly  blinded  to  self-interest — Does  she 
defy  the  stern  mandates  of  religion — Does  she  spurn  all  the  experi- 
ence of  wise  men,  coming  down  to  us  from  all  ages,  and  trample  un- 
derfoot all  that  is  redeeming  in  philosophical  morality  or  Heathen 
Mythology  ? 


6* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  M’DOWELL 

If  our  ancestors  had  exerted  the  firmness  which,  under  higher  ob- 
ligations, we  ourselves  are  called  upon  to  exert,  Virginia  would  not, 
at  this  day,  have  been  mourning  over  the  legacy  of  weakness  and 
of  sorrow  that  has  been  left  her — she  would  not  have  been  thrust 
down — down  in  a still  lowering  relation,  to  the  subordinate  post 
which  she  occupies  in  the  Confederacy,  whose  career  she  had  led — 
she  would  not  be  withering  under  the  leprosy  which  is  piercing  her 
to  the  heart. 

Who  that  looks  to  this  unhappy  bondage  of  an  unhappy  people, 
in  the  midst  of  our  society,  and  thinks  of  its  incidents  or  its  issues, 
but  thinks  of  it  as  a curse  upon  him  who  suffers  it  ? 

You  may  place  the  slave  where  you  please — you  may  oppress 
him  as  you  please — you  may  dry  up  to  the  uttermost,  the  fountain 
of  his  feelings,  the  spring  of  his  thought — you  may  close  upon  his 
mind  every  avenue  of  knowledge,  and  cloud  it  over  with  artificial 
night — you  may  yoke  him  to  your  labors  as  the  ox  which  liveth  only 
to  work,  and  worketh  only  to  live — you  may  pul  him  under  any 
process  which,  without  destroying  his  value  as  a slave,  will  debase 
and  crush  him  as  a rational  being — you  may  do  this,  and  the  idea 
that  he  was  born  to  be  free,  will  survive  it  all.  It  is  allied  to  his 
hope  of  immorality— it  is  the  etherial  part  of  his  nature,  which  op- 
pression cannot  reach  ; it  is  a torch  lit  up  in  his  soul  by  the  hand 
of  Deity,  and  never  meant  to  be  extinguished  by  the  hand  of  man. 

It.  has  been  frankly  and  unequivocally  declared,  from  the  very 
commencement  of  this  debate,  hy  the  most  decided  enemies  of  aboli- 
tion themselves,  as  well  as  by  others,  that  this  property  is  an  “ evil'' 
—that  it  is  a dangerous  property.  Yes,  sir,  so  dangerous  has  it 
been  represented  to  be,  even  by  those  who  desire  to  retain  it,  that 
we  have  been  reproached  for  speaking  of  it  otherwise  than  in  fire- 
side whispers — reproached  for  entertaining  debate  upon  it  in  this 
hall  ; and  the  discussion  of  it  with  open  doors,  and  to  the  general 
ear,  has  been  charged  upon  us,  as  a climax  of  rashness  and  folly, 
which  portend  issues  of  calamity  to  thecountry.  It  is,  then,  a dan. 
gerous  property,  held  at  the  certain  and  declared  risk  of  involving, 
from  any  act  of  imprudence  in  us  or  its  owners,  the  repose  and  se- 
curity of  our  people. — Speech  in  ihe  House  of  Delegates  of  Vir- 
ginia, 1832. 

THOMAS  F.  MARSHALL. 

I have  said  that  I considered  negro  slavery  as  a political  misfor- 
tune. The  phrase  was  too  mild.  It  is  a cancer — a slow,  consum- 
ing cancer — a withering  pestilence — an  unmitigated  curse.  I speak 
not  in  the  spirit  of  a puling  and  false  philanthropy.  I was  born  in 
a slave  Slate — I was  nursed  by  a slave — my  life  has  been  saved  by 
a slave.  To  me,  custom  has  made  the  relation  familiar,  and  I see 
nothing  horrible  in  it.  I am  a Virginian  by  descent.  Every  cross 
in  my  blood,  so  far  as  I can  trace  it,  in  the  paternal  or  maternal 
line,  is  Virginian. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


GENERAL  BENNETT. 

Chief  of  the  Mormon  city  of  Nauvoo,  Illinois. 

I gave  slavery  a full  and  fair  investigation  years  ago — I swore  in 
my  youth  that  my  hands  should  never  be  bound,  my  feet  fettered,  nor 
my  tongue  palsied — I am  the  friend  of  Liberty,  universal  liberty, 
both  civil  and  religious.  I ever  detested  servile  bondage.  I wish  to 
see  tlie  shackles  fall  from  the  feet  of  the  oppressed,  and  the  chains 
of  slavery  broken.  I hate  the  oppressor’s  grasp  and  the  tyrant’s  rod  ; 
against  them  I set  my  brows  like  brass,  and  my  face  like  steel ; and 
my  arm  is  nerved  for  the  conflict. 

Great  God  ! lias  it  come  to  this, — that  the  free  citizens  of  the  sove- 
reign state  of  Illinois,  can  be  taken  and  immured  within  the  walls 
of  a Missouri  penitentiary  for  twelve  long  years,  for  such  a crime  as 
God  would  regard  as  a virtue  ? Simply  for  pointing  bondmen  to  a 
state  of  liberty  and  law  4 


WILLIAM  DUNLAP. 

Negro  slavery,  the  curse  of  a portion  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  is  a subject  that  cannot  be  passed  over  in  silence  by  any 
historian  of  New-York  ; particularly  when  we  reflect  that  its  aboli- 
tion has  been  one,  and  not  the  least  efficient  of  the  causes  of  the 
prosperity  and  greatness  of  the  empire  state. 

In  1562,  Sir  John  Hawkins,  with  the  aid  of  Sir  Lionel  Duchet, 
Sir  Thomas  Lodge,  and  Sir  William  Winter,  fixed  the  stigma  upon 
England,  of  introducing  the  slave  trade,  as  a branch  of  commerce 
at  this  early  period,  among  the  inhabitants  of  that  trading  country.  This 
trade  in  the  blood,  lives,  and  liberties  ofhuman  beings,  was  then,  and  has 
since  been  excused,  and  attempted  to  be  justified,  by  stating  that  the 
negroes  were  benefitted  by  being  kidnapped,  chained,  confined  in 
floating  prisons,  of  the  most  loathsome  description,  murdered  if  re- 
sisting, subjected  to  disease  and  death,  to  the  cool  mercantile  calcu- 
lation of  the  number  per  hundred  to  be  thrown  over-board,  and  to 
endless  labor  and  stripes,  on  their  arrival  in  America,  inasmuch  as 
the  survivors  were  transported  to  a land  where  they  would  become 
civilized,  and  taught  the  lessons  of  Christianity. 

Such  aiguments  reconciled  princes  and  nations,  to  this  most  inhu- 
man of  all  the  practices  which  have  disgraced  civilized  man.  Such 
was  the  theory.  In  practice  the  negro  was  treated  as  a brute,  and 
by  law  prohibited  from  being  taught  either  in  a school,  or  the  church. 

That  guilt  which  the  state  of  slavery  engenders,  is  chargeable  to 
tlie  master  of  the  slave.  To  possess  unlimited  power  over  a human 
being,  makes  the  possessor  a tyrant ; he  is  corrupted  by  its  influence, 
while  the  subject  of  his  power  is  debased.  The  tyrant  may  be  mer- 
ciful and  kind,  and  the  slave  may  be  grateful.  It  has  been  so  in 
empires  and  in  families  : but  when  so,  it  is  from  causes  adverse  to  ty 
ranny  and  slaver)7  ; their  influence  is  ever  the  same. 

The  slave  only  works  from  the  fear  of  punishment,  and  neglects 
his  labor  as  much  as  possible.  When  he  refrains  from  exertion,  lie 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


only  resumes  a portion  of  that  which  has  been  forced  from  him 
Every  traveller  who  passes  from  a state  where  labor  is  performed  bi 
freemen,  for  their  own  profit,  into  a state  where  it  is  performed  by 
slaves,  will  at  once  be  struck  by  the  contrast  on  the  face  of  eveiy 
thing  produced  by  labor.  Another  evil  is,  that  employing  slaves  t( 
work,  makes  labor  disreputable.  The  white  man  prides  himself  upor 
his  idleness. — History  of  New-York. 


HORACE  GREELY. 

The  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  has  just  pronounced  the 
mosti  important  decision  which  has  proceeded  from  its  bench  for  many, 
years — perhaps  ever.  In  a case  arising  between  Maryland  and  Penn- 
sylvania,  it  has  declared  that  the  right  of  a slave-holder  to  capture, 
secure  and  return  his  fugitive  slave,  under  the  well  known  clause  of 
the  federal  constitution,  is  absolute  and  illimitable — that  the  free 
states  have  no  discretion  as  to  its  exercise,  no  protection  against  its 
abuse.  All  laws  securing  to  the  citizen  of  a free  state  claimed  as  a 
slave  a trial  by  jury,  all  free  state  legislation  designed  to  prevent 
abuses  of  the  slave-holder’s  constitutional  right  of  reclamation,  are 
hereby  declared  null  and  void,  and  the  trial  by  jury  law  of  this  state.  ' 
as  well  as  that  of  Pennsylvania,  is  henceforth  a dead  lc-ttcr.  This 
judgment  was  pronounced  by  Justice  Story  of  Massachusetts,  and  . 
concurred  in  by  all  the  judges  except  John  M’Lean  of  Ohio.  Two  ■ 
or  three  of  the  justices  read  separate  opinions,  varying  somewhat  the 
grounds  of  the  decision,  but  concurring,  as  we  understand,  in  all  the  ■ 
conclusions  above  recited. 

This  tremendous  decision  brings  the  great  question  of  freedom  or 
slavery  home  to  all  our  doors.  There  is  not  a man  in  the  free  states 
who  is  not  affected  by  it — whose  personal  liberty  is  not  invaded  and 
endangered  by  it.  The  constitution  knows  no  distinction  of  white,  i 
black  and  intermediate  colored  persons  ; it  says  nothing  expressly  of 
slaves  ; it  speaks  only  of  ‘ persons  held  to  labor  or  service  in  one 
state  escaping  into  another.’  Now  if  a negro  may  be  apprehended 
in  this  city  and  carried  by  mere  force  to  Virginia,  to  some  one  who 
claims  him  as  an  escaped  slave  or  servant,  then  any  of  us — then  Gov. 
Seward,  Justice  Thompson,  or  Justice  Story,  may  be  so  taken. 
Where  is  the  safeguard  against  abuse  ? Where  the  protection  to 
freemen  ? The  N.  Y,  State  law  of  1840,  extending  the  right  of  trial 
by  jury  to  persons  claimed  as  ‘ fugitives  from  labor  or  service,’  af- 
forded such  protection.  By  that  law  a slave-holder  was  required  to 
prove  his  property  in  a man  or  woman  claimed  by  him,  as  much  as 
in  a horse  or  monkey.  Even  before  the  passage  of  that  law,  a slave- 
holder was  always  required  to  verify  his  legal  right  before  a justice  of 
the  peace,  who  approved  it  or  set  the  arrested  person  at  liberty. — 
The  Tribune , March  12,  1842. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIEERTY. 


WILLIAM  CULLEN  BRYANT. 

The  Pennsylvania  case,  lately  decided  by  the  supreme  court  of  the 
United  States,  has  excited  very  justly,  the  alarm  and  animadversion 
of  every  legal  mind.  Once  give  the  power  to  a man  to  seize  a fel- 
low-man, and  bind  him  into  slavery  without  responsibility  anywhere, 
and  Lhe  government  of  the  United  States  turns  the  community  into 
one  of  kidnappers  and  robbers.  A man  appears  in  New-York,  seizes 
a man  and  carries  him  into  Maryland,  and  sells  him  as  a slave  or 
murders  him.  This  man  is  indicted  and  apprehended  if  he  can  bo 
found  ; if  not,  there  is  an  end  to  the  matter.  The  law  might  be  ap- 
plied to  Justice  Story  himself,  in  his  proper  person,  under  the  idea 
that  he  was  a person  held  to  labor  or  service  in  another  state,  under 
the  constitution  itself  and  had  escaped  therefrom. 

If  nothing  more  could  have  been  done  in  the  late  Pennsylvania 
case,  when  before  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  the  judges 
of  that  court,  belonging  to  the  free  states,  ought  to  have  solemnly 
protested  against,  such  a decision,  for  their  own  personal  safety.  ■ 

The  very  idea  of  an  irresponsible  man,  without  morals,  character, 
house,  home  or  location,  habitation  or  name,  coming  into  the  state  of 
New-York,  and  making  an  affidavit  that  any  person  is  held  to  ser* 
vice  or  labor  in  another  state,  be  he  white,  black,  or  red  ; and  on 
such  an  affidavit,  reeking  as  it  may  be  with  falsehood,  perjury,  and 
every  abomination,  and  on  such  a proceeding  as  this,  or  upon  no 
proceeding  at  all — that  a citizen  of  this  state  may  be  seized,  kidnap, 
ped,  and  hurried  away  from  his  wife,  children,  and  family,  into  a 
distant  country,  there  to  be  consigned  to  slavery,  or  murdered  at  the 
tender  mercies  of  their  conspirators,  strikes  the  mind  with  horror, 
and  it  cries  out  with  feelings  of  indignation,  that  this  is  the  offspring 
of  sin  and  death.  A law  of  such  a character  as  this,  is  the  law  of 
barbarians.  It  is  not  the  law  of  a people  who  have  declared  to  the 
world,  that  all  mankind  have  certain  inalienable  rights,  amongst 
which  are  the  rights  of  liberty,  security  and  happiness.  There  is  no 
security  in  such  laws  as  these,  of  happiness,  or  liberty  under  them. 
Supposing  a white  man  is  carried  away  under  this  law  of  seizure, 
without  a trial  by  jury  ? it  is  true  that  in  most  of  the  slave-holding 
states  his  color  is  prima  facie,  a declaration  that  he  is  free  ; but  sup. 
pose  he  is  unfortunately  tinctured  with  the  Indian,  New  South  Wales 
or  Negro  blood,  he  is  declared  by  his  color  to  be  prima  facie  a slave, 
and  must  prove  his  freedom,  while  he  is  locked  up  in  prison.  He  ia 
first  deprived  of  liberty  unjustly,  and  then  prevented  by  the  same  law 
from  proving  his  liberty,  because  a slave  cannot  appear  in  a court  of 
justice  ; being  treated  not  as  a person,  but  as  a dead  chattel.  The 
system  of  selling  men  for  prison  fees,  is  one  that  deserves  the  detes. 
tation  of  all  righteous  men.  First,  commit  the  greatest  outrage  upon 
a man  that  can  be,  without  murdering  and  maiming  him,  lock  him 
up  in  prison,  prevent  him  from  proving  his  freedom,  and  then  sell 
him  because  he  has  no  proof  of  his  freedom — we  have  grounds  to  fear 
that  some  persons  have  been  seized  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon’s  line, 
and  then  carried  south  of  it  and  treated  in  this  manner  by  some  gam- 
bling, disappointed,  unprincipled  negro-catcher,  merely  to  make  a 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


raise  of  a small  sum  of  money,  to  squander  in  dissipation  upon  the 
sale  of  his  victim.  There  is  no  other  way  than  lo  try  the  question 
by  a jury,  in  the  first  instance,  when  tire  man  is  seized,  and  the  ques- 
tions to  be  tried  are  : 1st.  Is  the  man  complained  of,  the  same  indi- 
vidual he  is  charged  to  be  ! 2d.  Is  ‘he  a person  that  owes  labor  or 

service  in  another  state,  under  the  law^hereof,  and  escaped  there, 
from  ? This  provision  in  the  act  of  congress  applies  to  all  persons 
white,  black  and  red,  and  wherever  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  is  se- 
cured lo  one  color  of  persons  in  the  state,  it  is  to  all  others. — New- 
Yorlc  Evening  Post,  May,  1842. 


CHARLES  KING. 

It  must  be  obvious  to  the  most  careless  observer,  that  the  horror 
which  used  to  thrill  through  all  sound  hearts  at  the  bare  mention  of 
disunion  can  no  longer  be  excited.  We  have  heard  o much  and  so 
often  from  the  south — upon  the  slightest  occasion — of  threats  of  sepa- 
ration, of  calculating  the  value  of  the  union,  and  of  die  south’s 
ability  to  exist  by  herself  and  for  herself- — that  the  north  has  been 
forced,  as  it  were,  to  reflect  upon  what  would  be  the  issue  of  such  a 
breaking  up  of  our  republic  ; and,  sooth  to  say,  reflection  has  brought 
the  conviction  to  very,  very  many  minds,  that  if  calculation  of  sec- 
tional pride  and  power  must  determine  this  great  political  and  social 
problem — the  north — the  free  states — the  horticultural,  manufactur- 
ing and  commercial  states,  would  gain  power,  wealth,  and  impor- 
tance by  cutting  loose  from  the  weaker  and  dependent  south,  now  ad- 
mitted to  an  equality  with  them. 

This  conviction  of  reason,  moreover,  is,  in  some  ardent  minds,  ex- 
asperated almost  into  a passionate  desire,  by  the  insolence  and  intole- 
rance of  the  slave  representatives  in  congress. 

It  is  to  feelings  of  this  sort  that  we  are  to  ascribe  in  part  the  peti- 
tion presented  by  Mr.  Adams,  which  has  occasioned  the  violent  de- 
bate in  the  house,  asking  for  a dissolution  of  the  union,  rather  than 
longer  submission  to  unequal,  oppressive,  overbearing  legislation,  dic- 
tated by  southern  interest,  and  carried  by  the  cohesion  of  the  com- 
mon bond  of  slavery. 

And  what  was  thus  formally  embodied  by  these  petitioners,  is  float- 
ing loosely  and  largely  among  the  elements  that  go  to  make  up  pub- 
lic opinion  in  the  north.  Repulsed  at  first  because  of  the  loyally  to 
the  union,  which  enters  into  the  education  and  hopes,  as  it  were,  of 
every  northern  man — it  comes  again  and  again,  at  such  successive 
manifestations  of  southern  intolerance,  to  force  an  entrance,  and  at 
each  attempt  finds  resistance  more  and  more  feeble N.  Y.  American. 


JOHN  NEAL. 

I am  opposed  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  or  any  other  state  or  ter- 
ritory in  which  slavery  exists,  to  the  United  States  ; believing  slave- 
ry to  be  one  of  the  greatest  afflictions  that  a people,  or  any  portion 
of  a people,  can  labor 'under. 

I myself  am  not  an  abolitionist,  in  the  common  meaning  of  the 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


term — in  other  words,  I am  not  a friend  to  immediate,  universal,  and 
unconditional  emancipation  ; bill  that,  like  the  great  majority  of  those 
with  whom  I associate,  or  correspond,  either  at  home  or  abroad,  either 
in  New-England  or  at  the  south,  I recognize  the  existence  of  slavery 
as  a curse— a curse  at  all  times,  and  under  all  circumstances:  that 
in  common  with  multitudes  of  our  generous  brethren  at  the  south,  I 
find  such  to  have  been  the  settled  opinion  of  our  country  at  the  form- 
ing of  our  constitution  : that  I see  no  reason  for  abandoning  that 
opinion,  and  as  little  for  adopting  that  which  has  lately  been  promul- 
gated at  the  south — namely — that  slavery  there  is  a blessing  ; and 
that,  therefore,  I am  so  far  an  abolitionist  as  to  hope  for  the  final 
emancipation  of  every  human  being — and  I will  even  add  the  sooner 
the  better : provided  that  emancipation  be  effected  legally,  peaceably, 
and  with  the  consent  of  all  parties  interested.  This,  I believe,  may 
be  had  in  time ; and  had  even  from  the  slave-holders  of  the  south. 

WILLIAM  LEGGETT. 

The  opinions  of  the  southern  people  themselves,  with  respect  to  the 
perfect  right  which  every  American  citizen  possesses,  to  discuss  the 
subject  of  slavery,  have  undergone  a world-wide  change  in  the  course 
of  a few  years.  If  they  will  look  into  the  writings  of  Jefferson  and 
Madison,  they  will  find  that  those  great  men,  though  southerners  and 
slaveholders,  not  only  did- not  claim  any  such  right  of  interdicting  the 
subject  as  is  now  set  up,  but  exercised  it  very  ticely  themselves.  If 
they  will  turn  to  the  record  of  the  debate  which  took  place  in  congress 
in  1790,  on  the  question  of  committing  the  memorial  of  the  Society  of 
F; kilos  against  the  slave-trade,  they  will  find  that  Mr.  Madison  ex- 
plained tin:  obligations  of  the  federal  compact,  in  a very  different  man- 
ner from  that  which  it  is  the  fashion  of  the  present  day  to  interpret 
them.  They  will  find  that,  in  the  review  which  he  entered  in'o  of  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  he  very 
clearly  showed  that  the  powers  of  congress  were  by  no  means  as  limit- 
ed as  it  is  now  contended  that  they -are.  They  will  find  that,  in  speak- 
ing of  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  he  expressly  declared,  from 
his  knowledge,  as  well  of  the  sentiments  and  opinions  of  the  members 
of  the  convention,  as  of  the  true  meaning  and  force  of  the  terms  of  the 
compact,  that  there  “ congress  have  certainly  the  power  to  regulate 
the  subject  of  slavery.”  It  is  fortunate  that  .Madison  and  Jefferson  did 
not  lnv  to  this  day,  or  they  would  have  been  denounced  as  abolitionists, 
fanatics,  and  incendiaries,  and  every  thing  else  that  is  bad.  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  Robinson  would  no  doubt  have  honored  them  with  a 
place  in  his  message,  as  ring-leaders  of  his  “organized  band  of 
conspirators.” 

But  though  Madison  and  Jefferson  are  gone,  the  spirit  which  ani- 
mated them  still  glows  in  many  a freeman’s  bosom  ; while  one  spark 
of  it  remains,  the  South  will  storm  and  rave  in  vain,  for  it  never  can 
induce  the  northern  states  to  give  up  freedom  for  the  sake  of  union  ; to 
give  up  the  end  for  the  sake  of  the  means  ; to  give  up  the  substance 
for  the  sake  of  the  shadow-. — The  Plaindealer. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ORESTES  A.  BROWNSON. 

Why  the  wishes  and  claims  of  this  parly,  the  slaves,  amounting 
to  nearly  half  the  population  of  these  Stales,  should  not  have  some 
weight  in  this  question,  I am  unable  to  understand.  They  are  the 
injured  the  oppressed,  and  the  wronged  party, — and  their  claim  to 
the  sympathy  and  assistance  of  their  fellow-beings  in  other  parts  of 
the  land,  by  all  lawful  means,  to  remove  this  heavy  load  from  them, 
and  restore  them  to  liberty,  seems  to  me  at  least  as  well  founded,  as 
the  claim  of  the  masters,  that  no  such  means  should  be  urged  for 
this  purpose.  If  the  master  may  say  to  the  North,  you  are  interfer- 
ing with  my  domestic  relations,  my  rights  of  property,  and  the  es- 
tablished laws  of  the  slave  states — the  slave  may  say  to  the  master 
you  are  interfering  with  the  domestic  relations  which  God  and  na- 
ture have  ordained,  those  of  husband  and  wife,  parent  and  child, 
brother  and  sister,  by  separating  one  from  another  in  your  abomina- 
ble traffic — you  are  interfering  in  my  rights  of  property,  in  depriv- 
ing me  of  a just  remuneration  for  my  labor  in  the  shape  of  wages, 
and  allowing  me  to  make  the  most  I can  from  the  exercise  of  my 
intellectual  and  physical  capacity — you  are  interfering  with  the  es- 
tablished laws  of  God,  humanity  and  justice,  in  depriving  me  of  my 
freedom,  and  holding  me  as  property. 

What  is  the  competency  of  the  people  of  the  North,  who  are  op- 
posed to  slaverjq  to  form  an  opinion  upon  this  subject.  It  seems  to 
me,  it  is  that  of  a most  enlightened,  calm  and  disinterested  tribunal, 
as  much  so,  as  that  of  the  Judges  on  the  bench  of  a Court  of  Jus- 
tice. They  have  the  facts  and  the  moral  law  before  them,  upon 
which  to  found  their  decision.  Their  prejudices,  if  they  have  any, 
would  be  to  sustain  slavery,  if  possible,  consistently  with  justice  and 
humanity,  from  feelings  of  sympathy  and  respect  for  their  white 
brethren  of  sister  states,  from  the  intercourse  of  business  and  poli- 
tics which  connect  them  together,  and  from  a love  of  harmony  and 
attachment  to  the  Union.  If  therp  is,  then,  any  bias  upon  this  sub- 
ject in  the  minds  of  Northern  men,  it  must  be  in  favor  of  the  exist- 
ing system  ; and  if  they  oppose  it,  it  must  be  from  the  most  upright 
and  humane  motives. 

Now  how  is  it  at  the  South  ? They  cannot  be  considered  as  im- 
partial and  disinterested  judges  in  this  matter.  They  may  have 
more  minute  information  upon  the  subject,  know  more  of  the  prac- 
tical details  of  slavery — but  they  are  under  a very  strong  influence, 
almost  an  overwhelming  one,  to  support  the  present  state  of  things 
right  or  wrong.  Their  properly  consists  to  a very  great  extent,  of 
slaves,  and  all  their  habits,  associations,  modes  of  t hinking,  business, 
and  even  character  have  been  formed  under  the  influence  of  Slavery. 
They  are  the  parties,  witnesses,  judges  and  jury  in  their  own  case. 
How  then  can  we  expect  a fair,  candid,  and  just  decision  from 
them  in  this  ease? — Boston  Quarterly  Review. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY, 


WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

I could  not,  to  save  the  commerce  of  the  state,  or  even  the  peace 
of  the  country,  subscribe  to  the  faith  prescribed  to  me  ; I cannot  be- 
lieve that  a being  of  human  substance,  form  and  image, — endowed 
with  the  faculties,  propensities  and  passions  common  to  our  race,  and 
having  the  same  ultimate  destiny,  can,  by  the  force  of  any  human 
constitution  or  laws,  be  converted  into  a chattel  or  a thing,  in  his 
free  will,  and  of  the  power  of  cultivating  his  own  mind  and  pursu- 
ing his  own  happiness  ; a property  beginning  with  his  birth,  andrcach- 
ing  over  and  enslaving  his  posterity.  I cannot  believe  that  that  can 
be  stolen  which  is  not  and  cannot  be  property  ; and  although  such 
principles  may  be  adopted,  and  become  the  basis  of  institutions  and 
laws  in  other  countries,  I cannot  believe  that  any  such  community 
has  the  right  to  extend  the  operation  of  such  institutions  and  laws  so 
as  to  affect  persons  within  the  jurisdiction  and  under  the  protection  of 
other  nations.  The  provision  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  directing  that  fugitives  from  labor  or  service,  escaping  from 
one  state  into  another,  shall  be  given  up  on  demand  to  the  person  to 
whom  such  labor  or  service  is  due,  whatever  be  its  effect,  is  a limi- 
tation of  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  states.  I cannot  believe  that  the 
provision  can  be  extended  beyond  its  letter  and  precise  application, 
and  so  as  to  make  the  constitution  fix  a definition  of  crime  at  variance 
with  the  common  law  adopted  by  all  the  states,  and  with  the  juris- 
prudence of  the  civilized  world.  Opposed  to  such  a faith,  I find  the 
guarded  language  of  the  constitution,  the  principles  of  natural  jus- 
tice, the  impulses  of  philanthropy,  the  instructions  of  religion,  the 
sentiments  of  an  enlightened  age,  the  constitution  of  this  state,  which 
I am  bound  to  maintain,  and  the  spirit  of  the  laws  it  is  my  duty  to 
execute. 

The  august  congress  of  statesmen  who  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
constitution,  most  emphatically  declared  that  all  men  are  born  free 
and  equal  and  have  inalienable  rights,  inconsistent  with  every  form 
of  slavery.  A citizen  of  Virginia,  who  was  not  only  the  most  re- 
nowned of  the  patriots  who  engaged  in  the  establishment  of  the  con- 
stitution, but  who  is,  by  the  general  consent  of  mankind,  acknow- 
ledged to  have  exhibited  the  most  perfect  character  our  nature  has 
ever  reached,  manumitted  all  his  slaves  as  an  act  of  conscientious 
duty.  Another,  who  was  second  only  to  Washington  in  the  great 
number  of  statesmen  that  Virginia  has  given  to  our  country,  pleaded 
the  prejudices  of  birth,  education  and  association  as  an  apology  for 
the  opinions  entertained  by  his  fellow-citizens,  that  human  beings 
may  be  the  subjects  of  property,  as  much  as  their  horses  and  cattle. 
When  I recall  these  circumstances,  I must  be  allowed  to  indulge  a 
belief  that  I have  not  fallen  from  the  faith  of  the  founders  of  the  con. 
etitution. 

Of  what  use  to  the  citizens  of  New-York  is  the  Virginia  slave  ? 
The  moment  the  vessel  reaches  the  open  sea,  he  is  no  longer  a slave. 
The  law  of  nations  throws  its  protecting  arm  around  him,  and  will 
vindicate  any  injury  to  his  person,  or  abridgment  of  his  liberty. 

The  legislature  will  decide  whether  the  trial  by  jury  shall  be  relin- 

7 


L.  BRADISH. 


quished  ; and  whether  a state  which  acknowledges  no  natural  ine. 
quality  of  men,  and  no  political  inequality,  which  may  not  ultimate, 
ly  he  removed,  shall  wrest  that  precious  shield  from  those  only  whose] 
freedom  is  assailed,  not  from  any  wrong  doing  of  their  own,  but  be-  i 
cause  the  greatest  of  all  crimes  was  committed  against  their  ances- 
tors.  Taught  as  we  have  been  by  the  founders  of  the  constitution, 
and  most  emphatically  by  the  statesmen  of  Virginia,  wc  cannot  re-  J 
nounce  the  principle  that  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  nor  any 
of  its  legitimate  consequences. 

I cannot  believe  that  a being  of  human  substance,  form  and  image,  ; 
— endowed  with  the  faculties,  propensities,  and  passions,  common  to 
our  race,  and  having  the  same  ultimate  destiny,  can,  by  the  force  of' 
any  human  constitutions  or  laws,  bo  converted  into  a chaltle  or  a 
thing,  in  which  another  human  being  like  himself  can  have  property, 
depriving  him  of  his  free  will,  and  of  the  power  of  cultivating  his 
own  mind,  and  pursuing  his  own  happiness  ; a property  beginning  • 
with  his  birth,  and  reaching  over  and  enslaving  his  posterity.  I can- 
not  believe  that  that  can  be  stolen,  which  is  not,  and  cannot  be,  pro-  j, 
perty. 


LUTIiER  BRADISH. 

I am,  in  favor  of  abolishing  all  distinctions  in  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  citizens  of  this  stale,  founded  solely  on  complexion. 
The  stale  of  New-York,  by  its  repeated  legislative  acts,  has  already 
pronounced  her  judgment.,  and  declared  her  own  policy,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery.  Within  her  own  borders,  she  has  alrcadj'  proclaimed 
universal  emancipation  ; and  lias  ranged  herself  among  the  free 
States. 

I would  abide  by  the  compromises  of  the  constitution.  But  I 
•would  not  extend  them.  If  something  be  due  to  others,  much  is  also 
due  to  ourselves,  to  our  own  principles,  and  our  own  institutions. 
So  utterly  am  I opposed  to  slavery  in  all  its  forms,  so  great  an  evil, 
both  moral  and  political,  do  I consider  its  existence  in  our  country, 
that  I would  not,  beyond  the  clear  requirements  of  the  federal  con- 
stitution, either  directly  or  indirectly,  nearly  or  remotely,  lend  to  it 
the  sanction  of  our  state  legislation.  Nor  can  I view  the  existence 
of  this  great  moral  and  political  evil,  as  is  sometimes  pretended,  as 
the  exclusive  affair  of  the  states  where  it  exists.  It  touches  too  vi- 
tally the  national  interests  and  national  character,  not  to  be  a sub- 
ject of  deep  and  legitimate  interest  to  every  citizen  who  loves  his 
country  and  its  honor.  But  while  I would  leave  to  the  states  where 
this  evil  exists  the  exclusive  duty,  as  it  is  their  exclusive  right,  to  act 
in  this  matter,  I would  reserve  to  all,  and  beyond  a peradventure  or 
a doubt,  the  right  of  its  free  discussion.  And  although  in  the  “ con- 
summation  most  devoutly  to  be  wished,”  I rely  under  a controlling 
Providence,  mainly  upon  the  ultimate  just  views,  generous  impulses, 
and  high  moral  sentiment  of  the  slave-holder  himself,  yet  to  induce 
him  to  early  action,  I would  not  cease  to  address  to  him,  as  brother 
to  brother,  ever}'  consideration  that  a burning  patriotism  could  sug- 


the  legion  or  liberty. 

gest,  every  inducement  that  an  enlightened  philanthropy  could  m 
spire,  every  argument  and  sanction  that  an  elevated  morality  and 
holy  religion  could  supply. 


JABEZ  D.  HAMMOND. 

Oct . 24,  1S14.  A law,  also  was  passed  for  raising  two  regiments 
of  colored  men  for  three  years,  among  whom  slaves  might  be  en- 
listed by  consent  of  their  masters,  who  were  to  be  manumitted  on 
being  honorably  discharged.  Thus  it  seems  that  that  unfortunate 
class  of  men  were  not  deemed  unworthy  of  shedding  their  blood,  in 
defence  of  a country,  and  a people  which  had  degraded  and  oppres- 
sed them.  Could  it  have  been  anticipated  that  Col.  Young,  who 
ably  and  zealously  advocated  this  bill,  would  have  been  found  in  the 
convention  of  18*21,  supporting  and  probably  by  his  influeuce,  pro- 
curing to  be  inserted  in  the  amended  constitution  a clause  which  was 
intended  forever,  there  to  degrade  this  trodden-down  race  of  men,  to 
whose  aid  he  now,  in  this  time  of  imminent  peril,  resorted  ! — His- 
tory of  Political  Parties  of  N.  Y. 

RED  BEN  H.  WALWORTH- 

It  is  frequently  the  case,  that  the  question  to  be  tried  relates  mere- 
ly to  the  identity  of  the  person  claimed  as  a fugitive  slave  or  appren- 
tice, he  insisting  that  he  is  a free  native  bom  citizen  of  the  State 
where  he  is  found  residing  at.  the  time  the  claim  is  made,  and  that 
he  has  never  been  in  the  Stat"  under  -whose  laws  his  services  are 
claimed — can  it  for  a moment  be  supposed  that  the  framers  of  the 
constitution  intended  to  authorize  the  transportation  of  a person 
thus  claimed  to  a distant  part  of  ;he  Union,  as  a slave,  upon  a mere 
summary  examination  before  an  inferior  magistrate,  who  is  clothed 
with  no  power  to  compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses  to  ascertain 
tlie  truth  of  the  allegations  of  the  respective  parties  ! — Whatever 
others  may  think  upon  this  subject,  I must  still  be  permitted  to  doubt 
whether  the  patriots  of  the  revolution  who  framed  the  constitution 
of  the  United  Stales,  and  who  had  incorporated  into  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  as  one  of  the  justifiable  causes  of  separation 
from  our  mbther  country,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  had 
been  transported  beyond  seas  for  trial,  could  ever  have  intended  to 
sanction  such  a principle  as  to  one  who  was  merely  claimed  as  a 
fugitive  from  servitude  in  another  State. 

I am  one  of  those  who  have  the  habit  of  believing  that  the  State 
legislatures  had  general  powers  to  pass  laws  on  all  subjects,  except 
those  in  which  they  were  restricted  by  the  constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  -I  have  looked  in  vain  among  the  powers  delegated  to 
congress  by  the  constitution,  for  any  general  authority  to  that  body 
to  legislate  on  this  subject.  It  certainly  is  not  contained  in  any  ex- 
press grant  of  power,  and  it  does  not  appear  to  be  embraced  in  the 
general  grant  of  incidental  powers  contained  in  the  last  clause  of 
the  constitution  relative  to  the  powers  of  congress. — Opinion  in  the 
N.  Y.  Court  of  Errors. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


HON.  WILLIAM  JAY. 

THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  FREE  STATES. 

The  advocates  of  slavery  and  the  tools  of  party,  are  continually  tell, 
ing  us,  that  “ the  North  has  nothing  to  do  with  slavery.”  A volume 
might  be  filled  with  facts,  proving  the  fallacy  of  this  assertion.  There  ia 
scarcely  a family  among  us,  that  is  not  connected  by  the  ties  of  friend- 
ship, kindred,  or  pecuniary  interest,  with  the  land  of  slaves.  That 
land  is  endeared  to  us  by  a thousand  recollections — with  that  land  wa 
have  continual  commercial,  political,  religious,  and  social  intercourse. 
There  in  innumerable  instances,  are  our  personal  friends,  our  brothers,  ' 
our  sons  and  our  daughters.  How  malignant  and  foolish  then  is  the 
falsehood,  that  the  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  abolitionists 
among  us,  are  anxious  to  see  that  land  reeking  in  blood  ! But  the  more 
intimate  are  our  connections  with  that  land,  the  more  exposed  are  we  ■ 
to  be  contaminated  by  its  pollutions;  and  the  more  imperatively  are 
we  bound  to  seek  its  real  welfare. 

Let  it  then  sink  deep  in  our  hearts,  let  it  rest  upon  our  consciences, 
that  in  every  wicked  and  cruel  act  of  the  Federal  Government  in  be. 
half  of  slavery,  the  people  of  the  North  have  participated, — we  might 
almost  say  that  for  all  this  wickedness  and  cruelty,  they  are  solely 
responsible ; since  it  could  not  have  been  perpetrated  but  with  the  ; 
consent  of  their  representatives.  Vast  and  fertile  territories,  which 
might  now  have  been  inhabited  by  a free  and  happy  population,  have 
by  northern  votes  been  converted,  to  use  the  language  of  the  poet, 
into 

“ A land  of  tyrants,  and  a den  of  slaves.” 

By  northern  Senators,  have  our  African  slavers  been  protected  from 
the  search  of  British  cruisers.  By  northern  representatives,  is  the 
American  slave-trade  protected,  and  the  abominations  enacted  in  the 
Capital  of  the  Republic,  sanctioned  and  perpetuated  ; and  northern 
men  are  the  officiating  ministers  in  the  sacrifice  of  constitutional  li. 
berty  on  the  altar  of  Moloch.  But  representatives  are  only  the  agents 
of  their  constituents,  speaking  their  thoughts,  and  doing  their  will. 
The  people  of  the  North  have  done  “this  great  wickedness.” 
When  they  repent,  when  they  love  mercy,  and  seek  after  justice,  their 
representatives  will  no  longer  rejoice  to  aid  in  transforming  the  image 
of  God  into  a beast  of  burden — then  will  the  human  shambles  be 
overthrown  in  the  Capital — then  will  slavers,  “ frightened  with  des- 
pair,” no  longer  depart  from  the  port  of  Alexandria,  nor  chained 
cofries  parade  the  streets  of  Washington.  Then  will  the  powers  of 
the  Federal  Government  be  exercised  in  protecting,  not  in  annihilat- 
ing the  rights  of  man  ; and  then  will  the  slaveholder,  deprived  of  the 
countenance  of  the  free  States,  as  he  is  already  of  nearly  all  the  rest 
of  the  civilised  world,  be  led  to  reflect  calmly  on  the  character  and 
tendency  of  the  institution  he  now  so  dearly  prizes,  and  seek  his  own 
welfare  and  that  of  his  children  in  its  voluntary  and  peaceful  aboli- 
tion. — Jay's  View. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY 


CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS. 

The  time  appears  to  have  arrived  when  it  is  proper  to  look  to  the 
cause  of  the  difficulties  which  have  taken  place  in  the  progress  of 
the  General  Government,  forsome  years  past.  Through  all  the  con- 
tests of  the  political  parties  which  have  taken  place,  one  fact  is  visi- 
ble ; and  that  is  the  steady  ascendancy  of  the  slave-holding  princi- 
ples. This  fact  can  be  accounted  for  only  in  one  way. — It  is  the 
basis  of  representation  in  the  popular  branch  of  the  Legislature, 
which  establishes  that  ascendancy.  Twenty-five  representatives, 
elected  by  the  citizens  of  the  slaveholding  States,  in  addition  to  the 
number  which  they  are  entitled  to  by  their  free  population,  have, 
for  ten  years  past,  controlled  the  destinies  of  the  country.  Twenty- 
five  electoral  votes,  gained  to  the  masters  from  the  chains  of  two 
millions  of  human  beings,  and  held  forth  as  the  prize  to  that  indi- 
vidual and  that  party  which  will  consent  to  make  the  greatest  sac- 
rifices of  principle  to  obtain  them,  are  sufficient  to  decide  the  char- 
acter of  the  government  policy. . This  has  been  submitted  to  with- 
out great  murmuring,  up  to  this  time;  but  there  are  many  indica- 
lions  to  prove  that  it  will  not  be  so  any  longer.  The  free  States 
have  a right  to  be  heard  on  this  point,  because  the  original  com- 
promise, which  was  made  upon  this  subject  in  the  Constitution,  and 
which  let  in  this  enormous  power,  has  in  its  practical  effect,  been 
wholly  favorable  to  the  slave  States,  and  without  any  benefit  at  all 
to  them. — Report  to  the  General  Court  of  Mass. 

COMMONWEALTH  OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 

In  the  Year  One  Thousand  Eight  Hundred  and  Forty-Three. 

Ri  solves,  concerning  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
| United . States. 

Resolved,  That  the  following  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  be  and  hereby  is  recommended  to  the  considera- 
tion of  Congress,  to  be  acted  on  according  to  the  fifth  article  : 

The  third  clause  of  the  second  section  of  the  first  article  shall 
read  in  the  words  following  : 

11  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the 
several  States,  which  are  or  may  be  included  within  this  Unon,  ac- 
cording to  their  respective  numbers  of  free  persons.  The  actual  en- 
. numeration  shall  be  made  within  two  years  from  the  date  of  the  adop- 
tion of  this  amendment,  in  the  manner  provided  by  the  Constitu- 
i tion,  and  within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  man- 
ner as  the  Congress  shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  represen- 
tatives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each 
State  shall  have  at  least  one  representative.” 

Resolve  c7,  That  his  Excellency  the  Governor  be  requested  to 
transmit  a copy  of  the  aforegoing  resolves  and  the  proposed  amend- 
ment to  each  of  the  senators  and  members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  this  commonwealth  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  the  Governor,  be  requested  to  trans- 
mit a copy  of  the  same  resolve  and  amendment  to  the  executive  of 
the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States. 


7* 


THE  LEGIOH  OF  LIBERTY. 

THOMAS  MORRIS. 

I rejoice,  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  civilized 
World,  is  no  longer  problematical  ; it  seems  to  be  almost  universally  . 
conceded,  that  this  stupendous  fraud  upon  a portion  of  the  human 
race  is  fast  drawing  to  a close,  and  the  great  question  with  us  is  truly, 
what  measures  are  best  suited  to  accomplish  this  desirable  end  in  the 
United  States.  In  our  otherwise  free  and  favored  country,  slavery 
seems  to  have  erected  its  strongest  hold,  and  is  not  only  striving  to 
govern  the  councils  of  the  country,  the  press  and  the  pulpit  ; but 
even  mind  itself  is  attempted  to  be  made  subject  to  its  rules  ; and  I 
should  almost  despair  of  successful  resistance,  did  I not  see  embo-  . 
died  in  the  cause  of  freedom  more  moral  worth,  more  talent,  more 
patriotism,  more  love  of  country,  more  devotedness  to  principles,  than 
is  embodied  in  any  other  cause  in  the  United  States.  Yes.  I repeat 
it,  the  gentlemen  who  are  now,  in  our  own  country,  engaged  in  the 
anti-slavery  cause,  seem,  to  me,  to  possess  more  moral  worth,  more 
talent,  more  patriotism  and  love  of  country,  than  any  other  body  of 
itfen  in  the  United  Stales,  not  even'  excepting  the  public  councils  of 
the  nation.  It  is  true  they  arc  yet  in  the  minority  ; but  if  I am  not 
mistaken,  in  every  age  and  country  of  the  world  in  which  men  have 
been  compelled,  by  oppression,  to  strike  for  freedom,  they  have  been 
at  first  but  few  in  number  and  a persecuted  race.  But  where  they  ■ 
have  been  sincere,  making  truth  and  justice  their  guide,  success  has 
universally  been  the  final  result  of  their  efforts.  With  us  the  slave 
has  no  power  of  action,  nor  can  we  consent  that  his  freedom  shall 
be  the  purchase  of  his  own  arm  ; a merciful  Providence,  in  order  to 
prevent  such  dreadful  catastrophes  in  our  beloved  country,  has  brought 
to  his  rescue,  and  united  for  his  deliverance,  the  warmest  hearts  and 
soundest  heads  of  the  nation  ; and  they  present  to  the  world  the  new, 
strange  and  cheering  phenomenon,  of  men  enjoying  all  the  blessings 
of  liberty  themselves,  yet  willing  to  devote  their  time,  their  means, 
their  all,  to  procure  for  the  oppressed  and  down-trodden  slave,  those 
natural  rights  to  which  he  is  entitled,  and  which  we  promised  to  all 
men  as  the  chief  corner  stone  of  our  republican  edifice.  The  moral  power 
of  such  men  is  sufficient  for  this  work,  but  that  moral  power  must 
operate  by  means  ; and  the  elective  franchise  is  the  great,  if  not  the 
only  means  to  make  it  effectual.  Political  action  is  necessary  to  pro- 
duce moral  reformation  in  a nation  ; and  that  action  with  us  can  only 
be  effectually  exercised  through  the  ballot  box.  And  surely  the  bal- 
lot-box can  never  be  used  for  a more  noble  purpose  than  to  restore  and 
secure  to  every  man  his  inalienable  rights.  It  seems  to  me  to  be 
almost  an  impossibility,  that  a man  can  be  in  favor  of  perpetuating 
American  slavery,  and  yet  be  a friend  to  the  principles  of  our  govern- 
ment. If  the  ballot-box,  then,  is  honestly  and  independently  used, 
it  alone  will  soon  produce  the  extinguishment  of  slavery  in  our 
country. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


For  with  what  judgment  ye  judge,  ye  shall  be  judged  : and  with 
what  measure  ye  mete,  it  shall  be  measured  to  you  again. 

To  preach  deliverence  to  the  captives,  and  recovering  of  sight  to 
the  blind,  to  set  at  liberty  them  that  are  bruised. 

Where  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there  is  liberty. 

RELIGIOUS  AND  MORAL  TESTIMONY. 

PRESS  i TER  LIN  SYNOD  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  1787. 

The  Svnou  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  (1787,)  do  highly 
appiove  of  the  general  principles  in  favor  of  universal  liberty  that  pre- 
vail in  America,  and  the  interest  which  many  of  the  states  have  taken 
in  promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery.  They  earnestly  recommend  it 
to  all  the  members  belonging  to  their  communion,  to  give  those  per- 
sons who  are  at  present  held  in  servitude,  such  good  education  as  to 
prepare  them  for  the  better  enjoyment  of  freedom.  And  they  more- 
over recommend  that  masters,  whenever  they  find  servants  disposed 
to  make  a just  improvement  of  the  privilege,  would  give  them  a pecu- 
liurn,  or  grant  them  sufficient  time,  and  sufficient  means  of  procuring 
their  own  liberty  at  a moderate  rate ; that  thereby  they  may  be  brought 
into  society  with  those  habits  of  industry  that  may  render  them  useful 


RELIGIOUS  AND  MORAL  TESTIMONY. 


citizens.  And  finally,  they  recommend  it  to  all  their  people  to  use  the 
most  prudent  measures,  consistent  with  the  interests  and  the  state  of 
civil  society  in  the  countries  where  they  live,  to  procure  eventually  the 
final  abolition  of  slavery  in  America. 

Advice  given  by  the  Assembly,  in  relation  to  Slavery,  in  1815. 

“ The  General  Assembly  have-  repeatedly  declared  their  cordial 
approbation  of  those  principles  of  civil  liberty  which  appear  to  be 
recognized  by  the  Federal  and  State  governments,  in  these  United 
States.  They  have  expressed  their  regret  that  the  slavery  of  the 
Africans  and  of  their  descendants  still  continues  in  so  many  places, 
and  even  among  those  within  the  pale  of  the  Church  ; and  have  urged 
the  Presbyteries  under  their  care,  to  adopt  such  measures  as  will 
secure  at  least  to  the  rising  generation  of  slaves,  within  the  bounds  of 
the  Church,  a religious  education  ; that  they  may  be  prepared  for  the 
exercise  and  enjoyment  of  liberty,  when  God,  in  Ins  providence  may 
open  a door  for  their  emancipation. 

W “A  full  expression  of  the  Assembly's  views  of  Slavery,  in  1818. 

“We  consider  the  voluntary  enslaving  of  one  part  of  the  human 
race  by  another,  as  a gross  violation  of  tire  most  precious  and  sacred 
rights  of  human  nature  ; as  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  law  of  God 
which  requires  us  to  love  our  neighbor  as  ourselves ; and  as  totally 
irreconcilable  with  the  spirit  and  principles  of  the  gospel  of  Christ, 
which  enjoin  that  ‘all  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do 
to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them.’  Slavery  creates  a paradox  in'  the 
moral  system — it  exhibits  rational,  accountable,  and  immortal  beings 
in  such  circumstances  as  scarcely  to  leave  them  the  power  of  moral 
action.  It  exhibits  them  as  dependant  on.  the  will  of  others,  whether 
they-  shall  receive  religious  instruction  ; whether  they  shall  know  and 
worship  the  true  God  ; whether  they  shall  enjoy  the  ordinances  of  the 
gospel ; whether  they  shall  perform  the  duties  and  cherish  the  endear- 
ments of  husbands  and  wives,  parents  and  children,  neighbors  and 
friends  ; whether  they  shall  preserve  their  chastity  and  purity-,  or 
regard  the  dictates  of  justice  and  humanity.  Such  are  some  of  the 
vonsequeHC.es.  of  slavery;  consequences  not  imaginary,  !>tat  which  con- 
nect themselves  with  its  very  existence.  The  evils  to  which  the  slave 
is  always  exposed,  often  take  place  in  their  very  worst  degree  and  form  ; 
and  where.all  of  them  do  not  take  place,  still  the  slave  is  deprived  of 
his  natural  rights,  degraded  as  a human  being,  and  exposed  to  the 
danger,  of  passing  into  the  hand  of  a master  who  may  inflict  upon  him 
all  the  hardships  and  injuries  which  inhumanity  and  avarice  may 
suggest. 

“ We  enjoin  it  on  all  Church  Sessions  and  Presbyteries  to  discoun- 
tenance, and  as  far  as  possible  to  prevent  all  cruelty,  of  whatever  kind, 
in  the  treatment  of  slaves ; especially  the  cruelty  of  separating  husband 
and  wife,  parents  and  children  ; and  that  which  consists  in  selling 
slaves  to  those  who  will  either  themselves  deprive  those  unhappy 
people  of  the  blessings  of  the  gospel,  or  who  will  transport  them  to 


METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH S,  HOPKINS,  D.  D. 

places  where  the  gospel  is  not  proclaimed,  or  where  it  is  forbidden  to 
slaves  to  attend  upon  its  institutions.  The  manifest  violation  or  dis- 
regard of  this  injunction,  ought  to  be  considered  as  just  ground  for  the 
discipline  and  censures  of  the  Church.  And  if  it  shall  ever  happen 
that  a Christian  professor  in  our  communion  shall  sell  a slave  who  is 
also  in  communion  with  our  Church,  contrary  to  his  or  her  will  and 
inclination,  it  ought  immediately  to  claim  the  particular  attention  of  the 
proper  Church  judicature  ; and  unless  there  be  such  peculiar  circum- 
stances attending  the  case  as  can  but  seldom  happen,  it  ought  to  be 
followed  without  delay,  by  a suspension  of  tire  offender  from  all  the 
privileges  of  the  Church,  till  he  repent  and  make  all  the  reparation  in  his 
power  to  the  injured  party.” — Digest  of  the  General  Assembly,  page  341. 

METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH. 

There  is  only  one  condition  previously  required  of  those  who  desire 
admission  into  these  societies,  a desire  to  flee  from  the  wrath  to  come, 
and  to  be  saved  from  their  sins.  But  wherever  this  is  really  fixed  in 
tire  soul,  it  will  be  shown  by  its  fruits.  It  is  therefore  expected  of  all 
who  continue  therein,  that  they  should  continue  to  evidence  their  desire 
of  salvation,  by  doing  no  harm,  by  avoiding  evil  of  every  kind,  especially 
that  which  is  most  generally  practised,  such  as — “ the  buying  and 
selling  of  men,  women,  or  children,  with  an  intention  to  enslave  them." 

Of  slavery. — Question. — What  shall  be  done  for  the  extirpation 
of  the  evil  of  slavery  ? 

Answer  1. — We  declare  that  we  are  as  much  as  ever  convinced  of 
tlie  great  evil  of  slavery ; therefore,  no  slaveholder  shall  be  eligible  to 
any  official  station  in  our  Church  hereafter ; where  the  laws  of  the 
state  in  which  he  lives  will  admit  of  emancipation,  and  permit  the 
liberated  slave  to  enjoy  freedom. 

Answer  2. — When  any  travelling  preacher  becomes  an  owner  of  a 
slave  or  slaves,  by  any  means  he  shall  forfeit  his  ministerial  character 
in  our  Church,  unless  he  execute,  if  it  be  practicable,  a legal  emanci- 
pation of  such  slaves,  conformably  to  the  laws  of  the  state  in  which  he 
lives. — Doctrine  and  Discipline. 

SAMUEL  HOPKINS,  D.  D. 

Are  you  sure  your  slaves  have  a sufficiency  of  good  food,  in  season ; 
and  that  they  never  want  for  comfoi table  clothing  and  bedding  ? Do 
you  take  great  care  to  deal  as  well  by  them  in  these  tilings,  as  you 
would  wish  others  would  treat  your  own  children,  were  they  slaves  in 
a strange  land  ? If  your  servants  complain,  are  you  ready  to  attend 
to  them  ? Or  do  you  in  such  cases  frown  upon  them,  or  do  something 
worse,  so  as  to  discourage  their  ever  applying  to  you,  whatever  they 
may  suffer,  having  learned  that  this  would  only  be  making  bad  worse? 
Do  you  never  fly  into  a passion,  and  deal  with  them  in  great  anger, 
deciding  matters  respecting  them,  and  threatening  them,  and  giving 
sentence  concerning  them,  from  which  they  have  no  appeal,  and 
perhaps  proceed  to  correct  them,  when  to  a calm  bystander  you  appear 
more  fit  to  be  confined  in  a bedlam,  than  to  have  the  sovereign,  uncon- 


JONATHAN  EDWARDS. 


(Tollable  dominion  over  your  brethren,  as  the  sole  lawgiver,  judge,  and 
executioner?  Do  not  even  your  children  domineer  over  your  slaves? 
Must  they  not  often  be  at  the  beck  of  an  ungoverned,  peevish  child  in 
the  family ; and  if  they  do  not  run  at  his  or  her  call,  and  are  not  all 
submission  and  obedience,  must  they  not  expect  the  frowns  of  their 
masters,  if  not  the  whip  ? 

If  none  of  these  tilings,  my  good  sir,  take  place  in  your  family,  have 
we  not  reason  to  think  you  a most  singular  instance  ? How  common 
are  things  of  this  kind,  or  worse,  taking  place  between  masters  and 
their  slaves?  In  how  few  instances,  if  in  any,  are  slaves  treated,  as 
the  masters  would  wish  to  have  their  own  children  treated,  in  like  cir- 
cumstances ? How  ic\v  arc  fit  to  be  masters  ? To  have  the  sovereign 
dominion  over  a number  of  their  fellow  men,  being  his  property,  and 
wholly  at  his  disposal ; who  must  abide  his  s atence  and  orders,  how- 
ever unreasonable,  without  any  possibility  of  relief  ? 

But  are  we  at  the  same  time  making  slaves  of  many  thousands  of 
our  brethren,  who  have  as  good  a right  to  liberty  a-  • rselv  s,  and  to 
whom  it  is  as  sweet  as  it  is  to  us,  and  the  contrary  a>  >V  dful ! Are 
we  holding  them  in  the  most  abject,  miserable  slate  of  slavery,  without 
the  least  compassionate  feeling  towards  them  or  their  posterity , utt<  rly 
refusing  to  take  off  the  oppressive  galling  yoke!  Oh,  the  shocking, 
the  intolerable  inconsistency  ! And  tliis  gross,  barefaced  inconsistency 
is  an  open,  practical  condemnation  of  holding  these  our  brethren  in 
slavery ; and  in  these  circumstances  the  crime  of  persisting  in  it  becomes 
unspeakably  greater  and  more  provoking  in  God’s  sight ; so  that  all 
the  former  unrighteousness  and  cruelty  exercised  in  this  practice,  is 
innocence,  compared  with  the  awful  guilt  that  is  now  contracted. 
And  in  allusion  to  the  words  of  our  Saviour,  it  may  with  great  truth 
and  propriety  be  said,  “If  he  bad  not  thus  come  in  his  Providence,  and 
spoken  unto  us,  (comparatively  speaking,)  we  had  not  had  sin.  in 
making  bond-slaves  of  our  brethren  ; but  now,  we  have  no  cloak  lor 
our  sin.” — Dialogue  on  . African  Slavery,  177G,  republished  1785,  by  the 
JV.  F.  Manumission  Society,  whose  president  was  John  Jay. 

JONATHAN  EDWARDS. 

The  eradication,  or  even  the  diminution  of  compassion,  tenderness, 
and  humanity,  is  certainly  a great  depravity  of  heart,  and  must  be 
followed  with  corespondent  depravity  of  manners.  And  measures 
which  lead  to  such  depravity  of  heart  and  manners,  cannot  but  he 
extremely  hurtful  to  the  state,  and  consequently  are  extremely  impolitic. 

African  slavery  is  exceedingly  impolitic,  as  it  discourages  industry. 
Nothing  is  more  essential  to  the  political  prosperity  of  any  state,  than 
industry  in  the  citizens.  But  in  proportion  as  slavt  s are  multiplied, 
every  kind  of  labor  becomes  ignominious ; and  in  fact,  in  those  of  the 
United  States,  in  which  slaves  are  the  most  numerous,  gentlemen  and 
ladies  of  any  fashion  disdain  to  employ  themselves  in  business,  which 
in  other  states  is  consistent  with  the  dignity  of  the  first  families  and 
first  offices.  In  a country  filled  with  negro  slaves,  labor  belongs  to 
them  only,  and  a white  man  is  despised  in  proportion  as  he  applies  to 


ELIAS  HICfcS — -JESSE  TURKEY,  JR. 


it.  Now  how  destructive  to  industry  in  all  of  the  lowest  and  middle 
classes  of  citizens,  such  a situation,  and  the  prevalence  of  such  ideas 
will  be,  you  can  easily  conceive.  The  consequence  is,  that  some  will 
nearly  starve,  others  will  betake  themselves  to  the  most  dishonest 
practices,  to  obtain  the  means  of  living. 

As  slavery  produces  indolence  in  the  white  people,  so  it  produces 
all  those  vices  which  are  naturally  connected  with  it ; such  as  intem- 
perance, lewdness,  and  prodigality.  These  vices  enfeeble  both  the 
body  aiul  the  mind,  and  unfit  men  for  any  vigorous  exertions  and  em- 
ployments, either  external  or  mental ; and  those  who  are  unfit  for  such 
exertions,  are  already  a very  degenerate  race ; degenerate,  not  only 
in  a moral,  but  a natural  sense.  They  are  contemptible  too,  and  will 
soon  be  despised  even  by  their  negroes  themselves. 

Slavery  lias  a most  direct  tendency  to  haughtiness  also,  and  a domi- 
neering spirit  and  conduct  in  the  proprietors  of  the  slaves,  in  their 
children,  and  in  ail  who  have  the  control  of  them.  A man  who  has 
been  bred  up  in  domineering  over  negroes,  can  scarcely  avoid  con- 
tracting such  a habit  of  haughtiness  and  domination,  as  will  express 
itself  in  his  general  treatment  of  mankind,  whether  in  his  private 
capacity,  or  in  any  office,  civil  or  military,  with  which  he  may  be 
ves'ed.  Despotism  in  economics  naturally  leads  to  despoti-sm  in 
politics,  and  domestic  slavery  in  a free  government  is  a perfect  solecism 
in  oilman  affairs. — The  Injustice  and  impolicy  of  the  slave-trade  and  of 
the  slavery  of  the  Africans — a Sermon  in  New  Haven,  Sept.  15,  1791. 

ELIAS  HICKS. 

lVe,  in  an  enlightened  age,  have  greatly  surpassed,  in  brutality  and 
injustice,  the  most  ignorant  and  barbarous  ages  ; and  while  we  are 
pretending  to  the  finest  feelings  of  humanity,  are  exercising  unpre- 
cedented cruelty.  We  have  planted  slavery  in  the  rank  soil  of  sordid 
avarice;  and  the  product  has  been  misery  in  tire  extreme. 

The  slavedealer,  the  slaveholder,  and  the  si ave driver  are  virtually 
the  agents  of  the  consumer.  Whatever  we  do  by  another,  we  do 
ourselves. 

JESSE  -TORREY,  Jr. 

To  enumerate  all  the  horrid  and  aggravating  instances  of  man- 
stealing,  which  are  known  to  have  occurred  in  the  state  of  Delaware, 
within  'Vne  recollection  of  many  of  the  citizens  of  that  state  would 
require  a volume.  In  many  cases,  whole  families  of  free  colored  people 
have  been  attacked  in  the  night,  beaten  nearly  to  death  with  clubs, 
gagged  and  bound,  and  dragged  into  distant  and  hopeless  'captivity ; 
leaving  no  traces  behind,  except  the  blood  from  their  wounds. 

During  tli|  last  winter,  the  house  of  a free  black  family  was  broken 
open,  and  its  defenceless  .inhabitants  treated  in  the  manner  just  men- 
tioned, except  that  the  mother  escaped  from  their  merciless  grasp, 
while  on  their  way  to  the  state  of  Maryland.  The  plunderers,  of  whom 
there  were  nearly  half  a dozen,  conveyed  their  prey  upon  horses;  and 
the  woman  being  placed  on  one  of  the  horses,  behind,  improved  an 


JOHN  KENRICK. 


opportunity,  as  they  were  passing  a house,  and  sprang  off.  Not  daring 
to  pursue  her,  they  proceeded  on,  leaving  her  youngest  child  a little 
farther  along,  by  the  side  of  the  road,  in  expectation,  it  is  supposed,  ; 
that  its  cries  would  attract  the  mother;  but  she  prudently  waited  until 
morning,  and  recovered  it  again  in  safety. 

From  the  best  information  that  I have  had  opportunities  to  collect, 
in  travelling  my  various  routes  through  the  states  of  Delaware  and 
Maryland,  I am  fully  convinced  that  there  are,  at  this  time,  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  several  thousands  of  legally  free 
people  of  color,  toiling  under  the  yoke  of  involuntary  servitude,  and 
transmitting  the  same  fate  to  their  posterity! — Domestic  Slavery  anil 
Kidnapping. 

JOHN  KENRICK. 

“ The  Hon-ors  of  Slavery .” — To  invite  attention  to  this  melancholy  • 
subject,  and  to  excite  sympathy  for  the  suffering,  is  the  object  of  this 
publication.  The  compiler  firmly  believes  that  his  countrymen  stand  • 
exposed  to  the  righteous  rebukes  of  Providence  for  this  glaring  incon- 
sistency and  inhumanity ; that  whether  they  shall  be  tried  at  the  bar 
of  reason,  the  bar  of  conscience,  or  the  bar  of  God,  they  may  justly  be 
condemned  out  of  their  own  mouths;  and  that  all  their  arguments,  and 
all  their  fightings  for  liberty,  may  be  produced  as  evidence,  that  as  a ; 
people,  they  do  unto  others  as  they  would  not  that  others  should  do 
unto  them.  The  suffering  and  degraded  sons  of  Africa  are  groaning 
under  bondage  in  a land  of  boasted  freedom,— nay,  groaning  under 
oppression  from  the  hands  of  men  who  would  probably  involve  a whole 
nation  in  war  and  bloodshed — or  even  set  the  world  on  fire,  rather  than 
submit  to  a fiftieth  part  of  the  violation  of  natural  rights  which  they 
inflict  on  the  African  race. 

Whenever  the  government  of  the  United  States  shall  come  to  the 
righteous  and  consistent  determination,  that  all  the  inhabitants  shall  be 
free,  it  is  believed  that  no  insurmountable  obstacles  will  be  found  in 
the  way  of  its  accomplishment.  Whether  it  would  be  just,  and  equal, 
and  eligible,  to  take  money  from  the  public  treasury  to  redeem  African 
slaves,  may  possibly  become  a question  for  the  consideration  of  con- 
gress. It  may  not,  however,  be  amiss  for  the  people  to  inquire  whether 
it  would  be  more  just  and  equitable  to  continue  to  withhold  from  more 
than  a million  (now  two  millions)  of  our  fellow  beings  those  essential 
blessings,  without  which  we  ourselves  should  consider  life  insupportable. 

If  it  should  be  pleaded  that  the  powers  of  the  general  government 
are  too  limited  to  ensure  the  personal,  civil,  and  religious  liberties  of 
all ; can  a doubt  be  entertained  of  the  readiness  of  the  people,  when 
they  fairly  understand  the  subject,  to  enlarge  those  powers  to  any 
extent  necessary  for  the  attainment  of  an  object  of  such  transcendant 
importance?  To  say  “they  would  not,”  would  be  to  utter  a most 
shameful  libel  against  a majority  of  the  freemen  of  the  United  States. 

— The  Horrors  of  Slavery. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


WILLIAM  PENN. 

‘•Amongst  the  many  insfanccs  of  the  humanity  of  his  character, 
we  must  reckon  his  attention  to  the  civilization  and  instruction  of 
the  Indians  ; and  the  same  care  extended  to  the  poor  neglected  Af- 
ricans, who  were  employed  at  that  time  as  slaves  in  the  province. 
It  was  not  then  deemed  infamous  to  traffic  in  slaves  ; but  some  of 
the  Quakers  at  their  yearly  meeting  for  Pennsylvania,  held  in  1688, 
perceived  its  iniquity,  and  resolved  that  the  buying,  selling,  and 
holding  men  in  slavery,  was  inconsistent  with  the  tenets  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion  ; and  in  consequence  of  these  opinions  had  begun  to 
treat  their  slaves  as  the  children  of  the  universal  parent,  and  joint 
heirs  of  the  same  hopes  of  a glorious  immortality. 

“ A meeting  was  appointed  particularly  for  them,  to  be  held  once 
every  month  ; and  as  a further  security  for  their  comfort  and  improve- 
ment, a legislative  act  was  proposed  in  their  favor.  Marriage  tvas 
encouraged  among  them,  and  they  were  induced  by  precept  and  ex- 
ample to  lead  an  orderly,  sober  life.  But  in  these  excellent  resolu- 
tions, he  had  the  mortification  to  meet  with  some  opposition.” — Pris. 
cilia  Wakefield. 

ELIAS  HICKS. 

In  the  pride  of  our  own  hearts,  we  are  endeavoring  to  be  exalted 
through  the  cruel  oppression  of  our  fellow  creatures.  Our  poor  fel- 
low creatures  are  held  in  the  most  cruel  bondage  all  their  lives,  while 
some  are  feasting  on  the  result  of  their  labors,  and  becoming  en- 
riched from  them,  even  by  the  sweat  and  blood  of  their  fellow  crea- 
tures against  their  will.  And  they  are  forced  to  it  by  their  cruel 
masters. 

Now  let  us  seek  for  the  root  of  all  this.  Had  man  been  rational 
in  all  his  actions,  it  never  could  have  been  the  case.  For  when  we 
consider  that  Almighty  goodness  has  dispensed  to  every  one  a mea- 
sure of  his  grace  and  of  his  Holy  Spirit,  whereby  we  arc  to  profit, 
how  astonishing  it  appears  that  a fellow  creature  could  ever  put  his 
hand  out  to  bring  into  bondage  another  fellow  creature  ! But  it  is  all 
founded  in  iniquity,  tradition,  and  custom. 

Look  at  this  deeply,  m}’  dear  friends,  for  we  are  deeply  in  debt. 
And  when  I look  round  sometimes,  I feel  as  if  it  were  almost  im- 
possible for  the  people  of  this  land  to  clear  themselves  of  this  iniqui- 
ty. It  has  been  of  so  long  continuance,  and  they  have  brought  them- 
selves so  deeply  in  debt,  that  it  seems  as  if  they  could  never  make 
reconciliation  for  their  injustice  ; and  especially  so,  as  it  regards  the 
professing  people  called  Quakers.  How  could  they  ever  have  con- 
sented to  hold  a slave,  to  buy  or  sell  one,  or  to  live  by  a neighbor 
who  had  one,  without  bearing  testimony  against  him  ? Could  they 
ever  do  it  without  relinquishing  their  principle  ? While  the  light  of 
truth  in  the  heart  was  their  guide  as  well  as  their  profession,  they 
never  could ; for  every  one  must  acknowledge  that  this  oppression  is 
founded  in  iniquity,  ungodliness  andsin.  And  we  must  be  astonished 
how  a person,  professing  what  we  as  a society  profess,  could  for  one 
moment  lay  his  power  upon  a fellow  creature,  and  by  dint  of  the 


8 


ELIAS  HICKS. 


sword,  keep  him  under  his  power,  and  drive  him  to  his  work  with- 
out giving  him  a reward.  You  must  know  that  the  sword  has  ope- 
rated, or  there  never  would  have  been  a slave  ; it  was  by  the  power 
of  the  sword  that  they  were  brought  under,  and  into  this  oppression  ; 
and  so  it  is  the  dread  of  the  sword  that  keeps  them  there.  For  were 
a slave  to  believe  for  a moment,  that  the  sword  would  not  be  exer- 
cised upon  him,  he  would  be  no  longer  a slave — he  could  not  be  one. 
Here  then,  we  see  the  force  of  tradition  and  custom,  as  Jesus  de- 
clared concerning  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees — “ Thus  have  ye  made 
the  commandments  of  God  of  none  effect  by  your  traditions.” 

Now  what  could  operate  upon  those,  who  have  seemed  to  be  some- 
what willing  minded,  and  who  are  professing  as  we  do,  to  lead  them 
to  hold  a fellow  creature  for  a moment  in  slavery  ? It  is  the  dread- 
ful consequence  of  tradition,  by  which  the  commandments  of  God 
are  made  of  none  effect. 

Now  pause,  dear  friends  and  people.  What  is  our  condition  ? 
Are  we  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  oppressor  ? If  so,  we  are 
guilty  ; for  the  partakers  of  that  which  has  been  procured  by  robbery 
and  stealing,  are  considered  as  bad  as  the  principal  actors.  Now 
this  is  a small  matter,  when  compared  with  taking  away  the  free 
agency  of  our  fellows,  which  is  every  thing  to  them — it  is  the  source 
of  all  their  joy  and  pleasure.  They  are  thus  reduced  to  miserable, 
abject  animals,  without  any  privilege  to  think  or  act  for  themselves. 
How  the  robber  and  the  thief  sink  on  a comparison  with  the  oppres- 
sor ! For  the  thief  goes  silily,  and  gets  a little  from  his  fellow  crea- 
ture, but  does  not  hurt  his  person,  and  perhaps  gels  but  a portion  ot 
what  the  other  enjoys ; and  sometimes  the  other  is  as  well  without,  it 
as  with  it.- 

And  how  is  it  with  the  robber  ? lie  does  not  want  to  do  an  act  of 
violence,  if  he  ran  get  his  prey  ; and  when  the  property  is  given  up, 
he  leaves  the  owner  10  get  more,  or  enjoy  what  ho  may  have  left. 
But  let  us  look  on  the  other  side  at  the  injustice  and  cruelty  which  is 
manifested  towards  our  fellow  creatures,  when  we  destroy  the  liberty 
of  those  to  whom  God  has  given  a choice.  Here  we  see  that  a crea- 
ture rises  up  before  G-od  Almighty,  and  presumes  to  lake  away  the 
free  agency  of  a fellow  creature,  and  to  bring  him  into  a stale  of 
slavery  and  oppression,  and  to  destroy  his  will.  And  if  he  should 
exert  it  a little,  what  comes  next  ? The  sword  or  the  lash  1 How 
many  there  are,  who,  for  speaking  their  own  will  a little,  have  fallen 
dead  before  their  masters. 

I want  us  to  go  into  an  examination  for  ourselves,  that  we  may 
see  what  wonderful  power  tradition  has,  among  ihose,  even,  who 
have  seen  ibis  oppression  to  be  superfluous.  Yet  being  long  in  tho 
practice  of  seeing  it,  and  having  grown  up  from  the  cradle  in  the 
midst  of  it.  they  fall  into  and  become  amalgamated  with  those  who  are 
gifdty  of  it.  And  so  it  is  they  continue  using  the  produce  of  their 
poor  miserable  fellow  creatures,  who  are  dying  daily.  For  their  suf- 
fering is  like  a slow  torment  to  bring  them  to  their  end,  like  that 
which  cruel  tyrants  of  the  earth  have  sometimes  devised,  to  cause 
their  victims  to  be  a great  while  under  torture,  instead  of  taking  their 
life  suddenly. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


TIMOTHY  DWIGHT. 

From  the  Poem  “ Green  field  Hill,”  dedicated  to  John  Adams. 
Oil  wing’d  by  thought  I seek  those  Indian  isles, 

Where  endless  spring  with  endless  summer  smiles  ; 

Where  fruits  of  gold  untir'd  Vertumnus  pours. 

And  Flora  dances  o’er  undying  Sowers  ; — 

There,  as  I walk  through  fields  as  Eden  “gay, 

And  breathe  the  incense  of  immortal  day, 

Ceaseless  I hear  the  smacking  whip  rebound — 

Hark  ! that  shrill  scream  ! those  groans  of  death  resound  ! 

See  those  throng’d  wretches  pant  along  the  plain, 

Tug  the  hard  hoe,  and  sigh  in  hopeless  pain  1 
Yon  mother  loaded  with  her  sucking  child, 

Her  rags  with  frequent  spots  of  blood  defil’d, 

Drags  slowly  fainting  on  ; the  fiend  is  nigh, 

Rings  the  shrill  cowskin,  roars  the  tiger  cry. 

In  pangs  the  unfriended  suppliant  crawls  along, 

And  shrieks  the  prayer  of  agonizing  wrong. 

Why  glows  yon  oven  with  a sevenfold  fire  ? 

Crisp’d  in  the  flame  behold  a man  expire  1 
Lo!  by  that  vampyre’s  hand,  yon  infhnt  dies; 

Its  brains  dash’d  out  beneath  its  father’s  eyes ! 

Why  shrinks  yon  slave  with  horror  from  his  meat  ? 

Heavens!  ’tis  his  flesh  the  wretch  is  forced  to  eat  1 
IV  hy  streams  the  life  blood  from  that  female  throat  ? 

She  sprinkled  gravy  on  a guest’s  new  coat  1 

Why  crowd  those  groaning  blacks  the  docks  around  ? 

Those  screams  announce,  that  cowskins’  crackling  sound. 

See  that  poor  victim  hanging  from  the  crane, 

While  loaded  weights  his  limbs  to  torture  strain. 

At  each  keen  stroke,  far  spouts  the  bursting  gore, 

And  shrieks  and  dying  groans  fill  all  the  shore. 

Around  in  throngs  his  brother  victims  wait. 

And  feel  in  every  stroke  their  coming  fate ; 

While  each  with  palsied  hands,  and  shuddering  fears, 

The  cause,  the  rule,  the  price  of  torment  bears. 

Hark,  hark,  from  morn  to  night  the  realm  around, 

The  cracking  whip,  keen  taunt,  and  shriek  resound. 

O’crcast  are  all  the  splendors  of  the  spring, 

Sweets  court  in  vain  ; in  vain  the  warblers  sing. 

Illusions  all  1 ’tis  Tartarus  round  me  spreads 
His  dismal  screams  and  melancholy  shades, 

The  damned,  sure,  here  clank  th’  eternal  chain, 

And  waste  with  grief,  *or  agonize  with  pain. 

A Tartarus  new  ! emission  strange  of  hell, 

Guilt  wreaks  the  vengeance,  and  the  guiltless  feel, 

The  heart  not  formed  of  flint  here  all  things  rend, 

Each  fair  a fury,  and  each  man  a fiend, 

From  childhood  train’d  to  every  baleful  ill, 

And  their  first  sport  to  torture  or  to  kill. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LBERTY. 


ELIPHALET  NOTT. 

“ Whatever  tends  to  divert  the  attention  of  any  community  from 
honest  industry,  and  to  substitute  any  other  plan  of  operations  for  a 
livelihood,  is  an  enemy  to  the  race.  Slavery  does  this,  as  its  object 
is  to  tax  the  sweat  and  sinew  of  its  victims,  that  its  institutors  and 
abettors  may  live  without  labor,  and  spend  their  time  in  idleness  and 
luxury  ; it  is  therefore, »an  enemy  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  any 
people  among  whom  it  exists  ; it  is  contrary  to  the  order  of  nature, 
and  the  laws  of  our  being  and  benevolence  would  invite  to  labor  for 
its  removal.  In  proof  of  his  position,  the  Dr.  clearly  exhibited  the 
striking  contrast  in  prosperity  and  happiness  which  is  so  conspicuous 
between  those  sections  of  the  world  where  slavery  exists,  and  labor 
is  avoided  as  direputable,  and  those  where  universal  freedom  and  li- 
berty reign.  He  pointed  out  the  greater  security  for  property  and 
life,  where  honest  labor  and  freedom  dwell,  than  where  an  important 
portion  of  the  people  live  upon  the  unrequited  toil  of  those  who  groan 
under  the  yoke  of  interminable  servitude.  In  the  one  these  great 
interests  are  made  safe  by  a healthy  public  sentiment,  and  the  en- 
forcement of  salutary  laws  ; in  the  other,  attempts  are  made  to  secure 
them  by  the  private  operation  of  the  pistol,  the  dirk,  and  the  bowio 
knife.  4 Oh  ! for  a lodge  in  some  vast  wilderness,’  he  cried,  ending 
with,  1 1 would  not  have  a slave  to  till  my  ground,  to  carry  me  and 
fan  me  while  I sleep  and  tremble  when  I wake,  for  all  the  gold  which 
sinews  bought  and  sold  have  ever  earned  ! No  ! dear  as  freedom  is, 
and  in  my  heart’s  estimation  prized  above  all  price,  I would  much 
rather  be  myself  the  slave,  and  wear  the  bonds,  than  fasten  them 
on  him.’  At  the  conclusion  of  this  beautiful  extract  from  Cowper, 
which  was  uttered  in  Dr.  Nott’s  peculiar,  emphatic  and  eloquent 
manner,  a loud  burst  of  applause  and  cheering  succeeded. 

*■  He  then  declaic.1,  that  notwithstanding  these  sentiments,  he 
would  not  say  a word  to  encourage  the  disturbance  or  severance  of 
the  constituted  relation  and  connection  which  formed  the  Union,  or 
interfere  in  the  least  degree  with  the  rights  of  independent  States. 
Although  slavery  was  contrary  to  the  eternal  and  immutable  laws  of 
our  being,  and  therefore,  retarded  and  opposed  our  true  interests  as 
a nation,  yet  if  we  of  the  North  had,  in  the  origin  of  our  govern- 
ment agreed  to  give  a ‘ pound  of  flesh'  let  us  give  it  to  the  full  ex- 
tent of  the  bond  ; yet,  let  not  those  who  choose  to  maintain  this  un- 
natural and  unpropitious  1 institution,’  exact  of  those  who  reject  it, 
any  greater  concessions  in  its  favor,  than  is  contained  in  that  4 bond.’ 
Do  they  contend  that  we  shall  not  interfere  with  their  4 rights  ?’  then 
let  them  not  interfere  with  our  4 rights,’  or  complain  if  we  use  our 
4 speech’  or  our  4 press’  in  declaring  the  truth  concerning  this  unpro- 
fitable institution,  for  these  are  our  birth-i rights’  and  firmly  guaran. 
teed  inviolate  too  by  this  same  4 bond  of  union." — Address  to  the 
A'ew-York  State  Agricultural  Society,  Sept.  1841. 


J.  T.  WOODBDRT E.  LEWIS E.  C.  DELEVAN. 


JAMES  T.  WOODBURY. 

We  can  vote  slavery  down  in  Columbia  and  in  our  territories. 
“But,”  it  is  objected,  “ it  will  dissolve  the  Union.”  Mr.  Bimey  says, 
the  South  never  will  do  it,  for  they  cannot  support  themselves,  and  we 
are  more  liable  to  go  there  and  fight,  to  keep  their  slaves  in  subjection. 
The  slaves,  if  they  are  freed,  will  not  come  here,  their  labor  is  wanted 
in  the  South.  The  South  do  not  hate  the  black  skin  with  which  God 
has  covered  them,  as  we  do.  “But  O they  smell  bad.”  No  bad  smell 
while  they  are  slaves ; they  are  about  the  persons  of  their  masters  and 
mistresses,  and  nurse  their  children,  and  do  not  scent  them  with  the 
bad  smell, — but  as  soon  as  they  are  free — bad  smell. 

EVAN  LEWIS. 

Much  has  been  said  by  the  advocates  and  apologists  of  slavery, 
about  the  danger  of  emancipation — that  it  would  be  accompanied  or 
followed  by  insurrections,  massacres,  and  servile  war.  Now  no  sane 
man  desires  to  turn  loose  upon  society,  a horde  of  ignorant  men,  either 
white  or  black,  without  the  salutary  restraints  of  law.  We  wish  to 
see  the  assumed  right  of  property  in  human  flesh  abolished,  and  the 
laws  made  for  the  protection,  as  well  as  for  the  government  and  re- 
straint, of  every  man  of  every  nation  and  color.  To  place  every  man 
under  the  protection  of  the  law,  and  to  abolish  that  licentiousness  and 
tyranny  which  are  now  tolerated,  would  be  to  restore  society  to  its 
natural  order,  and  give  every  man  an  interest  in  the  preservation  of  the 
peace  and  harmony  of  the  community.  All  fear  of  hostility  and 
temptations  to  excite  insurrections,  or  to  shed  the  blood  of  the  white 
men,  would  bo  banished  with  the  removal  of  the  cause  which  produce 
them.  In  all  cases  where  the  experiment  has  been  tried,  [in  the  West 
Indian  Islands,]  our  reasoning  from  the  nature  of  man,  and  the  in- 
fluence which  just  treatment  will  always  exert  on  his  moral  character, 
has  been  proved  by  universal  facts. — Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation. 

EDWARD  C.  DELEVAN. 

I am  si  ad  to  say  that  I have  already  joined  the  “ Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety.” I ha#  long  felt  that  it  was  my  duty  to  do  so,  and  I have  only 
been  deterred  by  the  fear  of  injuring  the  cause  of  Temperance,  with 
which  cause  you  know  my  name  has  in  some  measure  been  identified. 
I have,  in  fact,  been  practising  that  kind  of  expediency,  which  I have 
been  so  ready  to  condemn  in  others,  with  regard  to  the  cause  of  Tem- 
perance. I have  joined  the  “ Anti-Slavery  Society,”  for  the  reason  that 
l believe  it  to  be  doing  about  all  that  is  now  attempted  for  the  relief  of 
our  country  from  the  sin  of  slavery,  for  that  slavery,  as  it  now  exists  in 
these  United  States  is  a high  handed  sin  I have  no  doubt.  Other 
societies  may  be  doing  much  for  Africa,  and  for  the  elevation  of  free 
colored  people  ; but,  for  the  final  relief  of  our  beloved  country  and  our 
enslaved  brethren,  your  society,  among  human  instrumentalities,  now 
seems  to  me  the  only  hope.  That  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  may  be 


8* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


the  instrument  under  God,  by  kind  arguments  and  Christian  entreaty, 
not  only  of  enlightening  the  public  opinion  of  the  north  as  to  the  sin 
and  evil  of  slavery,  but,  what  is  of  still  greater  moment,  of  affecting 
the  hearts  of  our  Christian  brethren  of  the  south  and  leading  them  as  a 
matter  of  interest,  as  well  as  duty,  to  rid  themselves  of  a curse,  and  our 
country  of  its  deepest  stain,  shall  be  my  daily  prayer. — Letter  to  G err  it 
Smith. 

ROBERT  J.  BRECKENRIDGE. 

Just  and  equal ! what  care  I,  whether  my  pockets  are  picked,  or  the 
proceeds  of  my  labor  are  taken  from  me?  What  matters  it  whether 
my  horse  is  stolen,  or  the  value  of  him  in  my  labor  be  taken  from  me?  1 
Do  wc  talk  of  violating  the  rights  of  masters,  and  depriving  them  of 
their  property  in  their  slaves?  And  will  some  one  tell  us,  if  there  be  • 
any  thing  in  which  a man  has,  or  can  have,  so  perfect  a right  of 
property,  as  in  his  own  limbs,  bones,  and  sinews  ? Out  upon  such 
folly!  The  man  who  cannot  see  that  involuntary  domestic  slavery, 
as  it  exists  among  us,  is  founded  upon  the  principle  of  taking  by  force 
that  which  is  another’s,  has  simply  no  moral  sense. 

We  utter  but  the  common  sentiment  of  mankind  when  we  say,  none 
ever  continue  slaves  a moment  after  they  are  conscious  of  their  ability 
to  retrieve  their  freedom.  The  constant  tendency  for  fifty  years  has 
been  to  accumulate  the  black  population  upon  the  southern  states;  1 
already  in  some  of  them  the  blacks  exceed  the  whites,  and  in  most  of 
them  increase  above  the  increase  of  the  whites  in  the  same  states,  . 
with  a ratio  that  is  absolutely  startling ; [the  annual  increase  in  the  • 
United  States  is  sixty  thousand ;]  the  slave  population  could  bring  into 
action  a larger  portion  of  efficient  men,  perfectly  inured  to  hardships,  to 
the  climate,  and  privations,  than  any  other  population  in  the  world ; 
and  they  have  in  distant  sections,  and  on  various  occasions,  manifested 
already  a desperate  purpose  to  shake  off  the  yoke.  In  such  an  event 
we  ask  not  any  heart  to  decide  where  would  human  sympathy  and 
earthly  glory  stand  ; we  ask  not  in  the  fearful  words  of  Jefferson,  what 
attribute  of  Jehovah  would  allow  him  to  take  part  with  us  ; we  ask 
only — and  the  answer  settles  the  argument — which  is  like  to  be  the 
stronger  side? 

Nature,  and  reason,  and  religion  unite  in  their  hostility  to  this  system 
of  folly  and  crime.  How  it  will  end,  time  only  can  reveal ; but  the  , 
light  of  heaven  is  not  clearer  than  that  it  must  end. — v3/i%|ii  Repository , 
Jan.  1834. 

FRANCIS  WAYLAND. 

Its  effects  must  be  disastrous  upon  the  morals  of  both  parties.  By 
presenting  objects  on  whom  passion  can  be  satisfied  without  resistance 
and  without  redress,  it  cultivates  in  the  master,  pride,  anger,  cruelty, 
selfishness,  and  licentiousness.  By  accustoming  the  slave  to  subject 
his  moral  principles  to  the  will  of  another,  it  tends  to  abolish  in  him 


ALONZO  POTTER WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING. 


all  moral  distinction,  and  thus  fosters  in  him,  lying,  deceit,  hypocrisy, 
dishonesty,  and  a willingness  to  yield  himself  up  to  minister  to  the 
appetite  of  his  master — Moral  Science. 

ALONZO  POTTER. 

Brethren,  if  God  so  loved  us,  we  ought  also  to  love  one  another. 
This  is  the  argument  on  which  I would  rely,  in  asking  your  charity 
this  evening.  The  neglected  and  ill-fated  race  for  whom  I plead,  are 
brethren  with  us  of  one  family.  The  hand  of  the  Creator  may  have 
imprinted  on  their  features,  a hue  and  complexion  less  delicate  than 
ours.  Man’s  rapacity  may  have  torn  them  from  their  native  land,  and 
reduced  them  to  the  condition  of  slaves  and  menials  here.  And 
weighed  down  by  oppression,  bereft  of  hope,  and  having  none  to  care 
for  their  souls,  they  may,  too  often,  have  sunk  into  vice  and  debase- 
ment. But,  my  friends,  standing  in  this  holy  place — in  his  immediate 
presence,  who  has  made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
given  his  Son  to  be  a ransom  for  the  inhabitans  of  every  one  alike ; I 
can  listen  to  no  such  facts  as  an  excuse  for  apathy  or  avarice.  If  this 
unfortunate  people  have  a physical  nature  less  perfect  than  ours,  God 
forbid  that  this,  their  misfortune,  should  be  imputed  to  them  as  their 
crime.  Still  they  have  all  the  attributes  of  men — “ the  same  organs, 
dimensions,  senses,  affections,  passions.  They  are  fed  with  the  same 
food,  hurt  with  tire  same  weapons,  subject  to  the  same  diseases,  warmed 
and  cooled  by  the  same  winter  and  summer,”  that  a white  man  is. — 
Discourse  before  the  African  School  Society,  Schenectady  N.  Y. 

WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING. 

With  the  free  we  are  to  plead  his  cause.  And  this  is  peculiarly  our 
duty,  because  we  have  bound  ourselves  to  resist  his  efforts  for  his  own 
emancipation.  We  suffer  him  to  do  nothing  for  himself.  The  more, 
then,  should  be  done  for  him.  Our  physical  power  is  pledged  against 
him  in  case  of  revolt.  Then  our  moral  power  should  be  exerted  for 
Iris  relief.  His  weakness,  which  we  increase,  gives  him  a claim  to  the 
only  aid  we  can  afford,  to  our  moral  sympathy,  to  the  free  and  faithful 
exposition  of  his  wrongs.  As  men,  as  Christians,  as  citizens,  we  have 
duties  to  the  slave,  as  well  as  to  every  other  member  of  the  community. 
On  this  point  we  have  no  liberty.  The  eternal  law  binds  us  to  take 
the  side  of  the  injured ; and  this  law  is  peculiarly  obligatory,  when  we 
forbid  him  to  lift  an  arm  in  his  own  defence. 

There  is,  however,  there  must  be,  in  slaveholding  communities  a 
large  class  which  cannot  be  too  severely  condemned.  There  are  many 
we  fear,  very  many,  who  hold  their  fellow-creatures  in  bondage,  from 
selfish,  base  motives.  They  hold  the  slave  for  gain,  whether  justly  or 
unjustly  they  neither  ask  nor  care.  They  cling  to  him  as  property, 
and  have  no  faith  in  the  principles  which  will  diminish  a man’s  wealth. 
They  hold  him,  not  for  his  own  good  or  the  safety  of  the  state,  but 
with  precisely  the  same  views  with  which  they  hold  a laboring  horse, 
that  is,  for  the  profit  which  they  can  wring  from  him.  They  will  not 
hear  a word  of  his  wrongs ; for,  wronged  or  not,  they  will  not  let  him 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


go.  He  is  their  property,  and  they  mean  not  to  be  poor  for  righteous- 
ness’ sake.  Such  a class  there  undoubtedly  is  among  slaveholders  ; 
how  large  their  own  consciences  must  determine.  We  are  sure  of  it ; 
for  under  such  circumstances  human  nature  will  and  must  come  to  this 
mournful  result.  Now,  to  men  of  this  spirit,  the  explanations  we  have 
made  do  in  no  degree  apply.  Such  men  ought  to  tremble  before  the 
rebukes  of  outraged  humanity  and  indignant  virtue.  Slavery,  upheld 
for  gain,  is  a great  crime.  He,  who  has  nothing  to  urge  against  eman- 
cipation, but  that  it  will  make  him  poorer,  is  bound  to  immediate  eman- 
cipation. He  has  no  excuse  for  wresting  from  his  brethren  their  rights. 
The  plea  of  benefit  to  the  slaye  and  the  state  avails  him  nothing.  He 
extorts,  by  the  lash,  that  labor  to  which  he  has  no  claim,  through  a base 
selfishness.  Every  morsel  of  food,  thus  forced  from  the  injured,  ought 
to  be  bitterer  than  gall.  His  gold  is  cankered.  The  sweat  of  the 
slave  taints  the  luxuries  for  which  it  streams.  Better  were  it  for  the 
selfish  wrong  doer  of  whom  I speak,  to  live  as  the  slave,  to  clothe  him- 
self in  the  slave’s  raiment,  to  eat  the  slave’s  coarse  food,  to  till  his 
fields  with  his  own  hands,  than  to  pamper  himself  by  day,  and  pillow 
his  head  on  down  at  night,  at  the  cost  of  a wantonly  injured  fellow- 
creature. 

I know  it  will  be  said,  “You  would  make  us  poor.”  Be  poor,  then, 
and  thank  God  for  your  honest  poverty.  Better  be  poor  than  unjust. 
Better  beg  than  steal.  Better  live  in  an  almshouse,  better  die  than 
trample  on  a fellow-creature  and  reduce  him  to  a brute,  for  selfish 
gratification.  What ! have  we  yet  to  learn  that  “ it  profits  us  nothing 
to  gain  the  whole  world,  and  lose  our  souls  ?” 

Slavery  must  fall,  because  it  stands  in  direct  hostility  to  all  the 
grand  movements,  principles,  and  reforms  of  our  age,  because  it  stands 
in  the  way  of  an  advancing  world.  One  great  idea  stands  out  amidst 
the  discoveries  and  improvements  of  modern  times.  It  is,  that  man 
is  not  to  exercise  arbitrary,  irresponsible  power  over  man.  To  rc. 
strain  power,  to  divide  and  balance  it,  to  create  responsibility  for  its 
just  use,  to  secure  the  individual  against  its  abuse,  to  substitute  law 
for  private  will,  to  shield  the  weak  from  the  strong,  to  give  to  tho 
injured  the  means  of  redress,  to  set  a fence  round  every  man’s  pro- 
perty and  rights,  in  a word,  to  secure  liberty, — such,  under  various 
expressions,  is  the  great  object  on  which  philosophers,  patriots,  philan 
thropists,  have  long  fixed  their  thoughts  and  hopes.  It  is  remarkable, 
and  one  of  the  happy  omens  of  the  times,  that  even  absolute  govern, 
ments  have  reached,  in  a measure,  this  grand  idea.  They  present 
themselves  as  the  guardians  of  liberty.  They  profess  their  desire  and 
purpose  to  sustain  equal  laws,  under  which  all  men,  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  shall  find  effectual  protection  for  their  rights.  The  dis- 
tinguished Prussian  historian,  Raumer,  in  his  letters  on  England,  main- 
tains,  that  his  own  government,  w'hich  foreigners  call  despotic,  does 
not  rest  on  private  will,  and  that  it  ensures,  on  the  whole,  greater 
freedom  to  the  subject,  than  the  British  people  can  boast.  Thus  des- 
potism does  homage  to  the  great  ideas  and  spirit  of  our  times  ; and 
yet  in  the  midst  of  this  progress,  in  the  face  of  this  universal  reverence 
for  human  rights,  the  slaveholder  stands  apart,  and  sets  up  his  claim 
to  ownership  of  his  fellow-creatures, 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


DOCTOR  CHANNING. 

The  great  evil  [of  Slavery]  is,  the  contempt  and  violation  of  human 
rights,  the  injustice  which  treats  a man  as  a brute,  and  which  breaks 
his  spirit  to  make  him  a human  tool.  It  is  the  injustice,  which  de- 
nies him  the  means  of  improvement,  which  denies  him  scope  for  his 
powers,  which  dooms  him  to  an  unchangeable  lot,  which  robs  him  of 
the  primitive  right  of  human  nature,  that  of  bettering  his  outward  and 
inward  state.  It  is  the  injustice,  which  converts  his  social  connec- 
tions into  a curse.  Here,  perhaps,  the  influence  of  slavery  is  most 
blighting.  Our  social  connections  are  intended  by  God  to  be  among 
our  chief  means  of  improvement  and  happiness;  and  a system,  which 
wars  with  these,  is  the  most  cruel  outrage  on  our  nature.  Other  men’s 
chief  relations  are  to  wife  and  children,  to  brother  and  sister,  to  beings 
endeared  by  nature,  and  who  awaken  the  heart  to  tenderness  and 
faithful  love.  The  slave’s  chief  relation  is  to  his  owner,  to  the  man 
who  wrongs  him.  This  it  is,  which  above  all  things  determines  his 
lot,  and  this  infuses  poison  into  all  his  other  social  connections.  This 
destroys  the  foundation  of  domestic  happiness  by  sullying  female  pu- 
rity, by  extinguishing  in  woman  the  sense  of  honor  This  violates 
the  sanctity  of  the  marriage  bond.  This  tears  the  wife  from  the  hus- 
band, or  condemns  her  to  insult,  perhaps,  laceration  in  his  sight.  This 
takes  from  the  parent  his  children.  His  children  belong  to  another, 
and  are  disposed  of  for  another’s  gain.  Thus  God’s  great  provisions 
for  softening,  refining,  elevating  human  nature  are  thwarted.  Thus 
social  ties  are  liable  to  be  turned  into  bitterness  and  wrong. 

An  ecclesiastical  document,  which  appeared  not  long  ago  in  soma 
of  our  papers,  is  a strong  illustration  of  the  influence  of  slavery  on 
the  relations  of  domestic  life.  It  confirms,  what  we  have  often  heard, 
that  the  slaves  are  commanded  to  matry  or  live  together,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  keeping  up  the  stock  of  the  estate.  It  shows  us,  too,  that 
when  slaves  are  sold  at  a distance  from  their  original  homes,  they  are 
commanded  to  give  up  their  wives  or  husbands  whom  they  have  left, 
and  to  serve  the  estate  by  forming  new  connections.  Against  this 
tyranny  one  wTould  think,  that  the  slave  would  find  some  protection 
in  his  religious  teachers.  One  would  think,  that  the  Christian  minister 
would  interpose,  to  save  the  colored  member  of  the  church  from  be- 
ing forced  to  renounce  the  wife  from  whom  he  had  been  torn  ; that  he 
would  struggle  to  rescue  him  from  an  adulterous  union,  against  which 
his  affections  as  well  as  sense  of  duty  may  revolt.  But,  according  to 
this  document,  an  association  of  ministers  decreed,  that  the  slave  sold 
at  a distance,  from  his  home,  was  to  be  regarded  as  dead  to  his  former 
wife  ; that  he  was  not  be  treated  in  this  concern  as  a free  agent ; that 
he  was  not  to  be  countenanced  by  the  church  in  resisting  hismaster’s 
will.  The  document  is  given  below.  What  a comment  on  Southern 
institutions  ! It  shows  how  religion  is  made  their  tool,  how  Chris- 
tianity is  used  to  do  violence  to  the  most  sacred  feelings  and  ties,  that 
the  breed  of  slaves  may  be  kept  up.  It  shows  us,  that  this  iniquitous 
system  pollutes  by  its  touch,  the  divinest,  the  holiest  provision  of  God 
for  human  happiness  and  virtue. — Charming's  Remarks  on  the  Slavery 
Question. 


THE  LEGIOH  OF  LIBERTY. 


A.  S.  CONVENTION  OF  AMERICAN  WOMEN. 

Address,  Philadelphia,  May  17,  1838. 

By  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  whole  physical  power 
of  the  north  is  pledged  for  the  suppression  of  domestic  insurrections, 
and  should  the  slaves,  maddened  by  oppression,  endeavor  to  shake 
off  the  yoke  of  the  task-master,  the  men  of  the  north  are  bound  to 
make  common  cause  with  (he  tyrant,  and  put  down,  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet,  every  effort  on  the  part  of  the  slave  for  the  attainlinent 
of  his  freedom.  And  when  the  father,  husband,  son,  and  brother 
shall  have  left  their  homes  to  mingle  in  the  unholy  warfare,  “ to  be- 
come the  executioners  of  their  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their 
hands,”  will  the  mother,  wife,  daughter,  and  sister  feel  that  they 
have  no  interest  in  this  subject  ? Will  it  be  easy  to  convince  them 
that  it  is  no  concern  of  theirs,  that  their  homes  are  rendered  deso- 
late, and  their  habitations  the  abodes  of  wretchedness  ? Surely  this 
consideration  is  of  itself  sufficient  to  arouse  the  slumbering  energies 
of  woman,  for  the  overthrow  of  a system  which  thus  t hreatens  to  lay 
in  ruins  the  fabric  of  her  domestic  happiness  ; and  she  will  not  be  de- 
terred from  the  performance  of  her  duty  to  herself,  her  family,  and 
her  country,  by  the  cry  of  “ political  question.” 

But  admitting  it  to  be  a political  question,  have  we  no  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  our  country?  May  we  not  permit  a thought  to  slray 
beyond  the  narrow  limits  of  our  own  family  circle,  and  of  the  pre. 
sent  hour  ? May  we  not  breathe  a sigh  over  the  miseries  of  our 
countrymen,  nor  utter  a word  of  remonstrance  against  the  unjust 
laws  that  are  crushing  them  to  the  earth?  Must  we  witness  “the 
headlong  rage  or  headless  folly,”  with  which  our  nation  is  rushing 
onward  to  destruction,  and  not  seek  to  arrest  its  downward  course  ? 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Shall  we  silently  behold  the  land  which  we  love  with  all  the  heart- 
varm  affection  of  children,  rendered  a hissing  and  a reproach  through. 
>ut  the  world,  by  this  system  which  is  already  “ tolling  the  death, 
tell  of  her  decease  among  the  nations?”  No  ; the  events  of  the  last 
wo  years  have  “ cast  their  dark  shadows  before,”  over-clouding  the 
iright  prospects  of  the  future,  and  shrouding  the  destinies  of  our 
rouutry  in  more  than  midnight  gloom,  and  we  cannot  remain  inac- 
ive.  Our  country  is  as  dear  to  us  as  to  the  proudest  statesman,  and 
he  more  closely  our  hearts  cling  to  “ our  altars  and  our  homes,”  the 
nore  fervent  are  our  aspirations  that  every  inhabitant  of  our  land 
nay  be  protected  in  his  fireside  enjoyments  by  just  and  equal  laws  ; 
.hat  the  foot  of  the  tyrant  may  no  longer  invade  the  domestic  sanc- 
uary,  nor  his  hand  tear  asunder  those  whom  God  himself  has  united 
>y  the  most  holy  ties.  Let  our  course,  then,  still  be  onward  ! Jus- 
ice,  humanity,  patriotism,  every  high  and  every  holy  motive  urge 
is  forward,  and  we  dare  not  refuse  to  obey.” 

Mary  S.  Parker. 

Maria  YV.  Chapman, 
Catharine  M.  Sullivan, 
Susan  Paul,  and  others. 

ABBY  KELLEY 

Offered  the  following  resolution,  which  was  adopted  ; 

Whereas,  a vast  portiou  of  the  wealth  of  the  north  has  accrued, 
md  is  still  accruing,  from  the  slave  system,  either  directly  in  the 
lolding  of  slaves,  by  northern  citizens,  or  indirectly  by  our  social  and 
lormnercial  intercourse  with  slave-holding  communities;  therefore, 

Resolced , That  we  are  very  deeply  implicated  in  the  sin  of  using 
rar  brother’s  service  without  wages,  and  of  holding  in  our  hands  the 
rains  of  oppression  ; consequently  it  is  our  duty  to  bring  forth  fruits 
neet  for  repentance,  by  laboring  devotedly  in  the  service  of  the 
;poded,  and  by  contributing  with  unsparing  liberality  to  the  treasury 
if  the  slave. 


BOSTON  FEMALE  A.  S.  SOCIETY. 

Wc  call  on  you  in  the  prevailing  name  of  our  common  Christianity, 
uid  by  the  power  of  freedom  upon  your  own  souls,  to  resolve  the  de- 
iverance  of  the  captive,  and  to  labor  immediately  for  its  fulfilment, 
father  yourselves  together  as  societies  or  as  individuals,  we  entreat 
rou  ; and  increase  by  combination  every  power  you  possess,  for  the 
service  of  freedom.  Where  two  or  three,  even,  are  gathered  together 
•vith  this  holy  purpose,  there  is  his  spirit  in  the  midst  of  them  who 
lame  to  proclaim  deliverance.  Let  us  hear  your  voices  of  encourage- 
oent  from  the  utmost  limits  of  Massachusetts  ; and  depend  on  us  to 
:heer  ami  encourage  your  hopes  of  speedy  emancipation  for  the 
Mnerican  slave,  if  the  sight  of  earnest  and  devoted  labor  on  our  part 
:an  produce  that  effect. 

THANKFUL  SOUTHWICK,  Pres. 

Anne  Warren  Weston,  Sec.  pro.  tern. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


HANNAH  F.  GOULD. 

Who  is  thy  Neighbor  ? I 

Thy  neighbor!  Yonder  toiling  slave, 

Fetter’d  in  thought  and  limb, 

Whose  thoughts  are  all  beyond  the  grave 
Go  thou  and  ransom  him. 

Whene’er  thou  mect’st  a human  form 
Less  favor’d  than  thine  own, 

Remember  ’tis  thy  neighbor  worm, 

Thy  brother,  or  thy  son. 

O pass  not,  pass  not  heedless  by  ; 

Perhaps  thou  canst  redeem 
The  breaking  heart  from  misery  ; 

Go  share  thy  lot  with  him. 

ELIZABETH  MARGARET  CHANDLER. 

The  Domestic  Slave-trade. — This  is  the  most  indefensible,  as  well  as 
the  most  detestible  feature  in  the  system  of  slavery.  It  will  not  admit 
of  even  an  attempt  at  justification.  There  are  many  who  profess  to 
deplore  the  existence  of  slavery,  who  yet  consider  its  abolition  im- 
practicable, or  unjust  to  the  owners  of  slaves,  or  dangerous  to  the  j 
community.  Others  again,  will  descant  largely  on  the  blessings  and 
advantages  of  slavery  to  those  who  are  favored  with  the  enjoyment  of 
its  benefits,  ending  with  a declaration  that  their  situation,  if  restored  to 
freedom,  would  be  infinitely  more  deplorable.  But  none  of  these  rea- 
sons can  be  urged  in  behalf  of  this  shameful  traffic.  It  is  a guilt  and  an  . 
infamy  for  which  our  country  has  no  excuse.  If  her  slave  population 
was  entailed  upon  her  against  her  will,  and  cannot  now  be  j$ot  rid  of, 
she  is  at  least,  under  no  compulsion  to  permit  herself  to  be  disgraced 
by  this  infamous  traffic. 

Slave  Produce. — One  would  suppose  that  the  bare  knowledge  of  the 
terrible  price  at  which  those  cherished  comforts  have  been  procured, 
would  cause  a woman  to  turn  shuddering  and  loathingly  away,  as 
though  they  were  infected  with  a taint  of  blood.  And  the  curse  of 
blood  is  upon  them  ! Though  the  dark  red  stain  may  not  be  there 
visibly,  yet  the  blood  of  all  the  many  thousands  of  the  slain,  who  have 
died  amid  the  horrors  and  loathsomeness  otthc  slave-ship — been  hurled 
by  rapacious  cruelty  to  the  yawning  wave,  or  sprang  to  its  bosom  in 
the  madness  of  their  proud  despair — of  those  who  have  pined  away  to 
death  beneath  the  slow  tortures  of  a broken  heart,  who  have  perished 
beneath  the  tortures  of  inventive  tyranny,  or  on  the  ignominious 
gibbet — all  this  lies  with  a fearful  weight  upon  this  most  foul  and 
unnatural  system,  and  that  insatiable  thirst  for  luxury  and  wealth  in 
wliichit  first  originated,  and  by  which  it  is  still  perpetuated. 


PRUDENCE  CRANDALL. 


Think  of  our  country’s  glory, 

Ail  diinm’d  with  A trie’s  tears — 

Her  broad  dag  stain’d  and  gory 
With  the  hoarded  guilt  of  years  ! 

Think  of  the  frantic  mother, 

Lamenting  for  her  child, 

Till  falling  lashes  smother 
Her  cries  of  anguish  wild ! 

Think  of  the  prayers  ascending 
Yet  shriek’d,  alas  ! in  vain, 

When  heart  from  heart  is  rending 
Ne’er  to  be  joined  again. 

Shall  we  behold,  unheeding. 

Life’s  holiest  feelings  crush’d  ? 

When  woman’s  heart  is  bleeding, 

Shall  woman’s  voice  be  hush’d? 

Oh,  no  ! by  every  blessing 
That  Heaven  to  thee  may  lend — 

Remember  their  oppression, 

Forget  not,  sister,  friend. 

E.  M.  Chandler's  Works . 


TO  PRUDENCE  CRANDALL. 

Heaven  bless  thee  noble  lady, 

In  thy  purpose,  good  and  high  ! 

Give  knowledge  to  the  thirsting  mind, 

Light  to  the  asking  eye  ; 

Unseal  the  intellectual  page, 

For  those  from  whom  dark  pride, 

With  tyrant  and  unholy  hands, 

Would  fain  its  treasures  hide. 

Still  bear  thou  up  unyielding, 

’Gainst  persecution’s  shock, 

Gentle  as  woman’s  self  yet  firm 
And  moveless  as  a rock  ; 

A thousand  spirits  yield  to  thee 
Their  gushing  sympathies, 

The  blessing  of  a thousand  hearts 
Around  thy  pathway  lies.  E.  M.  C. 


PRUDENCE  CRANDALL. 

This  enterprising  and  philanthropic  young  lady  has  been  tried  and 
eonvicted  by  a court  in  the  state  of  Connecticut,  after  all  the  usual 
ormalities  of  examining  witnesses,  hearing  counsel,  and  the  delivery 
ef  a charge  from  his  honor  the  judge,  of — readers  what  do  you  suppose? 
lot  of  stealing  nor  breaking  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  state — but  of 
caching  young  women  to  read  and  write.  Truly  this  is  a very  enlight- 
ened age!  and  Connecticut,  so  far-famed  for  her  colleges,  and 
3eminaries  of  learning,  has  taken  the  lead  in  causing  her  light  to  shine ! ! 

jury  of  that  enlightened  state,  has  convicted  one  of  her  daughters  of 
endeavoring  to  impart  literary  instruction  to  females ! Truly,  “ where 
he  light  that  is  in  us  becomes  darkness,  how  great  is  that  darkness ! !” 


9 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


LUCRETIA  MOTT. 

The  support  of  the  iniquitous  system  of  slavery  at  the  south,  is 
dependent  on  the  co-operation  of  the  north,  by  commerce  and  manu  . 
faetures,  as  well  as  by  the  consumption  of  its  products  ; — therefore 
despising  the  gain  of  oppression,  we  reccomrnend  to  our  friends,  by 
a candid  and  prayerful  examination  of  the  subject,  to  ascertain^if  it 
be  not  a duty  to  cleanse  our  hands  from  this  unrighteous  participa- 
tion, by  no  longer  indulging  in  the  luxuries  which  come  through  this 
polluted  channel ; and  in  the  supply  of  the  necessary  articles  of  food  • 
and  clothing,  Ac.  that  we  ‘ provide  things  honest  in  the  sight  of  all 
men,’  by  giving  the  preference  to  goods  which  come  through  requited  , 
labor. 


MARIA  WESTON  CHAPMAN. 

The  memory  of  a gracious  deed, 

Of  justice,  or  of  love,  1J 

How  many  a swelling  heart  shall  heed, 

Of  differing  nation,  name  and  creed  ! 

How  many  a soul  approve  ! 

Come,  sire  ! come,  mother  ! bring  your  gift 
To  aid  the  suffering  slave  ! 

Let  wife  and  husband’s  generous  thrift 
Unite  hiu  bleeding  form  to  lift, 

And  from  oppression  save. 

Come,  little  children,  kneeling  by! 

Devote  what  God  hath  given  ! 

And  raise  your  little  hands  on  high. 

Till  freedom  hath  the  victory, 

And  earth  becomes  like  heaven. 

Nor  time  nor  space  absorbs  the  rays; 

The  radiance  onward  streams  : 

The  kindly  deed  of  present  days, 

Though  centuries  interpose  their  haze, 

O’er  all  the  future  gleams. 


We  are  not  of  those  who  dread  moral  influences  from  other  lands. 
We  feel  that  all  nations,  as  sharers  of  a common  nature,  should  be 
united  in  every  good  purpose,  and  that  the  country  of  La  Fayette  is 
not  entirely  foreign  to  Americans.  We  observe  with  intense  interest, 
the  progress  of  other  countries  towards  emancipation,  for  when  our 
own  shall  have  the  painful  distinction  of  being  the  only  slave-holding 
nation  of  Christendom,  the  success  of  our  endeavors  to  throw  off 
the  curse  of  slavery  cannot  be  far  distant. 

We  deem  there  is  nothing  unfeminine  in  aiding  our  husbands, 
brothers,  and  sous,  to  support  the  principles  they  have  adopted,  es- 
pecially while  the  cause  lacks  numerical  strength.  But  every  day 
adds  to  the  number  of  its  supporters.  The  moral  strength  of  the 


TSf  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


country  is  arousing  from  slumber,  aud  God  defend  the  right ! — Letter 
to  the  Dutchess  De  Broglie. 

She  was  for  some  years  most  intensely  interested  in  the  plans 
which  the  philanthropists  in  France  were  attempting  to  carry  into 
operation,  for  the  diminution  of  the  horrors  of  slavery  in  the  French 
islands  ; and  still  more,  for  the  removal  of  slavery  itself  from  those 
portions  of  the  French  possessions.  Nor  were  her  labors,  and  those 
of  her  distinguished  husband’s  in  vain.  A decided  impression  has 
been  male  on  the  public  mind  in  France,  and  the  day  cannot  be  far 
distant  when  the  abolition  of  slavery,  either  gradual  or  immediate, 
will  take  place  in  the  French  islands. — Robert  Baird. 

LYDIA  H.  SIGOURNEY. 

Oh  ! if  to  Afric’s  sable  race 
A fearful  debt  we  justly  owe, 

If  heaven’s  dread  book  record  the  trace 
Of  every  deed  and  thought  below— 

And  if  for  them  the  Christian  prayer 
Imploies  of  God  to  guide  and  save, 

Then  let  these  helpless  suppliants  share 
From  mercy’s  store  the  mite  they  crave. 

Touch  deep  for  them  the  pitying  breast, 

Bid  bounty’s  stream  flow  warm  and  free 
For  who  can  tell  arnon:  he  blest, 

How  sweet  their  hai,  of  praise  may  be  ? 

LYDIA  MARIA  CHILD. 

In  oi^r  to  show  the  true  aspect  of  slavery  among  us,  I will  state 
distinct  propositions,  each  supported  by  the  evidence  of  actually  existr 
ing  laws. 

1.  Slavery  is  hereditary  and  perpetual,  to  the  last  moment  of  the 

slave’s  earthly  existence,  and  to  all  his  descendants,  to  the  latest 
posterity.  ' 

2.  The  labor  of  the  slave  is  compulsory  and  uncompensated  ; while 
the  kind  of  labor,  the  amount  of  toil,  and  the  time  allowed  for  rest,  are 
dictated  solely  by  the  master.  No  bargain  is  made,  no  wages  given. 
A pure  despotism  governs  the  human  brute ; and  even  his  covering 
and  provender,  both  as  to  quantity  and  quality,  depend  entirely  on  the 
master’s  discretion. 

3.  The  slave  being  considered  a personal  chattel,  may  be  sold,  or 
pledged,  or  leased,  at  the  will  of  his  master.  He  may  be  exchanged 
for  marketable  commodities,  or  taken  in  execution  for  the  debts,  or 
taxes,  either  of  a living,  or  a deceased  master.  Sold  at  auction, 
“either  individually,  or  in  lots  to  suit  the  purchaser,”  he  may  remain 
with  his  family,  or  be  separated  from  them  for  ever. 


SARAH  M.  GRIMKE ANGELINA*  E.  GRIMKE. 


4.  Slaves  can  make  no  contracts,  and  have  no  legal  right  to  any 

property,  real  or  personal.  Their  own  honest  earnings,  and  the  lega- 
cies of  friends,  belong,  in  point  of  law,  to  their  masters.  j 

5.  Neither  a slave,  nor  free  colored  person,  can  be  a witness  against ' 
any  white  or  free  man,  in  a court  of  justice,  however  atrocious  may 
have  been  the  crimes  they  have  seen  him  commit  • but  they  may  give 
testimony  against  a fellow-slave,  or  free  colored  man,  even  in  cases 
affecting  life. 

G.  The  slave  may  be  punished  at  his  master’s  discretion — without 
trial — without  any  means  of  legal  redress, — whether  his  offence  be  ' 
real  or  imaginary : and  the  master  can  transfer  the  same  despotic 
power  to  any  person,  or  persons,  he  may  choose  to  appoint.  ' 

7.  The  slave  is  not  allowed  to  resist  any  free  man  under  any  cir- 

cumstances: his  only  safety  consists  in  the  fact  that  his  owner  may 
bring  suit  and  recover  the  price  of  bis  body,  in  case  his  life  is  taken,  or 
his  limbs  rendered  unfit  for  labor.  J 

8.  Slaves  cannot  redeem  themselves,  or  obtain  a change  of  masters, 
though  cruel  treatment  may  have  rendered  such  a change  necessary  „ 
for  their  personal  safety. 

9.  The  slave  is  entirely  unprotected  in  his  domestic  relations. 

10.  The  laws  greatly  obstruct  the  manumission  of  slaves,  even 
where  the  master  is  willing  to  enfranchise  them. 

1 1.  The  operation  of  the  laws  tends  to  deprive  slaves  of  religious 

instruction  and  consolation.  1 

12.  The  whole  power  of  the  laws  is  exerted  to  keep  slaves  in  a slate  [: 
of  the  lowest  ignorance. 

13.  There  is  in  this  country  a monstrous  inequality  of  law  and  right. 
What  is  a trilling  fault  in  a white  man,  is  considered  highl^riminal 
in  the  slave  ; the  same  offences  which  cost  a white  man  a few  dollars 
only,  are  punished  in  the  negro  with  death. 

14.  The  laws  operate  most  oppressively  upon  free  people  of  color. — 
Appeal  in  favor  of  that  class  of  Americans  called  Africans. 

/ / 
SARAH  M.  GRIMKE.— ANGELINA  E.  GRIMKE. 

Let  them  protest  against  the  use  of  the  national  prisons  for  the 
iniquitous  purpose  of  confining  slaves,  and  free  people  of  color  taken 
up  on  suspicion  of  being  runaways.  Let  Northerners  petition  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  territory  of  Florida,  and  the  entire  breaking  up 
of  the  inter-state  slave-trade.  Let  them  respectfully  ask  for  an  altera- 
tion in  that  part  of  the  constitution  by  which  they  are  bound  to  assist 
the  South  in  quelling  servile  insurrections.  Let  them  see  to  it  that  they 
send  no  man  to  congress  who  would  give  his  vote  to  the  admission  of 
another  slave  state  into  the  national  Union.  Let  them  protest  against 
the  injustice  and  cruelty  of  delivering  the  fugitive  slave  back  to  his 
master,  as  being  a direct  infringement  of  the  Divine  command.  Deut. 
xxiii,  15,  16.  Let  them  petition  their  different  legislatures  to  grant  a 
jury  trial  to  the  friendless,  helpless  runaway,  and  for  the  repeal  of  those 
laws  which  secure  to  the  slaveholder  his  legal  right  to  his  slave,  after  he 
has  voluntarily  brought  him  within  the  verge  of  their  jurisdiction,  and 


Tlis  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


For  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  will  protect  the  colored  man,  woman, 
and  child,  from  the  fangs  of  the  kidnapper,  who  is  constantly  walking 
aboht  in  the  northern  states,  seeking  whom  he  may  devour.  Let  the 
northern  churches  refuse  to  receive  slaveholders  at  their  communion 
tables,  or  to  permit  slaveholding  ministers  to  enter  their  pulpits.  Let 
those  northern  ministers  who  go  to  the  South  “Cry  aloud  and  spare 
not,  lift  up  their  voices  like  a trumpet  and  show  the  people  their  trans- 
gressions, and  tlie  house  of  Jacob  their  sins  — let  them  refuse  to 
countenance  the  system  of  slavery  by  owning  slaves  themselves. 
Let  northern  men  who  go  to  the  South  to  make  their  fortunes,  see  to  it, 
that  those  fortunes  are  not  made  out  of  the  unrequited  labor  of  the 
slave.  Let  northern  merchants  refuse  to  receive  mortgages  or  take 
slaves,  seeing  that  this  is  a virtual  acknowledgement  that  man  can  hold 
man  as  property.  Let  them  carefully  avoid  participating  in  any  way 
in  the  African  slave-trade.  Let  northern  manufacturers  refuse  to 
purchase  the  cetton  for  the  cultivation  of  which  the  laborer  has  re- 
ceived no  wages.  Let  the  grocer  refuse  to  buy  the  sugar  and  rice  of 
the  South,  so  long  as  “ the  If  re  of  the  laborers  who  have  reaped  down 
their  fields  is  kept  back  by  fraud.”  Let  the  merchant  refuse  to 
receive  the  articles  manufactured  out  of  slave-grown  cotton,  and  let 
the  consumer  refuse  to  purchase  either  the  rice,  sugar,  or  cotton 
articles,  to  produce  which  has  cost  the  slave  his  unpaid  labor,  his  tears, 
and  his  blood.  Every  Northerner  may  in  this  way  bear  a faithful 
testimony  against  slavery  at  the  South,  by  withdrawing  his  pecuniary 
support. 

Female  Anti-Slavery  Society  Putnam  Co.,  Illinois. 

Why  should  women,  so  efficient  as  co-workers  with  men  in  every 
benevolent  and  virtuous  cause,  suffer  their  energies  to  lie  dormant 
while  nearly  three  millions  of  our  countrymen,  crushed  and  bleeding 
and  writhing  in  agony,  are  lifting  up  imploring  hands  and  pleading 
with  us  for  help ; nay,  while  many  of  our  own  sex  are  imbruted, 
scourged,  tortured,  manacled,  torn  from  their  families,  bereaved  of 
their  children,  deprived  of  protection  for  their  own  persons,  made 
subject  to  every  evil  that  renders  life  a burden  : while,  as  far  as  law 
and  custom  can  effect  it,  they  are  denied  the  support  and  consola- 
tions of  the  gospel. 

It  is  obvious  to  every  attentive  observer  that  slavery  is  the  great 
crying  sin  of  our  country  ; it  is  the  greatest  moral  and  political  evil 
that  afflicts  our  nation  and  blots  its  fair  fame  ; it  is  certainly  the 
most  galling  and  debasing  physical  evil  that  ever  degraded  man. 
Then  should  it  claim  our  first  attention.  Did  we  but  reflect  for  a 
moment  that  every  day’s  delay  sends  hundreds  of  our  brethren 
mourning  to  an  untimely  grave. — Western  Citizen. 

Female  Anti-Slavery  Association  op  Henry  County,  Iowa. 

As  women  of  free  republican  America,  we  believe  the  freedom  of 
speech  and  the  right  of  petition  are  as  sacredly  guaranteed  to  us  by 
our  government ; and  that  liberty  in  this  way  to  exert  a moral  in- 
fluence is,  by  the  same  authority  and  the  concurrent  voice  of  nature 
and  reason,  emphatically  proclaimed  to  be  our  birth-right ; and  that 

9* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


is  intelligent  and  accountable  beings,  it  is  our  duty  thus  to  act,  es- 
pecially in  regard  to  subjects  of  vital  importance  to  the  welfare  of 
our  country. 

The  Globe  contains  the  remarks  of  Mr.  Rayner,  a representative 
from  N.  Carolina,  in  which  women  are  represented  as  the  worst  and 
most  dangerous  part  of  creation.  But  it  seems  he  could  not  call  to 
mind  any  of  the  noble  and  virtuous  deeds  of  those  of  our  sex  in  olden 
time — no  recollection  of  Miriam,  one  of  the  associate  leaders  of  an- 
cient Israel  ; nor  of  Deborah  the  prophetess,  who  judged  that  nation 
and  delivered  it  from  its  enemies.  His  memory  has  failed  him  in  re- 
gard to  the  important  services  rendered  to  the  captive  Jews  by  Esther 
the  Queen,  in  delivering  them  from  their  enemies,  through  her  in. 
tercessions  with  Ahasuerus  the  King,  and  also  in  regard  to  the  re- 
markable manner  in  which  Rome  was  once  saved  by  female  virtue. 
By  the  instigation  of  Valeria,  sister  of  the  famous  Valerius  Publico- 
la,  the  women  joining  their  efforts  wrought  upon  the  feelings  and 
sensibilities  of  Rome’s  inveterate  enemy,  (just  as  we  desire  to  do  by 
our  petitions  on  those  of  the  negroes’  enemies,)  and  ultimately  ef- 
fected that  which  all  Rome’s  ministers  of  religion  failed  to  accom 
plish.  * * * 

We  forbear  a further  exposure  of  the  numerous  revolting,  indecent 
and  cruel  acts  before  us,  of  even  a more  flagitious  and  disgraceful 
character,  the  bare  recital  of  many  of  which,  would  shock  that  true 
modesty  and  propriety  which  women  abolitionists  of  the  north  are  de- 
sirous to  bring  into  repute,  and  establish  among  the  people.  We 
would  by  no  means  insinuate  that  southern  women  are  all  of  this 
class,  for  we  doubt  not,  there  are  many  whose  sense  of  propriety, 
were  it  not  on  account  of  personal  safety,  would  prompt  them  to  join 
us  in  our  efforts.  Such  we  esteem  as  our  beloved  sisters,  and  earnest, 
ly  hope  that  the  time  may  soon  arrive,  in  which  they  may,  without 
endangering  their  lives,  publicly  espouse  our  cause. 

DRUSILLA  UNTHANK,  Secretary. 

[The  firmness  of  Queen  Isabella  enabled  Columbus  to  present  a 
new  world  to  the  old  and  change  the  destinies  of  both.  Catharine  1st. 
by  her  address,  effected  the  treaty  of  Pruth,  and  saved  the  Russian 
army  and  empire.  Mary  W.  Montague,  by  introducing  inoculation 
from  the  east  into  Europe,  saved  the  health  and  lives  of  millions, 
having  first  tried  it  on  her  own  child.  Madame  Tallien  from  her 
solitary  dungeon,  inspired  the  men  of  France  with  the  energy  to  di- 
vert the  guillotine  from  the  wholesale  slaughter  of  virtuous  citizens  to 
the  necks  of  misguided  rulers.  And  recently,  when  the  monument 
of  Bunker  Hill  had  for  years  been  languishing  in  premature  dilapi- 
dation, the  ladies  of  Boston,  by  a single  effort,  furnished  the  com- 
plement.]— Petition  to  the  N.  York  Legislature,  that  married  wo- 
men be  entitled  to  their  own  ■property. 


ANDOVER  FEMALE  A.  S.  SOCIETY. 

We  feel  that  woman  has  a place  in  this  God-like  work,  for  wo- 
man’s woes,  and  woman’s  wrongs,  are  borne  to  us  on  every  breeze 
that  blows  from  the  south, — woman  has  a place,  for  she  forma  a part 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


in  God’s  created  intelligent  instrumentality  to  reform  the  world.  Gol 
never  made  her  to  be  inactive — nor  in  all  cases  to  follow  in  the  waka 
of  man.  When  man  proves  recreant  to  his  duty,  and  faithless  to  his 
Maker,  woman,  with  her  feeling  heart,  should  rouse  him — should 
start  his  sympathies — should  cry  in  his  ear,  and  raise  such  a storm 
of  generous  sentiment,  as  shall  never  let  him  sleep  again.  We  be- 
lieve God  gave  woman  a heart  to  feel — an  eye  to  weep — a hand  to 
work — a tongue  to  speak.  Now  let  her  use  that  tongue  to  speak  on 
slavery.  Is  it  not  a curse — a heaven-daring  abomination  ? Let  her 
employ  that  hand,  to  labor  for  the  slave.  Does  not  her  sister  in 
bonds,  labor  night  and  day  without  reward  ? Let  her  heart  grieve, 
and  her  eye  fill  with  tears,  in  view  of  a female’s  body  dishonored — a 
female’s  mind  debased — a female’s  soul  forever  ruined ! Woman  noth- 
ing to  do  with  slavery  ? Abhorred  the  thought ! ! We  will  pray  to 
abhor  it  more  and  more.  Is  not  woman  abused — woman  trampled 
upon — woman  spoiled  of  her  virtue,  her  probity,  her  influence,  her 
joy  ! and  this,  not  in  India — not  in  China — not  in  Turkey — not  in 
Africa — but  in  America — in  the  United  States  of  America — in  the 
birth-place  of  Washington,  the  father  of  freedom,  the  protector  of 
woman,  the  friend  of  equality  and  human  rights ! 

We  are  under  many  obligations  to  Rev.  Charles  Fitch  of  Boston, 
for  a powerful  discourse,  one  week  since,  on  the  abominations  of 
slavery.  He  made  this  direful  system  appear  more  abominable  than 
robbery,  drunkenness,  murder,  or  even  the  basest  forms  of  licenti- 
ousness, considered  singly  and  alone.  Slavery  is  to  be  deprecated, 
more  than  any  of  these.  And  why  ? Because  it  is  the  burning, 
blasting,  withering  focus  of  them  all.  Nothing  so  foul,  but  slavery 
fosters  it — nothing  so  unclean,  but  slavery  revels  in  it — nothing  so 
contemptible,  but  slavery  covers  it — nothing  so  murderous,  but  sla. 
very  perpetrates  it.  Who  will  say,  language  is  adequate  to  set  forth 
the  horrors  of  such  a system!  Its  abomination  verily  beggar  descrip- 
tion ! To  realize  them,  is  to  be  speechless  in  the  depths  of  inexpres- 
sible feeling. 

ELIZABETH  EMERY,  President. 

Mary  P.  Abbott,  Rec.  Secretary. 


providence  ladies  a.  s.  society. 

Resolved,  That  we  act  as  moral  agents  and  Christians  fearlessly  in 
this  cause — thinking  and  acting  in  view  of  our  accountability  to  our 
Maker— remembering  that  our  rights  are  sacred  and  immutable,  and 
founded  on  the  liberty  of  the  gospel,  that  great  emancipation  act  for 
women.  We  further  resolve,  that  we  will  not  be  turned  aside  from 
the  object  we  have  espoused,  by  the  intimidations  of  ridicule,  or  the 
intoxicating  flatteries  of  men  and  women,  whose  god  is  their  selfish 
ness,  nor  be  cajoled  into  a selfish  conceit  of  our  superiority  over  the 
millions  of  females  in  our  country,  whose  unuttered  and  unutterable 
cries  of  agony  from  oppression,  will,  as  they  rise  to  heaven,  shake 
terribly  our  guilty  land  ; but  we  will  turn  our  eyes,  for  example  and 
imitation,  to  those  philanthropists  in  Europe  and  America,  who, 
through  self-denial  and  persecution,  have  become  pioneers  in  the  cause 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


of  emancipation,  some  of  whom  we  have  seen  face  to  face ; am 
while  they  command  our  reverence,  they  call  forth  our  gratitude  ai 
women  for  the  shadowing  out  they  have  given  of  our  rights,  by  mean! 
of  the  full  light  which  their  benevolent  efforts  have  shed  on  th< 
equality  of  the  rights  of  man. 

Sarah  Pratt,  Secretary. 

THE  LADIES  OF  DARLINGTON, 

To  the  Ladies  A.  S.  Association  of  New-England. 

We  rejoice  in  the  victory  which  the  long  protracted  struggle  of 
Great  Britain  has  achieved,  in  having  at  length  succeeded,  to  a great 
extent,  in  breaking  the  fetters  of  slavery  in  her  own  colonies.  But 
our  object  is  universal  freedom — the  breaking  of  every  yoke,  the  de- 
liverance of  the  oppressed,  of  every  kindred,  and  tongue,  and  peo- 
ple, and  nation.  We  regard,  therefore,  with  feelings  of  the  deepest 
sorrow,  the  existence  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade,  with  all  their 
attendant  abominations,  in  the  southern  states  of  America.  Odious 
as  such  a system  must  be,  under  any  circumstances,  its  existence  is 
doubly  deplorable  and  culpable  in  a land  calling  itself  free,  and 
amongst  a people  professing  the  Christian  name.  So  glaring  an  in- 
consistency must  injure  the  cause  of  Liberty  in  the  world  at  large, 
whilst  it  affords  to  the  espouser  of  infidelity  his  most  cogent  argu. 
ment  against  our  holy  religion. 

The  heart-stirring  addresses  of  George  Thompson  have  been  emi- 
nently instrumental,  in  this  country,  in  awakening  feelings  of  ab- 
horrence towards  American  slavery.  We  cannot  better  convey  to 
you  our  sentiments  on  the  subject  than  by  saying  they  are  in  unison 
with  his. 

We  contemplate,  with  peculiar  delight,  lire  powerful  and  sulutary 
influence  you  must  exert  over  public  feeling,  by  the  faithful  and  fear- 
less testimony  you  bear  against  the  prejudices,  corruptions,  and  op- 
pressions which  disgrace  your  nation.  Truth  and  humanity,  reason 
and  revelation,  are  on  your  side.  Your  cause  must,  therefore,  even- 
tually  triumph.  We  would  encourage  you  to  persevere  with  unre- 
mitting energy,  in  the  use  of  all  Christian  efforts,  until  the  meridian 
splendor  of  that  glorious  day,  which  shall  witness  the  last  link  to  be 
broken  which  binds  the  slave — until  all  the  odious  distinctions  found- 
ed on  color  shall  be  buried  in  oblivion,  and  the  injured  sons  of  Africa 
in  your  land  restored  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  ali  the  rights  and  pri- 
vileges of  humanity. 

Elizabeth  Pf.ase, 

Jesse  Elizabeth  Wemyss. 


FRANCES  HARRIET  WHIPPLE.  • 

If  our  gospel  teachers  will  not  lead  us,  we  must  lead  them  1 I 
speak  with  all  deference — and  yet  I repeat,  emphatically — we  must 
lead  them  ! To  begin,  we  must  ponder  the  right  way — and,  having 
ascertained,  we  must  pursue  it,  fearlessly,  undeviatingly.  Kindly  re- 
monstrating  with  opposers — bearing  opposition  and  abuse  with  a 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


1 meek  and  quiet  spirit but  at  the  same  time,  yielding  no  opinion, 
conceding  no  principle,  withholding  no  truth,  which  conscience  tells 
us  it  is  right  to  hold  and  maintain,  Such  a course  of  conduct  will 
have  its  authority.  One  after  another  will  notice,  inquire,  listen, 
and  finally  believe. 

There  are,  perhaps,  not  far  from  a million  of  our  sisters — sisters 
by  the  universal  affinity  of  our  race — sisters  by  every  principle  of 
love  taught  by  Him  whom  we  profess  to  follow — now  in  slavery.  Sla- 
very ! Have  ye  pondered  the  word  ? Do  ye  knovv  what  it  means  T 
Think  what  it  is  to  hold  home,  kindred,  friends — even  honor  and 
virtue,  at  the  mercy  of  a man  who  may  assume,  if  he  do  not  pos- 
ses ; unlimited  power — and  who  is  a miracle,  if  he  be  not  a tyrant ! 
You  have  heard  of  the  human  market — of  the  measured  nutriment 
— of  the  cruel  task— of  the  knotted  scourge — of  the  darkened  soul ! 
But  have  you  known  the  peculiar,  the  monstrous  aggravations,  which 
attend  the  slavery  of  woman  ? Have  you  brought  home  the  subject 
to  your  hearts  ? or,  rather,  have  you  gone,  with  your  whole  soul,  to 
the  subject,  and  scanned  every  form  of  horror  it  presents  ? If  you 
have  not,  it  is  time  you  should  do  so  ; and  as  their  sister — and  yours 
— as  a follower  of  the  same  blessed  teacher — as  an  aspirant  to  the 
same  glorious  promises — I feel  it  an  imperative  duty,  on  the  present 
occasion,  to  urge  on  you  the  necessity  of  thought,  of  action,  of  de- 
liberate, firm,  but  energetic  action  ! This  is  no  longer  a matter  of 
choice,  of  taste,  or  of  convenience.  Duty — stern,  uncompromising 
duty,  calls  to  action  ! Hesitation,  unwillingness  are  crime — we  can 
not  be,  at  once,  idle  and  innocent ! All  can  do  something ; and  it 
hut  one  word  be  spoken,  like  the  good  kernel,  falling  on  good  ground, 
it  may  bring  forth  fruit  an  hundred  fold  ! 

‘ Let  your  light  shine  before  men.’  Light  is,  in  its  very  nature  dif- 
fusive. One  after  another  will  catch  a glimpse — a ray — a beam. 
The  darkness  of  midnight  will  gave  way.  The  dawn  will  brighten — 
the  morning  star  arise — the  sun  appear,  the  sun  of  truth,  peace,  li- 
berty,— making  glorious  the  day  of  equal,  universal  freedom  ! This 
is  no  idle,  no  poetic  speculation  ! Such  a day  must  come  ; and,  to 
hasten  it,  to  bring  it  within  the  view  of  this  generation, — would  any 
sacrifice  be  too  great — any  labor  too  severe  ? 

Now,  beloved,  though  I never  saw,  may  never  see  you,  yet  my 
spirit  is  joined  to  yours  by  ties  stronger  than  neighborhood-society,  or 
even  consanguinity,  ever  wrought ! We  are  united  in  the  bonds  of 
common  persecution,  common  scorn.  We  are  united  in  one  common 
labor  to  promote  one  single,  glorious  object ! Reason,  Conscience 
and  Religion,  Hand,  Heart  and  Soul,  strengthen,  elevate,  and  spiri- 
tualize the  tie  ; and,  never  having  looked  upon  each  other,  we  feel 
that  we  are  sisters. — Appeal  io  American  Women. 


DORCHESTER,  MASS.  A.  S.  SOCIETY. 

1 What  has  woman  to  do  with  slavery  V We  are  ashamed  and 
sorry  to  say — woman  has  much  to  do  with  slavery.  Women  are 
slave-holders.  Women  are  apologists  for  slavery.  Women  are  slaves. 
Women,  too,  are  the  greatest  sufferers.  Therefore,  woman  has  to  do 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


with  slavery — women  should  be  interested.  We  all,  in  a greater  or 
less  degree,  exert  an' influence  on  those  around  us.  Let  us,  then,  who 
believe  slavery  is  wrong,  come  out  against  it,  and  by  our  influence, 
our  efforts,  our  prayers,  hasten  on  the  great  work  ot'  emancipation. 
That  women’s  influence  is  felt,  none  can  deny.  How  important, 
then,  that  her  influence  should  be  given  on  the  side  of  truth,  of  jus- 
tice, and  of  mercy.  O,  my  friends,  how  can  we  meet  those  down- 
trodden fellow-beings  at  the  bar  of  God,  if  we  refuse  to  plead  their 
cause  against  an  ungodly  nation  ? How  can  we  look  calmly  on,  and 
see  immortal  souls,  the  purchase  of  a Saviour’s  blood,  made  a thing 
of  merchandize — bought  and  sold,  regardless  of  all  social  and  na 
tural  ties? 

SARAII  BAKER,  Corresponding  Sec.  • 


APPEAL 

Of  the  Massachusetts  Female  Emancipation  Society,  to  the 
Friends  of  Universal  Liberty. 

Respected  Friends, — Although  the  same  Heaven-descending  pri- 
vileges are  enjoyed  by  us  as  in  former  years,  the  millions  of  human 
beings  who  are  “ held  as  goods  and  chatties”  in  our  southern  stales, 
still  groan  under  the  pressure  of  their  woes. 

Robbed  of  that,  which  alone  can  render  life  a blessing,  they  ask 
for  our  aid.  Parents  plead  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  their  eliil. 
dren, — children  for  mercy  to  be  extended  to  their  aged  parents, 
brothers  for  sisters,  sisters  for  brothers,  and,  added  to  all  this  is  the 
cry  of  thousands  of  innocents,  who  as  in  the  days  of  Herod  are  sa- 
crificed on  the  altar  of*sla.very  to  gratify  the  love  of  p \.  er  and  gold. 
Yes,  let  us  remember  this  last  fearful  item  ; no  ' ss  than  two  hun- 
dred helpless  infants  are  daily  seized  by  the  rapacious  slave-holder, 
counted  among  his  sheep  and  swine,  “ to  bo  sold  to  the  highest 
bidder.” 

Because  of  the  sorrows  of  these,  who  are  bone  of  our  bone  and 
flesh  of  our  flesh,  do  we  appeal  to  you  at  this  time  for  sympathy  and 
prayer  in  their  behalf.  It  were  needless  to  recapitulate  particular  in- 
stances of  suffering  and  wo,  for  had  we  all  the  varied  scenes  of  out- 
ward misery  before  us,  that  are  witnessed  through  the  length  and 
breadth  of  our  southern  territory,  we  should  even  then  have  but  a 
faint  picture  of  the  work  of  death  produced  by  this  worst  foe  of  the 
human  race.  May,  1842. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ABIGAIL  ADAMS. 

(The  Mother  of  John  Quincy  Adams.) 

I wish  most  sincerely,  there  was  not  a slave  in  the  province  ; it  al- 
ways appeared  a most  iniquitous  scheme  to  me,  to  fight  ourselves, 
for  what  we  are  daily  robbing  and  plundering  from  those  who  have 
as  good  a right  to  freedom  as  we  have.  You  know  my  mind  upon 
this  subject. — Letter  to  her  husband,  John  Adams,  dated  Boston, 
Garrison,  Sept.  22d,  1774. 


ELIZA  LEE  FOLLEN. 


When  for  the  rights  of  man  you  ngnt, 

And  ail  seems  lost  and  friends  have  fled, 
Remember  in  misfortune’s  night, 

New  glories  rest  on  virtue’s  head  ; 

Duty  remains,  though  joy  is  gone ; 

On  final  good  then  fix  (hinc  eyes, 
Disdain  all  fear  and  though  alone, 
Stand  ready  for  the  sacrifice. 


Though  every  bark  of  promise  sink, 

And  hope’s  last  fragment  fall, 

And  y°u  that  mystic  cup  must  drink, 

Which  cures  all  pain,  which  comes  to  all ; 
Yet  justice,  banished,  hated,  slain, 

Is  with  you  in  the  holy  strife — 

Says  to  your  soul  we  meet  again, 

And  promises  eternal  life. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ANTI-SLAVERY 
SOCIETY. 

Art.  II. — The  object  of  this  Society  is  the  entire  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  United  States.  While  it  admits  that  each  state  in  which  slavery 
exists,  has,  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  exclusive  right 
to  legislate  in  regard  to  its  abolition  in  said  state,  it  shall  aim  to  convince 
all  our  fellow-citizens,  by  arguments  addressed  to  their  understandings 
and  consciences,  that  slaveholding  is  a heinous  crime  in  the  sight  of 
God,  and  that  the  duty,  safety,  and  best  interests  of  all  concerned, 
requires  its  immediate  abandonment,  without  expatriation.  The 
Society  will  also  endeavor,  in  a constitutional  way,  to  influence  con- 
gress to  put  an  end  to  the  domestic  slave-trade,  and  to  abolish  slavery 
in  all  those  portions  of  our  common  country  which  come  under  its 
control,  especially  in  the  District  of  Columbia, — and  likewise  to  prevent 
the  extension  of  it  to  any  state  that  may  be. hereafter  admitted  to  the 
Union. 

Art.  III. — This  Society  shall  aim  to  elevate  the  character  and  con- 
dition of  the  people  of  color,  by  encouraging  their  intellectual,  moral, 
and  religious  improvement,  and  by  removing  public  prejudice,  that 
thus  they  may,  according  to  their  intellectual  and  moral  worth,  share 
an  equality  with  the  whites,  of  civil  and  religious  privileges . 


NEW-ENG.  A.  S.  SOCIETY OHIO  A.  S.  CONVENTION. 


NEW -EN GLAND  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY. 

The  constitution  and  the  laws  have  left  us  the  means  to  spread  and 
to  carry  into  efffcct  the  doctrine  of  human  rights,  of  universal  liberty. 
The  law,  at  least,  in  the  free  states,  allows  the  use  of  all  means,  except 
those  which  our  own  conscience  would  forbid ; the  constitution  of  the 
New-England  Anti-Slavery  Society  permits  no  others  than  such  as 
are  sanctioned  by  law,  humanity,  and  religion.  It  is  enough  that  we 
have  freedom  to  speak  and  to  print ; freedom  peacefully  to  assemble, 
and  associate,  to  consult,  and  to  petition  the  government  of  the  Union 
as  well  as  the  legislature  of  every  state,  and  thus  by  individual  and 
united  exertion,  to  act  upon  the  public  mind.  Thus  armed  with  ail 
the  legitimate  weapons  of  truth,  we  feel  bound  in  conscience  never  to 
lay  them  down  until  the  principle  that  man  can  hold  property  in  man 
is  effaced  from  our  statute  books,  and  held  in  abhorrence  by  public 
opinion.  After  the  most  careful  examination,  we  are  convinced  that 
slavery  is  unjust  in  itself,  and  cannot  be  justified  by  any  laws  or  cir- 
cumstances; that  it  wars  against  Christianity,  and  is  condemned  by 
the  Declaration  of  our  Independence.  We  are  convinced  that  it  is 
injurious  to  every  branch  of  industry,  and  more  injurious  still  to  the 
mind  and  character  both  of  the  master  and  the  slave.  Its  existence  is 
the  chief  cause  of  all  our  political  dissensions;  it  tends  to  unsettle  the 
groundwork  of  our  government,  so  that  every  institution,  founded  on 
the  common  ground  of  our  Union,  is  like  an  edifice  on  a volcanic  soil, 
ever  liable  to  have  its  foundation  shaken,  and  the  whole  structure 
consumed  by  subterraneous  fire.  The  danger  of  a servile  and  a civil 
war  is  gaining  every  year,  every  day ; for  the  annual  increase  of  the 
slave  population  is  more  than  sixty  thousand ; and  every  day  about 
two  hundred  children  are  born  into  slavery.  As  the  more  northern  of 
the  slave  states,  seeing  the  advantages  of  free  labor,  dispose  of  their 
slaves  in  a more  southern  market,  and  by  degrees  abolish  servitude, 
the  whole  slave  population,  and  with  it  the  danger  of  a terrible  revolu- 
tion are  crowded  together  in  the  more  southern  states.  Under  all  these 
threatening  circumstances,  what  have  the  southern  states,  what  has 
congress  done,  to  avert  the  impending  calamity  from  the  Union  ? 
Congress,  which  has  full  and  exclusive  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  in  the  territories,  and  to  abolish  the  domestic 
as  well  as  the  foreign  slave-trade,  shrinks  from  touching  the  subject. 

OHIO  ANTI-SLAYERY  CONVENTION. 

The  influence  of  slavery  upon  slaveholders  and  the  slave  states  are, 
an  abiding  sense  of  insecurity  and  dread  ; the  press  cowering  under  a 
censorship;  freedom  of  speech  struck  dumb  by  proscription ; a standing 
army  of  patrols  to  awe  down  insurrection ; the  mechanic  arts  and  all 
vigorous  enterprise  crushed  under  an  incubus ; a thriftless  agriculture, 
smiting  the  land  with  barrenness  and  decay;  industry  held  up  to 
scorn;  idleness  a badge  of  dignity ; profligacy  no  barrier  to  favor ; lust 
emboldened  by  impunity;  concubinage  encouraged  by  premium,  the 
high  price  of  the  mixed  race  operating  as  a bounty  upon  amalgamation  ; 


10 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


prodigality,  in  lavishing  upon  the  rich  the  plundered  earnings  of  the 
poor,  accounted  high-souled  generosity ; revenge  regarded  as  the 
refinement  ot  honor ; aristocracy  entitled  republicanism,  and  despotism 
chivalry ; sympathy  deadened  by  scenes  of  cruelty  rendered  familiar; 

male  amiableness  transformed  into  fury  by  habits  of  despotic  sway; 
conscience  smothered  by  its  own  unheeded  monitions;  manhood 
effeminated  by  loose-reined  indulgence,  and  a pervading  degeneracv 
ot  morals  and  manners,  resulting  from  a state  of  society  where  power 
has  no  restraint,  and  the  weak  have  none  to  succor. 

OHIO  WESTERN  RESERVE  A.  S.  CONVENTION. 

Slavery  existed  in  this  country  prior  to  the  revolution  : and  when 
our  fathers  had  achieved  our  national  independence,  they  had  yet  to 
lament  over  the  galling  servitude  in  which  a large  portion  of  the  in- 
habitants were  held.  They  looked  upon  this  stale  of  things  with  the 
deepest  regret,  and  uniformly  spoke  of  it  in  tunes  of  unmingled  con- 
demnation and  shame.  They  counted  with  certainty  the  speedy  abo- 
litibn  of  slavery  throughout  the  states,  and  under  this  expectation 
carefully  refused  to  recognise  the  fact  of  its  existence  in  the  consti- 
tution of  the  country.  The  revolution  was  essentially  a strife  for  prin- 
ciple, and  it  produced  in  the  American  mind  a most  magnanimous 
and  elevated  sense  of  the  value  of  liberty,  of  the  importance  of  inan 
as  man.  and  of  the  sacredness  of  those  rights  of  which  by  virtue  of 
his  manhood  he  is  endowed.  But,  wherever  advantage  was  not  taken 
of  this  favorable  state  of  things  to  strike  a death-blow  to  slavery, 
slavery  in  its  turn  produced  its  legitimate  effect  by  extinguishing  this 
•sense  of  the  right  and  of  the  priceless  value  of  freedom.  Tnrce  gene- 
rations of  her  doomed  and  suffering  victims  have  passed  away,  and 
slavery  has  extended  its  baleful  empire  over  thirteen  states,  contain- 
ing a territory  exclusive  of  Texas. 

Throughout  all  this  vast  region,  once  a free  soil,  slavery  is  now 
the  one  and  paramount  law.  Here,  like  a demon,  the  genius  of 
slavery  sits  enthroned  with  the  cup  of  her  abominations  in  her  hand, 
siaying  her  hetacombs  of  victims  and  martyrs,  dealing  death  and  tor- 
ture to  all  who  are  suspected,  even  in  thought,  of  questioning  her  di- 
vine sovereignty.  And  not  content  with  a dominion  over  one-half  of 
the  republic,  so  absolute  as  to  set  at  defiance  constitution  and  law, 
while  siie  daily  violates  the  sacred  right  of  citizenship  in  the  persons 
of  all  upon  whom  she  can  lay  her  blood}’  hands,  unless  they  acknovv. 
ledge  her  paramount  right ; not  content  with  the  abject  homage  paid 
her  as  promptly  as  exacted  by  the  citizens  of  the  north,  her  creatures 
now,  notwithstanding  the  words  of  the  grant  giving  congress  legis- 
lative power  ‘ in  all  cases  whatsoever,’  boldly  deny  the  authority  of 
the  nation  to  do  away  slavery  in  territories  under  the  national  control. 


THE  LECIOX  OF  LIBERTY 


LEWIS  C.  GUNN. 


No  scheme  of  colonization,  either  to  Africa,  to  Hayti,  or  to  any 
distant  place  in  our  own  country,  is  called  for,  or  expedient  ; but, 
on  the  contrary,  it  would  be  absolutely  injurious  to  the  south,  in 
withdrawing  her  laborers — to  the  slaves,  in  removing  them  from  the 
influence  of  civilized,  enlightened,  and  pious  men — and  to  the  slave- 
holders, in  leading  them  to  believe  “ there  is  a lion  in  the  way.” 
We,  therefore,  oppose  every  such  scheme,  and  every  thing  that  re- 
cognizes, even  indirectly,  either  the  danger  or  inexpediency  of  the 
full  and  immediate  emancipation  of  every  bondman.  Not  a day, 
not  an  hour  longer  would  we  see  the  image  of  God  defaced,  and  hear 
the  cries  of  the  wronged.  We  would  see  every  man,  from  this  time 
forward,  walking  forth,  not  as  a slave,  with  fear  and  trembling,  but 
erect  as  he  was  made,  with  his  face  heavenward,  and  his  counte- 
nance beaming  forth  the  happiness  of  freedom,  and  reminding  us  of 
Kim,  in  whose  image,  it  is  said,  man  was  created. 

WILLIAM  L.  GARRISON. 

If  at  any  time  he  had  exceeded  the  bounds  of  moderation,  the 
monstrous  turpitude  of  the  times  had  transported  him.  Nor  did  he 
transcend  the  example  of  Christ,  who,  when  he  had  to  deal  with 
people  of  like  manners,  called  them  sharply  by  their  proper  names — 
such  as,  an  adulterous  and  perverse  generation — a brood  of  vipers — 
hypocrites — children  of  the  devil,  who  could  not  escape  the  damna- 
tion of  hell.  The  crime  of  slave-holding  is  so  atrocious,  so  contrary 
to  every  principle  of  humanity  and  every  law  of  justice,  so  terrible 
in  its  results,  and  so  impious  in  its  claims,  that  no  language  can  pro- 
perly describe  it.  An  able  reviewer  has  forcibly  said,  “ it  excites 
ideas  of  abhorrence  beyond  our  capacity  of  expression,  and  must  be 
subject  of  mute  astonishment  and  speechless  horror.” 

The  old  syren  song  is  gradualism  ! Prepare  men  to  receive,  at 
some  distant  day,  that  which  is  theirs  by  birthright ! Prepare  hus- 
bands to  live  with  their  wives,  and  wives  to  be  indissolubly  allied  to 


W.  L.  GARH1S0K. 


their  husbands  ! Prepare  parents  to  cherish  their  own  children ! 
Prepare  the  laborer  to  receive  a just  recompense  for  his  toil  ! What 
sort  of  honesty  or  humanity  is  this  ? “ Set  free” — from  what?  Not, 

surely,  from  the  restraints  of  law,  or  the  obligations  of  society  ; but 
from  irresponsible  power,  usurped  dominion,  tyrannical  authority. 

A heathen  could  exclaim,  “ let  justice  be  done  though  the  heavens 
fall.”  Shall  an  American  patriot  do  less  ? Whatever  is  contrary  to 
humanity  should  be  destroyed.  There  cannot  be  union  where  there 
is  not  equity,  nor  equity  where  there  is  oppression.  To  talk  of  pre- 
ferring a human  compact  above  all  the  requirements  of  Heaven,  is 
infatuation.  Is  it  possible,  that,  by  ceasing  to  shed  innocent  blood, 
we  shall  take  away  the  cement  of  our  National  Union  ? Dare  any 
man,  professing  to  believe  in  Christianity,  say  that  there  can  be  any 
object  so  dear  as  to  justify  cruelty,  robbery,  licentiousness  and  soul 
murder  ? The  thought  is  blasphemy  ! But  no  such  alternative  is 
presented  to  us  ; and  if  it  were,  none  but  practical  atheists  would 
hesitate  to  exclaim — “ Honesty  before  policy  1 Justice  before  expe- 
diency ! Innocency  before  union  !” 

What  is  the  sentence  which  Great  Britain  has  passed  upon  the  colo- 
nization society  ? It  is  one  of  utter  condemnation  ? What  is  the 
language  of  such  men  as  Lord  Suffield,  and  Zachary  Macaulay,  and 
Fowell  Buxton,  and  James  Cropper,  and  William  Allen,  and  Daniel 
O’Connell,  and  last  but  first  of  all,  William  Wilberforce  ? — Hear 
it ! — “ We  feel  bound  to  affirm,  that  our  deliberate  judgment  and  con- 
viction are,  that  the  professions  made  by  the  Colonization  Society,  of 
promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery,  are  altogether  delusive.  To  the 
destruction  of  slavery  throughout  the  world,  we  are  compelled  to 
say,  that  we  believe  the  Colonization  Society  to  be  an  obstruction. — 
While  we  believe  its  pretexts  to  be  delusive,  we  are  convinced  that 
its  real  effects  are  of  the  most  dangerous  nature.  It  takes  its 
root  from  a cruel  prejudice  and  alienation  in  the  whites  of  America 
against  the  colored  people,  slave  or  free. — That  society  is,  in  our  es- 
timation, not  deserving  of  the  countenance  of  the  British  public.” 

Slaveholders  and  their  northern  abettors  have  affected  to  sneer  at 
the  labors  of  women  in  the  anti-slavery  enterprise,  but  they  really 
trembled  in  view  of  these  labors.  For  what  good  cause  had  ever  been 
heartily  espoused  by  women,  that  has  not  ultimately  triumphed  over 
all  opposition  ? The  emancipation  of  eight  hundred  thousand  slaves 
in  the  West  Indies  is  mainly  owing,  under  God,  to  the  quenchless 
devotion,  and  tireless  zeal,  and  indomitable  perseverance  of  the  wo- 
men  of  England.  The  slave  system  in  this  country  will  find  in  the 
women  of  America  most  formidable  antagonists. — Speech  in  Penn 
sylvania  Hall. 

Would  to  God  this  (July  4th,)  were  truty — what  it  is  not,  though 
lying  lips  declare  it  to  be — the  Jubilee  of  Freedom!  That  jubilee 
cannot  co'rne,  so  long  as  one  slave  is  left  to  grind  in  his  prison-house. 
It  will  come  only  when  liberty  is  proclaimed  throughout  all  the  land, 
unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof.  O the  * fantastic  tricks’  which  the 
American  people  are  this  day  ‘ playing  before  high  heaven’  ! O their 
awful  desecration  of  an  anniversary,  which  should  be  sacred  to  jus- 
tice, equality,  and  brotherly  love ! O their  profane  use  of  the  sacred 


W.  L.  GARRISON. 


name  of  Liberty  ! O their  impious  appeals  to  the  God  of  the  op- 
pressed, for  his  divine  benediction,  while  they  are  making merchan- 
dize of  his  image  1 Do  they  not  blush  ? Nay,  they  glory  in  their 
shame  ! Once  a year  they  takespecial  pains  to  exhibit  themselves  to 
the  world,  in  all  their  republican  deformity  and  Christian  barbarity, 
insanely  supposing  that  they  thus  excite  the  envy,  admiration  and 
applause  of  mankind.  The  nations  are  looking  at  the  dreadful  spec- 
tacle with  disgust  and  amazement.  However  sunken  and  degraded 
tire}*  may  be,  they  are  too  elevated,  too  virtuous,  too  humane,  to  be 
guilty  of  such  conduct.  Their  voice  is  heard,  saying, — ‘ Americans! 
we  hear  your  boasts  of  liberty — your  shouts  of  independence — your 
declarations  of  eternal  hostility  to  every  form  of  tyranny — your  as- 
sertions that  ail  men  are  created  free  and  equal,  and  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  an  inalienable  right  to  liberty' — the  merry  peal  of  your 
bells,  and  the  deafening  roar  of  artillery  ; but,  mingling  with  all  these, 
and  rising  above  them  all,  we  also  hear  the  clanking  of  chains ! the 
shrieks  and  wailings  of  millions  of  your  own  countrymen,  whom  you 
wickedly  hold  in  a state  of  slavery  as  much  more  frightful  than  the 
oppression  which  your  fathers  resisted  unto  blood,  as  the  tortures  of 
the  inquisition  surpass  the  stings  of  an  insect ! We  see  your  banner 
floating  proudly  in  the  breeze  from  every  flag-staff  and  mast-head  in 
the  land  ; but  its  blood-red  stripes  are  emblematical  of  your  own 
slave-driving  cruelty,  as  you  apply  the  lash  to  the  flesh  of  your  guilt- 
less victim,  even  the  flesh  of  a wife  and  mother,  shrieking  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  babe  of  her  bosom,  sold  to  the  remorseless  slave-specu- 
lator ! We  catch  the  gleam  of  your  illuminated  hills,  every  where 
blazing  with  bonfires  ; we  mark  your  gay  processions  ; we  note  the 
number  of  your  orators ; we  listen  to  the  recital  of  your  revolutiona- 
ry achievements;  we  see  you  kneeling  at  the  shrine  of  Freedom,  as 
her  best,  her  truest,  her  sincerest  worshippers ! Hypocrites ! liars  ! 
adulterers!  tyrants!  men-steaiers!  atheists  ! Professing  to  believe  in 
the  natural  equality  of  the  human  race,— yet  dooming  a sixth  portion 
of  your  immense  population  to  beastly  servitude  and  ranking  them 
among  your  goods  and  chatties  ! Professing  to  believe  in  the  exis- 
tence of  a God, — yet  trading  in  his  image,  and  selling  those  in  the 
shambles,  for  whose  redemption  the  Son  of  God  laid  down  his  life  ! 
professing  to  be  Christians,- — yet  withholding  the  Bible,  the  means  ol 
religious  instruction,  even  the  knowledge  of  the  alphabet,  from  a be- 
nighted multitude,  under  terrible  penalties  ! Boasting  of  your  de- 
mocracy.— yet  determining  the  rights  of  men  by  the  texture  of  their 
hair,  and  the  color  of  their  skin  ! Assuming  to  be  ‘ the  land  of  the 
free  and  the  home  of  the  brave,’ — yet  keeping  in  chains  more  slaves 
than  any  other  nation,  not  excepting  slave-cursed  Brazil ! Prating 
of  your  morality  and  hpnesty, — yet  denying  the  rites  of  marriage  to 
twenty-five  hundred  thousand  human  beings,  and  plundering  them  of 
all  their  bard  earnings  ! Affecting  to  be  horror-struck  in  view  of  the 
foreign  slave-trade, — yet  eagerly  pursuing  a domestic  traffic  equally 
cruel  and  unnatural,  and  reducing  to  slavery  not  less  than  seventy 
thousand  new  victims  annually  ! Vaunting  of  your  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press — your  matchless  constitution  and  your  glorious  union, 
yet  denouncing  as  traitors,  and  treating  as  outlaws,  those  who  have 


10* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


the  courage  and  fidelity  to  plead  for  immediate,  untrammelled,  uni. 
versal  emancipation  Monsters  that  ye  are  ! how  can  ye  expect  to 
escape  the  scorn  of  the  world,  and  the  wrath  of  heaven  ? Emanci- 
pate your  slaves,  if  you  would  redeem  your  tarnished  character, — if 
you  would  obtain  forgiveness  here,  and  salvation  hereafter ! Until 
you  do  so,  * there  will  be  a stain  upon  your  national  escutcheon,  which 
all  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  cannot  wash  out !’ 

We  are  accused  of  using  hard  language.  I admit  the  charge.  I, 
for  one,  say  in  extenuation,  that  I have  not  been  able  to  find  a soft 
word  in  the  English  tongue  to  describe  villainy,  or  identify  the  perpe- 
trator  of  it.  The  man  who  makes  a chattel  of  his  brother — what  is 
he  f The  man  who  keeps  back  the  hire  of  his  laborers  by  fraud— 
what  is  he?  They  who  prohibit  the  circulation  of  the  Bible — what 
are  they  ? They  who  compel  two  millions  of  men  and  women  to 
herd  together,  in  promiscuous  intercourse,  like  brute  beasts — what 
are  they  ? They  who  sell  mothers  by  the  pound,  and  children  in  lots 
to  suit  purchasers — what  are  they  ? I care  not  what  terms  are  ap- 
plied to  them,  provided  they  do  apply.  If  they  are  not  thieves,  if 
they  are  not  adulterers,  if  they  are  not  tyrants,  if  they  are  not  men* 
stealers,  I should  like  to  know  what  is  their  true  character,  and  by 
what  names  they  may  be  called. 

GERRIT  SMITH. 

I love  the  free  and  happy  form  of  civil  government  under  which 
I live  : not  because  it  confers  new  rights  on  me.  My  rights  all  spring 
from  an  infinitely  nobler  source — from  the  favor  and  grace  of  God. 
Our  political  and  constitutional  rights,  so  called,  are  but  the  natural 
and  inherent  rights  of  man,  asserted,  carried  out  and  secured  by 
modes  of  human  contrivance.  To  no  human  charter  am  I indebted 
for  my  rights.  They  pertain  to  my  original  constitution. 

The  right  of  free  discussion  is  among  our  inherent  right's.  When, 
therefore,  we  would  defend  this  right,  let  us  not  defend  it  so  much 
with  the  jealousy  of  an  American — a republican — -as  though  it  were 
but  an  American  or  a republican  right,  and  could  claim  no  higher 
origin  than  human  will  and  human  statutes;  but  let  us  defend  it  as 
men,  feeling  that  to  lose  it  is  to  lose  a part  of  ourselves  ; let  us  de- 
fend it  as  men,  determined  to  maintain,  even  to  their  extreme  boun- 
dary,  the  rights  and  powers  which  God  has  given  to  us  for  our  use- 
fulness and  enjoyment ; and  the  surrender  of  an  iota  of  which  is 
treason  against  Heaven. 

It  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that  a war  has  broken  out  between  the 
North  and  the  South.  Political  and  commercial  men  are  industri- 
ous by  striving  to  restore  peace  ; but  the  pease,  which  they  would  ef- 
fect, is  superficial,  false  and  temporary.  True,  permanent  peace 
can  never  be  restored,  until  slavery,  the  occasion  of  the  war,  has 
ceased.  The  sword,  which  is  now  drawn,  will  never  be  returned  to 
its  scabbard,  until  victory,  entire,  decisive  victory  is  ours  or  theirs ; 
not,  until  that  broad,  and  deep,  and  damning  stain  on  our  country’s 
escutcheon  is  clean  washed  out — that  plague  spot  on  our  country’s 


GERRIT  SMITH. 


honor  gone  forever ; — or,  until  slavery  has  riveted  anew  her  present 
chains,  and  brought  our  heads  also  to  bow  beneath  her  withering 
power.  It  is  idle — it  is  criminal,  to  hope  for  the  restoration  of 
peace,  on  any  other  condition. — Speech  at  forming  the  N.  Y.  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  at  Peterboro,  1835. 

During  the  twenty-two  years  of  the  existence  of  the  Colonization 
Society,  not  so  many  slaves  have  been  emancipated  and  given  to  it 
for  expatriation,  as  are  born  in  a single  week.  As  a proof  that  the 
sympathies  of  the  south  are  all  with  the  slave-holding  and  real  cha- 
racter of  this  two-faced  institution,  and  not  at  all  with  the  abolition 
purposes  and  tendencies,  which  it  professes  at  the  north,  none  of  its 
presidents,  (and  slave-holders  only  are  deemed  worthy  to  preside  over 
it,)  has  ever  contributed  from  his  stock  of  slaves  to  swell  those  bands 
of  emigrants,  who,  leaving  our  shores  in  the  character  of  “ nui- 
sances,” are  instantly  transformed,  to  use  your  own  language,  into 
“ missionaries,  carrying  with  them  credentials  in  the  holy  cause  of 
Christianity,  civilization,  and  free  institutions.” 

I add,  that  we  of  the  north  must  feel  concerned  about  slavery 
in  the  slave  states,  because  of  our  obligation  to  pity  the  deluded,  hard- 
hearted, and  bloody  oppressors  in  those  states  : and  to  manifest  our 
love  for  them  by  rebuking  their  unsurpassed  sin.  And,  notwithstand- 
ing pro-slavery  statesmen  at  the  north,  who  wink  at  the  iniquity  of 
slave-holding,  and  pro-slavery  clergymen  at  the  north,  who  cry, 
« peace,  peace”  to  the  slave-holder,  and  sew  “ pillows  to  armholes,” 
tell  us,  that  by  our  honest  and  open  rebuke  of  the  slave-holder,  we 
shall  incur  his  enduring  hatred ; we,  nevertheless,  believe  that  “ open 
rebuke  is  better  than  secret  love,”  and  that,  in  the  end,  we  shall  en- 
joy more  southern  favor  than  they,  whose  secret  love  is  too  prudent 
and  spurious  to  deal  faithfully  with  the  objects  of  its  regard. 

I have  a somewhat  extensive  acquaintance  at  the  north ; and  I 
can  truly  say,  that  I do  not  know  a white  abolitionist,  who  is  the 
reputed  father  of  a colored  child.  At  the  south  there  are  several 
hundred  thousand  persons,  whose  yellow  skins  testify,  that  the  white 
man’s  blood  courses  through  their  veins.  Whether  the  honorable 
portion  of  their  parentage  is  to  be  ascribed  exclusively  to  the  few  abo- 
litionists scattered  over  the  south — and  who,  under  such  supposition, 
must,  indeed,  be  prodigies  of  industry  and  prolificness — or  whether 
anti-abolitionists  there,  have,  notwithstanding  all  their  pious  horror 
of  “ amalgamation,”  been  contributing  to  it,  you  can  better  judge 
than  myself. 

It  appears  to  me  highly  improbable,  that  emancipation  would  be 
followed  by  the  migration  of  the  emancipated.  Emancipation,  which 
has  already  added  fifty  per  cent,  to  the  value  of  estates  in  the  British 
West  Indies,  would  immediately  add  as  much  to  the  value  of  the  soil 
of  the  south.  Much  more  of  it  would  be  brought  into  use  ; and, 
notwithstanding  the  undoubted  truth,  that  the  freedman  performs 
twice  as  much  labor  as  when  a slave,  the  south  would  require,  in- 
stead of  any  diminution,  a very  great  increase  of  the  number  of  her 
laborers 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY* 


The  slave-holders  of  the  soutn  represent  slavery  as  a heavon-born 
institution — themselves  as  patriarchs  and  patterns  of  benevolence— 
and  their  slaves,  as  their  tenderly  treated  and  happy  dependents. 
The  abolitionists,  on  the  contrary,  think  that  slavery  is  from  hell— 
that  slave-holders  are  the  worst  of  robbers — and  that  their  slaves  are 
the  wretched  victims  of  unsurpassed  cruelties.  Now,  how  do  abo- 
litionists propose  to  settle  the  points  at  issue  ? — by  fanciful  pictures 
of  the  abominations  of  slavery  to  countervail  the  like  pictures  of  its 
blessedness  ? — by  mere  assertions  against  slavery,  to  balance  mere  as* 
sertions  in  its  favor?  No— but  by  the  perfectly  reasonable  and  fair 
means  of  examining  slavery  in  the  light  of  its  own  code — of  judging 
of  the  character  of  the  slave-holder  in  the  light  of  his  own  conduct 
— and  of  arguing  the  condition  of  the  slave  from  unequivocal  evi* 
dences  of  the  light  in  which  the  slave  himself  views  it.  To  this  end 
we  publish  extracts  from  the  southern  slave  code,  which  go  to  show 
that  slavery  subjects  its  victims  to  the  absolute  control  of  their  erring 

fellow  men — that  it  withholds  from  them  marriage  and  the  Bible . 

that  it  classes  them  with  brutes  and  things— and  annihilates  the  dis. 
tinctions  between  mind  and  matter.  To  this  end  we  republish  in 
part,  or  entirely,  pamphlets  and  hooks,  in  which  southern  men  ex. 
hibit,  with  then-  own  pens,  some  of  the  horrid  features  of  slavery. 

Some  of  the  advertisements  of  this  class  identify  the  fugitive  slave 
by  the  scars,  which  the  whip,  or  the  manacles  and  fetters,  or  the 
rifle  had  made  on  his  person.  Some  of  them  offer  a reward  for  his 
head  ! — and  it  is  to  this  same  end,  that  we  often  refer  to  the  ten  thou, 
sands,  who  have  fled  from  southern  slavery,  and  the  fifty  fold  that 
number,  who  have  unsuccessfully  attempted  to  lly  from  it.  flow 
unutterable  must  be  the  horrors  of  the  southern  prison-house,  and 
how  strong  and  undying  the  inherent  love  of  liberty  to  induce  these 
wretched  fellow  beings  to  brave  the  perils  which  cluster  so  thickly 
and  frightfully  around  their  attempted  escape?  That  love  is  indeed 
undying. — Letter  to  Henry  Cloy, 

WILLIAM  RAWLE. 

In  the  month  of  March,  1818,  upon  the  decease  of  Dr.  Caspar 
Wistar,  another  of  the  Spartan  band,  Mr.  Rawlc  was  unanimously 
elected  president  of  the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  and  so  con- 
tinned  until  the  hour  of  his  death.  How  deeply  he  commiserated  in 
the  condition  of  the  unhappy  bondsmen,  a life  of  generous  devotion 
to  the  melioration  of  that  condition  abundantly  shows. 

His  struggles  in  behalf  of  those  who  were  incapable  of  struggling 
for  themselves,  were  constant  and  unwearied.  In  such  a contest, 
which  he  nobly  sustained  for  upwards  of  forty  years,  what  could  sup. 
port  him  ? Nothjng  but  the  buoyant  consciousness  of  undeviating 
rectitude.  For  such  unceasing  efforts  what  could  reward  him  ? 
Nothing  but  the  cheering  smiles  of  approving  heaven,  here,  and  its 
measureless  glories  hereafter.  The  objects  of  his  bounty  were  those 
from  whom  he  could  expect  no  return  ; they  were  of  the  proscribed 
and  outlawed  race  ; and  even  when  asserting  their  violated  riguts,  he 
himself,  in  the  eye  of  their  oppressors,  was  often  condemned  to  share 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


in  their  odium,  and  almost  partake  of  their  penalties.  It  required  no 
ordinary  mind,  no  common  place  influences,  thus  at  the  same  time 
to  encounter  the  shafts  of  prejudice  and  pride  in  behalf  of  a class  of 
men,  who,  fettered  themselves,  could  impart  no  aid  to  the  conflict, 
no  consolations  to  the  vanquished — no  trophies  to  the  victor.  What 
laurels  shall  spring  from  the  barren  and  arid  soil  of  Africa  ? What 
reward  shall  her  benighted  and  enslaved  children  bestow,  to  requite 
past  exertion,  or  stimulate  to  renewed  efforts,  while  every  where  con. 
fronted  by  danger — every  where  disheartened  by  dismay  ? For  such 
devotion  there  can  be  but  one  motive,  and  that  is,  humanity  ; three 
can  be  but  one  recompense,  and  that  is  the  blessing  of  the  bleeding 
and  broken  heart,  upon  which  the  soul  shall  be  wafted  to  the  bosom 
of  its  God.  His  doctrines  upon  this  subject,  which  were  the  doc- 
trines  of  Franklin,  of  Lafayette,  of  Rush,  of  Wilberforce,  may  be 
scoffed  at  by  some — condemned  by  others — they  may  not  have  been 
safe  doctrines  to  live  by,  but  they  were  safe  to  die  by ; and,  for  my 
single  self,  I should  ask  no  prouder  inscription  for  my  humble  tomb, 

than — HERE  LIES  THE  FRIEND  OF  THE  FRIENDLESS  AFRICAN. David 

Paul  Brown. 

FRANCIS  JACKSON. 

If  a large  majority  of  this  community  choose  to  turn  a deaf  ear  to 
the  wrongs,  which  are  inflicted  upon  their  countrymen  in  other  por- 
tions of  the  land— if  they  are  content  to  turn  away  from  the  sight  of 
oppression,  and  “ pass  by  on  the  other  side” — so  it  must  be.  But 
when  they  undertake  in  any  way  to  impair  or  annul  my  right  to 
speak,  write,  and  publish  upon  any  subject,  and  more  especially  upon 
enormities,  which  are.  the  common  concern  of  every  lover  of  his 
country  and  his  kind — so  it  must  not  be — so  it  shall  not  be,  if  I for 
one  can  prevent.  Upon  this  great  right  let  us  hold  on  at  all  hazards. 
And  should  we,  in  its  exercise,  be  driven  from  public  halls  to  private 
dwellings,  one  house  at  least  shall  be  consecrated  to  its  preservation. 
And  if,  in  defence  of  this  sacred  privilege,  which  man  did  not  give 
me,  and  shall  not  (if  I can  help  it)  take  from  me,  this  roof  and  these 
walls  shall  be  levelled  to  the  earth,  let  them  fall  if  they  must ; they 
cannot  crumble  in  a better  cause.  They  will  appear  of  very  little 
value  to  me,  after  their  owner  shall  have  been  whipt  into  silence. 

Mobs  and  gag  laws,  and  the  other  contrivances  by  which  fraud  or 
force  would  stifle  inquiry,  will  not  long  work  well  in  this  communi- 
ty. They  betray  the  essential  rottenness  of  the  cause,  they  are  meant 
to  strengthen.  These  outrages  are  doing  their  work  with  the  reflect 
ing.  Happily,  one  point  seems  already  to  be  gaining  universal  as- 
sent, that  slavery  cannot  long  survive  free  discussion.  Hence  the  ef- 
forts of  the  friends  and  apologists  of  slavery  to  break  down  this  right. 
And  hence  the  immense  stake,  which  the  enemies  of  slavery  hold,  in 
behalf  of  freedom  and  mankind,  in  its  preservation.  The  contest  is 
therefore  substantially  between  liberty  and  slavery. 

As  slavery  cannot  exist  with  free  discussion — so  neither  can  liberty 
breathe  without  it.  Losing  this,  we,  too,  shall  not  be  freemen  in 
deed,  but  little,  if  at  all,  superior  to  the  millions  we  now  seek  to 
emancipate. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY 


The  Anti-Marriage  Law  of  Massachusetts 
GEORGE  BRADBURN. 


That  such  a law  (prohibiting  marriage)  a law,  so  utterly  derogate 
ry  to  all  those  principles  of  freedom  and  equality,  which  every  Nei 
Englander,  at  least,  is  supposed  to  reverence — a law,  which  gradual! 
human  rights  by  the  hue  of  the  skin,  which  would  brand  with  infam 
more  than  one  of  America’s  statesmen  and  most  eloquent  orators 
which  tramples  in  the  dust  the  divine  institution  of  marriage,  and  It! 
galizes  the  most  high-handed  robbery  of  the  innocent  and  the  help 
less — that  such  a law  should  be  suffered  to  remain  so  long  on  the  sta 
tute  book  of  Massachusetts,  I regard  as  among  the  facts  destined,  a 
, once,  to  task  the  credulity,  and  excite  the  wonder  and  reprobatio: 
of  posterity.  Posterity  may  find  some  excuse,  perhaps  see  some  rea 
son,  for  the  conduct  of  our  puritanical  fathers,  in  breaking  the  neck 
of  heretics,  and  putting  men  and  women  to  death  for  “ the  sin  ot 
witchcraft.”  Some  palliation  of  that  conduct  may  be  found  in  tb 
general  darkness  of  the  age,  m which  those  fathers  lived.  But  hovy 
posterity  can  palliate  or  excuse  the  continuance,  by  men  living  among 
the  lights  of  the  present  age,  of  a statute  so  odious,  so  unjust,  am 
so  ridiculously  absurd  and  contemptible  withal,  as  the  one  in  ques 
tion,  it  is  quite  impossible  to  conceive.  But  the  fact,  that,  when  re 
spectable  women,  moved  bv  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  this  law,  advem 
tured  to  pray  for  its  repeal,  t !;<  y were  answered  with  'ibald  jests,  with  sar- 
casms, lampoons,  and  sneers,  were  denounced  as  affecting  with  the 
‘ insanity  of  fanaticism,’  tauu'cd  with  seeking  to  ann  ;l  a ‘ statute  of 
decencyq’  and  assailed,  diree  y,  openly,  and  unbiushingly,  with  im- 
putations even  upon  their  vir.ue,  not  only  by  ge.it  leinen,  so  called,1 
standing  in  their  places  as  members  of  the  Massachusetts  house  of 
representatives,  but  also  in  the  deliberate,  printed  reports  drawn  up 
by  the  chairmen  of  grave  legislative  committees — this  is  a fact,  cal- 
culated more  than  all  others  perhaps,  to  excite  in  posterity,  if  indeed 
posterity  can  be  made  to  credit  it,  deep  feeling;  of  surprise,  of  amaze-1 
ment,  of  indignant,  burning  reprobation.  But  posterity  will  do  jus-! 
tice  to  both  the  object  and  the  motives  of  the  petitioners.  And  when 
‘ future  historians  shall  form  an  estimate  of  the  manners  and  morals 
of  the  age,’  those  petitioners,  having  declined  availing  themselves  of 
the  ‘opportunity,’  which  the  chairman  of  one  of  the  committee  just 
alluded  to,  with  liberality  almost  peculiar  to  himself,  was  disposed  to 
‘ afford’  them,  ‘ to  remove  their  names  from  the  rolls  on  which  they 
are  written,’  they  will  be  honorably  set  down  as  among  tile  few,  that 
were  willing  to  do  something,  not  less  for  the  reformation  of  those 
1 manners  and  morals,’  than  for  the  extension  to  all  of  the  enjoy- 
ment of  equal  rights  and  privileges  ; while  their  traducers,  too  insig. 
nificant  to  be  1 damned  to  everlasting  fame,’  though  not  too  impotent, 
perhaps,  to  have  aided  somewhat  as  well  in  corrupting  the  ‘ manners 
and  morals  of  the  age,’  as  in  perpetuating  that  corruption,  will  be 
passed  over,  and  allowed  to  sink  quietly  into  oblivion. 


i\\u 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


GEORGE  BRADBURN. 

If  we  should  be  involved  in  a war,  and  obliged  to  expend  an  ah 
iost  countless  sum  in  carrying  it  on,  the  south  has  very  politely  in- 
■rmed  us,  that  if  we  will  furnish  the  men,  she  will  furnish  the  of- 
fers ; and  the  expenses  may  come  out  of  the  pockets  of  those  who 
ave  the  money.  Not  satisfied,  however,  with  requiring  us  to  sup- 
;rt  the  American  siave  trade,  we  are  also  called  upon  to  support  the 
frican,  and  to  let  the  stripes  and  stars  of  our  boasted  republic  float 
n furled  to  the  breeze,  at  the  mast-head  of  every  pirate-craft  which 
engat?ed  m the  nefarious  traffic.  We  are  as  a nation  committed  in 
dunce  of  slavery ; and  wo  could  not,  under  present  circumstances, 
truly  ana  consistently  represented  in  European  courts,  by  any  but 
lose  identified  with  slave-holding  interests. 

But  why  is  it  that  we  must  not  let  our  flag  be  invaded,  in  order  to 
;sist  in  putting  a stop  to  the  slave  trade  ? Why,  Uncle  Sam’s  dig- 
it}' must  not  be  touched  ! Uncle  Sam  has  so  much  dignity,  that  he 
fill  not  suffer  any  one  to  inquire  who  is  sailing  under  his  colors, 
ncle  Sam  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  giving  his  dignity, 
Ud  his  power,  and  his  name,  to  the  support  of  a trade  -which  is  at 
ar  with  every  principle  of  humanity  and  justice,  and  is  determined 
) let  foreign  nations  know  it. 

WILLIAM  GOODELL. 

The  National  Government  is  Governed  by  Slavery. — In  the 
•ery  organization  of  that  government  the  slave  power  exerted  a 
colliding  influence.  It  scoured  to  i'self  the  preponderancy,  which 
i has  ever  since  main'aincd,  in  the  apportionment  of  representatives 
u Congress.  By  this  means,  the  slave  states  send,  at  present,  one 
mndred  representatives,  though  their  white  population  entitles  them 
o only  seventy-five.  They  have  twenty-six  senators  in  congress, 
vhen  the  principle  of  equal  representation  would  give  them  but  thir- 
:een.  They  have  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  electoral  votes  for 
jresident,  when  they  would  have  but  eighty-eight  were  they  placed 
m an  equal  and  just  footing  with  the  free  slates.  This  power  is  the 
ccret  of  northern  sycophancy  to  the  south. 

Tiie  exercise  of  the  slave  power  over  the  nation,  through  the  general 
government  and  for  its  own  purposes  is  seen  the  following  particulars. 
..  On  every  disputed  question,  either  of  political  economy,  or  in  re- 
erence  to  the  supposed  interests  of  the  slave  states,  the  constant  and 
tommonlv  successful  argument  urged  in  and  out  of  congress  for  the 
ast  forty  years  has  been  the  threat  of  dissolving  the  union.  2.  In 
jiving  shape  to  our  naturalization,  militia,  and  post  office  laws,  and 
n the  government  of  the  federal  district,  no  effort  has  been  spared  to 
legrade  the  free  people  of  color.  3.  1 The  vast  domain  acquired,  by 
be  purchase  of  Louisiana,  lias,  under  authority  of  congress,  been 
locked  with  slaves,  except  so  much  of  it  as  is  north  of  38  1-2  de- 
crees of  north  latitude.’  Seven  new  slave  states  have  been  added  to 
he  union.  4.  In  the  District  of  Columbia,  slavery  has  been  estab- 
ished  by  laws  of  congress,  believed  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  ag- 
fra vated  by  additional  enactments  from  time  to  time,  and  peculiar 
i:ips  bavfl  been  given  for  rendering  the  district  what  it  is,  the 


W.  GOODELL. 


grand  centre  of  the  domestic  slave  trade  between  the  states.  Laws  - 
have  also  been  made  by  which  freemen,  suspected  of  being  fugitives 
from  slavery,  are  seized  and  sold  in  the  District  of  Columbia  as  slaves, 
unless  they  can  prove  their  freedom  while  incarcerated  in  a dungeon, 
and  this  too  by  the  judgment  of  a tribunal  directly  interested  in  their 
condemnation  and  sale.  5.  The  federal  government  has  negociated 
with  Great  Britain  and  Mexico,  for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves. 

6.  Florida,  while  a Spanish  Province,  was  invaded,  by  authority  of 
the  federal  government,  in  time  of  peace,  for  the  purpose  of  destroy- 
ing a fort  of  fugitive  slaves.  7.  Compensation  for  fugitive  slaves 
who  had  taken  refuge  on  board  of  British  ships  of  war  has  been  ob. 
tained  by  the  federal  government  from  Great  Britain.  8.  Efforts 
have  been  made  by  our  government  to  recover  slaves  shipwrecked  on 
Bermuda  and  elsewhere.  9.  The  American  slave  trade,  coast-wise 
and  over  land,  is  prosecuted  under  special  protection  of  the  general 
government.  Some  of  these  slaves  are  entirely  white  ! 10.  The 

federal  government,  in  its  intercourse  with  Great  Britain  has  mani- 
fested a settled  and  persevering  duplicity,  in  regard  to  the  suppression 
of  the  African  slave  trade — totally  evading  and  declining  all  propo- 
sitions  for  assisting  in  its  efficient  suppression.  11.  It  has  winked  at 
the  illegal  importation  of  African  slaves.  12.  It  has  covertly  aided 
the  colonization  society,  (managed  by  slave-holders)  in  its  work  of 
ridding  the  slave  states  from  the  troublesome  presence  of  free  people 
of  color.  13.  It  has  made  efforts  to  prevent  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  Island  of  Cuba,  and  even  intimated  its  readiness  to  engage  in 
a war  to  prevent  it ! 14.  It  has  manifested  a marked  hostility  to  the 

government  of  Hayti,  refusing  to  acknowledge  its  independence, 
Brough  the  measure  was  manifestly  required  by  the  commercial  in 
terests  of  the  country, — and  it  has  exerted  its  influence  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Panama,  to  prevent  the  South  American  Republics  from  re- 
cognizing Hayti  as  a new  state.  15.  It  has  successfully  managed  to 
bring  about  a recognition  of  Texas,  under  circumstances  calculated 
to  plunge  the  country  in  a Mexican  war.  16.  It  has  put  forth  per- 
severing and  varied  efforts  to  effect  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the 
United  States.  17.  Florida  has  been  purchased  because  it  was  a re- 
fuge for  fugitives.  18.  The  Seminole  war  has  been  waged  and  prose- 
cuted for  the  same  reason. 

Inferences. — 1.  That  the  slave  power  in  congress  is  the  predomi- 
nating and  ascendant  power.  2.  That  its  power  is  vigilantly  and  suc- 
cessfully exercised  in  the  support  of  the  slave  system.  3.  That  in 
the  prosecution  of  this  work,  it  holds  all  the  other  interests  of  the 
country  to  be  of  minor  importance.  4.  That  this  work  is  carried  on 
with  little  or  no  remonstrance  or  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  repre- 
sentatives and  senators  of  the  non-slave-holding  states.  And,  of  course. 

5.  That  the  liberties  as  well  as  the  interests  of  northern  freemen,  so 
far  as  the  action  of  the  general  government  is  concerned,  are  at  the 
mercy  of  a slave  power,  which  always  holds  its  own  interests  para- 
mount to  all  others. — Anti-Slavery  Lecturer. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JOSHUA  LEAVITT. 

The  ascendency  of  the  slave-power  in  the  councils  of  the  nation, 
obtained  through  the  ill-advised  concessions  of  the  federal  constitu- 
tion, and  strengthened  by  a long  series  of  usurpations  on  the  one 
hand,  and  of  surrenders  on  the  other,  is  unjust,  dangerous  to  the 
union,  and  incompatible  with  the  preservation  of  free  government ; 
and  is  the  principal  cause  of  the  political  and  financial  evils  under 
which  we  groan  ; and  thus  the  only  hope  of  relief  is  in  a united  de- 
termination of  the  friends  of  freedom,  to  employ  all  wise  and  lawful 
means  for  the  extinction  of  slavery  itself. 

The  first  point  is  the  fact  of  the  ascendancy  of  the  slave  power  in 
the  general  government.  It  controls  all  national  appointments.  No 
man  has  been  or  can  be  elected  president,  but  a slave-holder,  or  a 
man  fully  approved  by  the  slave-holders.  Slave-holders  have  been 
vice-presidents  since  1820  ; and  presidents  of  the  senate  since  1800  ; 
thus  securing  the  casting  vote  in  the  senate.  Since  1822,  none  but 
a slave-holder  has  been  speaker  of  the  house.  A majority  of  the  su- 
preme court  are  from  the  slave  states.  Every  member  of  the  cabi- 
net is  either  a slave-holder  or  a devoted  supporter  of  the  slave  power. 
It  controls  the  national  diplomacy.  For  six  years,  the  chief  busi- 
ness of  our  minister  at  London,  was  to  urge  the  British  government 
to  pay  for  certain  shipwrecked  slaves,  set  at  liberty  by  the  old  habeas 
corpus  ; and  at  length  the  sum  of  £25,000  was  gained  for  the  slave- 
holders, a sum  just  about  equal  to  the  expense  of  the  mission  ; and 
this  while  the  boundary  question  and  other  important  matters  were 
chiefly  overlooked.  We  have  now  six  foreign  embassies  engaged  in 
looking  after  the  interests  of  the  tobacco  planters.  Slavery  controls 
the  legislation  of  Congress.  No  act  has  been  passed,  no  course  of 
legislation  adopted  but  with  the  consent  of  the  slave  power.  And  no 
demand  of  the  slave-holders  has  ever  been  successfully  resisted,  how- 
ever injurious  it  might  be  to  other  interests,  contrary  to  the  constitu- 
tion, hostile  to  the  principles  of  liberty  and  justice,  or  derogatory  to 
the  national  honor.  Slavery  holds  the  nation  as  a subjugated  king- 
dom, and  allows  the  government  to  exercise  its  functions  only  in  strict 
subserviency  to  the  will  of  the  dominant  power. 

2.  This  ascendancy  has  been  gained  through  the  ill-advised  con- 
cessions of  the  constitution,  and  strengthened  by  a series  of  usurpa- 
tions and  submissions  disgraceful  to  the  nation.  Let  it  be  borne  in 
mind  that  all  the  concessions  to  slavery  were  purely  gratuitous. 
Slavery  had  no  claims  to  be  considered.  It  was  not  an  interest  of 
the  nation,  it  added  nothing  to  the  national  wealth,  the  national 
strength,  or  the  national  honor,  but  is  a mere  damage  to  them  all, 
and  is  in  no  sense  entitled  to  be  regarded  as  an  interest,  but  as  an 
enemy.  For  these  concessions,  the  slave-holders  rendered  no  equiva- 
lent. They  pressed  their  claims,  not  by  argument  or  by  persuasion, 
but  by  bullying ; and  the  constitution  pacified  them,  as  a man  would 
pacify  a highway  robber  who  with  a pistol  at  his  breast  demands  his 
purse,  and  at  length  by  a “ compromise”  takes  up  with  half  the 
amount.  Our  fathers  never  would  have  yielded  as  they  did,  but  for 
the  belief  then  generally  entertained  that  slavery  would  be  of  tem- 


11 


J.  LEAVITT. 


porary  duration,  and  that  the  future  tendencies  would  all  be  in  favor 
of  liberty.  The  result  does  honor  to  their  good  feeling,  rather  than 
their  wisdom.  They  overlooked  the  moral  axioms,  that  the  tolerance 
of  sin  leads  to  corruption,  and  that  usurpation  ever  grows  by  sub. 
mission  and  is  never  satisfied. 

3.  That  these  concessions  are  wholly  unjust  in  their  operation,  as 
between  the  two  sections  of  the  country,  may  be  seen  from  a slight 
examination  of  one  of  them. 

THE  FEDERAL  RATIO. 

By  the  constitution,  the  slave-holding  states  are  allowed  to  be  rep- 
resented for  three-fifths  of  the  number  of  their  slaves.  This  is  an 
unjust  law,  because  slaves  are  not  in  law  persons  in  those  states, 
they  neither  sustain  the  relations  nor  exercise  the  functions  of  per- 
sons,  they  do  not  possess  the  prerogatives  nor  bear  the  respon- 
sibilities of  persons,  nor  contribute  as  persons  to  the  common 
wealth  or  strength,  and  therefore  have  no  right  to  be  considered  as 
persons  in  the  apportionment  of  political  power.  Representatives 
represent  only  people,  freemen.  The  south  has  3-8  millions  of  peo- 
ple and  100  representatives,  tire  north  7 millions  and  142  represen- 
tatives. The  south  is  only  entitled  to  75  representatives,  and  by  re- 
curring to  the  history  of  the  country  it  will  be  found  that  these  25 
representatives  of  slaves  have  in  fact  determined  nearly  every  im- 
portant question  of  the  government.  Look  at  the  bearing  of  this  on 
particular  stales. 

Pennsylvania  has  937,877  free  inhabitants,  and  19  representatives. 
Virginia  has  nearly  200,000  less,  and  21  representatives,  when  she 
is  only  entitled  to  16.  This  is  a specimen. 

The  representation  in  the  senate  was  originally  equal,  but  is  now 
greatly  changed.  The  senate  was  divided  between  the  north  and 
south  (Delaware  then  being  always  reckoned  with  the  north  until 
1819)  thus 


1789  North,  16  Senators,  representing  each 123,000 

South,  10  “ “ “ 125,000 

1820  North,  22  “ “ “ 228,000 

South,  22  “ “ “ 125,000 

1839  North,  26  “ ' “ “ 269,000 

South,  26  “ “ « 145,757 


The  admission  of  Louisiana,  in  1812,  and  the  going  over  of  Dela- 
ware to  slavery,  produced  this  tie,  of  which  the  Missouri  compro- 
mise was  the  first  fruits — the  full  harvest  of  infamy  and  woe  is  yet 
to  be  reaped. 

The  electoral  vote  for  president  is  composed  of  both  these  ratios, 
and  combines  the  injustice  of  both.  Pennsylvania  has  30  votes  for 
president ; the  six  -states,  of  S.  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mis- 
sissippi, Louisiana  and  Kentucky,  wiLh  a free  population  nearly 
200,000  less,  has  52  votes.  Their  number,  in  proportion  to  their 
free  population,  would  be  26,  or  just  one-half.  Had  the  division  ol 
the  states  remained  as  it  was  when  the  constitution  was  adopted,  and 
had  the  increase  in  the  proportionate  number  of  the  free  and  slave 


J.  LEAVITT. 


slates  kept  pace  with  the  increase  of  free  population,  the  free  states 
would  now  have  36  senators  instead  of  26  ; and  were  a right  appor- 
tionment made,  the  electoral  vote  would  stand  178  N.  to  101  S.  in- 
stead of  168  to  126.  The  45  electoral  votes  gratuitously  conceded 
to  slaver}',  are  enough  to  govern  all  elections,  by  being  judiciously 
employed  in  balancing  the  parties  of  the  north,  so  as  to  keep  tnem 
all  in  subserviency  to  the  slave  interest,  whenever  that  comes  in  com 
petition  with  the  interest  of  the  country. 

Ohio,  with  202.453  votes,  has  21  electors ; while  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina.  Alabama  and  Mississippi,  with  211,939 
voters,  have  76  electors.  Massachusetts,  with  74,594  votes,  has  14 
electors  ; North  Carolina  and  Alabama,  with  74,000  votes,  have  22 
electors ; and  Virginia  and  South  Carolina,  with  83,000  votes, 
have  34. 

In  the  distribution  of  the  surplus  revenue,  in  1837,  the  slave  states 
managed  to  get  the  electoral  ratio  established  as  the  rule  of  appor- 
tionment. In  consequence,  six  of  the  slave  states,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana  and  Kentucky,  became 
entitled  to  $6,754,588  ; while  Pennsylvania,  with  a population  of 
nearly  200,000  more,  had  only  $3,823,358.  New-Jersey  received 
$3,20  to  each  free  person,  Georgia  $4.80,  South  Carolina  $5.27, 
Louisiana  $6,  and  Massachusetts  two  dollars  and  ninety-two  cents. 

4.  It  is  easy  to  show  that  this  element  of  our  political  institutions 
is  both  dangerous  to  the  union  and  incompatible  with  a free  govern- 
ment. The  possession  of  unjust  and  irresponsible  power  always  in- 
toxicates, and  those  who  hold  it  become  infatuated,  and  extend  their 
encroachments  in  an  increased  ratio,  until  they  become  intolerable, 
and  drive  the  oppressed  to  revolution.  Such  is  the  history  of  the  past. 
Such  is  the  career  now  running  by  the  slave-power  in  this  country. 
Its  gags,  its  post-office  restrictions,  its  political  intolerance,  its  inter- 
ference with  every  political  and  financial  interest,  will,  if  not  checked 
by  constitutional  means,  drive  the  people  of  the  north  to  a revolution, 
for  which  the  responsibility  will  chiefly  rest  upon  such  northern  states- 
men as  [Proffit,]  Van  Buren,  Webster,  Buchanan,  &c.  who  vie  with 
each  other  in  efforts  to  bind  the  north  at  the  chariot  wheels  of  the 
slave-power. 

5.  Time  fails,  to  illustrate,  in  detail,  the  extent  to  which  slavery 
is  the  cause  of  our  political  and  financial  evils.  In  politics,  it  em- 
barrasses all  our  diplomacy  with  foreign  nations.  It  sacrifices  the 
national  honor.  How  it  looks,  to  see  a government  professedly  free 
chiefly  occupied  in  securing  and  extending  the  interests  of  slavery  ! 
It  binds  us  helpless  and  trembling  at  the  feet  of  the  nation  with 
which  we  are  chiefly  in  contact.  It  enslaves  the  public  press,  that 
old  “palladium  of  liberty.”  It  controls  public  offices.  It  inflames 
parties  at  the  north,  so  that  its  pendulum  power  can  be  employed  to 
keep  them  vieing  with  each  other  in  self-degradation  and  servility.— 
The  Emancipator. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ELIZUR  WRIGHT,  Jun. 

Friends  and  fellow  laborers,  the  enemy  now  stands  openly  before 
us.  His  foot  is  on  the  neck,  of  2,500,000  of  our  fellow-men.  He 
asserts  his  right  to  maintain  his  position,  and  to  increase  the  number 
of  his  victims.  He  begs  no  longer  any  favors  from  the  circumstances 
o^be  case,  he  talks  no  more  about  a hard  necessity  : he  boldly  avows 
slavery  to  be  the  best  condition  of  the  laborer,  tVithout  qualification 
of  color  or  clime.  He  madly  threatens  more  closely  to  shut  out  the 
light  of  eternal  life  from  the  imprisoned  soul,  as  if  the  dark  and  fana- 
tical mixture  of  Christianity  and  heathenism,  under  an  even  increas. 
ing  load  of  stripes  and  chains,  were  less  likely  to  breed  insurrection 
and  servile  war  than  the  kind  influences  of  free  and  genuine  chris. 
tianity  combined  with  the  mild  and  equitable  government  of  law  1 
Such  is  the  enemy  that  we  find  rampant  amidst  our  free  institutions 
defended  on  all  sides  by  fortifications  built  out  of  our  flattery  or  neg- 
lect. Is  there  a man  that  loves  his  country  or  his  race  who  will  not 
now  take  the  side  of  freedom  ? Is  there  a woman  ? Is  there  a 
child  ? The  work  is  plain.  Let  abolitionists  plant  in  every  free 
breast  a holy  horror  of  the  sin  of  slavery,  by  exposing  in  the  light 
of  truth  its  nature  and  tendencies.  This  will  cut  off  the  supply  of 
enterprise  and  talent  and  sanctity  that  has  yearly  flowed  to  the  south 
to  prop  up  the  unhallowed  system.  It  will  purify  the  church  ; it 
will  abolitionize  southern  travellers  and  residents  in  the  north  instead 
of  permitting  them  to  diffuse  the  power  of  slavery  among  us.  It  will 
lay  slave-holders  under  an  embargo,  surround  them,  as  the  moral  in- 
valids of  the  universe,  with  a cordon  sanitaire.  It  will  confine  the 
contagion  to  the  spot  of  its  origin,  as  the  pest  house  of  human  na 
ture.  Who  can  doubt,  with  such  treatment  a speedy  recovery ' 
Let  the  abolitionists  see  to  it  that  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  the 
high  privileges  of  our  country  are  secured  to  our  colored  brethren 
who  are  free.  Let  them  smile  upon  their  laudable  endeavors  to  ele. 
vate  themselves,  and  wash  off  the  marks  of  the  degrading  chain  and 
scourge.  Let  them  trample  on  the  cord  of  caste  and  dare  to  treat 
men  according  to  their  deserts  and  not  according  to  the  mean  and 
guilty  prejudices. of  an  oppressive  nation.  Let  them  throw  open  to 
deserving  colored  youth — the  mechanic’s  shop,  the  farm,  the  count- 
ing house  and  the  halls  of  education.  Of  what  use  is  freedom  if  it 
does  not  open  the  door  to  manhood  ? 

Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  practicability  and  safety  of  our  ad. 
vice  to  the  slave-holders  is  no  longer  a matter  of  question.  They 
said  to  us,  let  us  wait  and  see  the  result  of  the  emancipation  of 
800,000  British  slaves.  Well,  we  have  seen  the  result,  and  it  ve- 
rifies all  our  predictions, — if  those  may  be  called  predictions,  which 
are  but  the  plainest  teachings  of  common  sense. 

Is  there  a rational  hope  of  putting  a peaceful  end  to  slavery  by  any 
other  means  than  a thorough  change  of  public  opinion  ? If  not  we 
call  upon  all  who  love  their  country,  their  fellow  men,  and  their  God 
to  join  us.  If  we  have  failed  in  energy,  if  we  have  lacked  wisdom, 
if  there  are  men  who  are  ready  to  carry  this  cause  onward  faster  and 
further  than  we  have  done,  let  them  come  forward  and  give  their 
country  the  benefit  of  their  superior  powers. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


THE  SLAVE  REPRESENTATION. 

The  American  Congress  is,  without  doubt,  an  anomaly  as  a de 
liberative  body,  in  the  civilized  world.  In  that  most  august  repre- 
sentative body  of  twenty-four  sovereign  and  independent  states,  are 
twenty -eight  members  elected  in  consequence  of  two  and  a quarter 
millions  of  slaves  existing  in  one  part  of  the  nation,  whence  these 
twenty-eight  members  come,  not  to  represent  them,  but  to  oppose  any 
plan,  or  project,  which  might  tend  to  the  benefit  of  those  slaves,  to 
whose  very  numbers  these  twenty-eight  members  were  indebted  for 
their  seats.  By  counting  five  slaves  as  three  white  or  free  persons, 
as  the  basis  of  congressional  representation,  these  twenty-eight  mem- 
bers of  Congress  hold  their  seats  as  the  chattel  representatives,  or  as 
the  representatives  of  things  and  not  of  men,  and  possess  or  claim 
the  power  to  silence  their  chattel  or  thing  constitutency,  when  it  asks 
or  seeks  to  become  a man-constituency,  and  also  claim  the  high  pre- 
rogative of  silencing  their  associate  members  of  Congress,  who  would 
seek  to  elevate  the  chattel  constituency  of  the  twenty-eight  men  to  the 
man  basis.  The  twenty -eight  claim  that  it  is  a distinct  portion  of 
their  official  duty  to  countervail  the  sympathy  and  humanity  of  the 
age,  when  it  shall  manifest  a desire  to  elevate  then-  constituents  to 
the  common  rights  and  privileges  of  mankind.  These  twenty-eight 
men  come  to  represent  nothing  but  the  congregated  absurdities  and 
all  the  marked  moral  obliquities  of  this  period  of  the  world. 

These  twenty-eight  men  come,  as  a sort  of  body  guard  to  lust,  la- 
ziness, unpaid  wages,  ignorance,  heathenism,  the  rights  of  the  lash, 
amalgamation,  prostitution,  the  shooting  down  unpaid  laborers  for 
leaving  their  employments,  divorcing  husbands  and  wives,  separating 
parents  and  children,  the  selling  men,  women  and  children,  by  pri- 
vate contract  or  by  public  outcry  ; yea,  the  right  of  vending  unborn 
generations  ; yes,  the  exalted  privilege,  peculiar  to  the  slave-holder ; 
of  selling  his  own  children,  his  own  brothers  and  sisters,  cousins, 
nephews  and  neices,  into  the  most  miserable  slavery,  and  all  and 
every  the  right  of  duelling,  chivalry,  assassination,  murder  and  ge- 
nerally all  and  every  and  each  of  the  multiplied  rights  embraced 
within  the  circle  of  the  most  unbounded  inhumanity. 

These  twenty-eight  congressmen  are  the  chosen  gladiators  to  dis- 
pute every  inch  of  ground,  which  the  humanity  of  Congress  may 
desire  to  occupy.  These  are  the  men,  whose  votes  are  employed  to 
gag  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  nation.  These  are  the 
twenty-eight  men  to  lead  the  house  on  the  forlorn  hope  of  suppressing 
debate,  and  take  the  liberties  of  the  nation  by  storm,  and  lead  them 
into  captivity  without  the  hope  of  ransom  These  are  the  men, 
elected  differently  from  all  the  rest,  not  to  favor  but  to  resist  all  mea. 
sures  offered  by  those,  for  the  benefit  of  their  thing-constituency  ; 
these  are  the  men,  who,  under  the  pretence  of  preserving  order  and 
quiet,  in  the  glory  of  representatives,  produce  wild  chaos  and  pri- 
meval night,  amidst  their  maniac  screams  of  Order  ! Order  ! OR- 
DER ! ! 1 — Alvan  Stewart. 


21* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY, 


ALVAN  STEWART. 

The  enemies  of  our  noble  sentiments  and  elevated  intentions, 
have  resorted  to  the  old  heathen  track  of  misrepresentation,  and 
by  adding  to  our  code  views  never  promulgated  by  us,  by  charg- 
ing us  with  intentions  never  harbored,  with  expectations  never 
cherished,  and  as  remote  from  the  mind  of  an  abolitionist,  as  in- 
fidelity is  from  the  conscience  of  piety,  as  meanness  is  from  gene-  i 
rosity,  as  bigotry  is  from  charity,  as  truth  from  falsehood,  as  free-  l 
dom  from  slavery.  They  would  fain  make  us  unfit  for  this  world. 
We  are  not  judged  by  evidence  drawn  from  our  own  declarations 
or  acts,  but  by  acts  which  our  wily  adversaries  prophecy,  we  will 
do  or  commit  at  some  future  period  of  time  ; and  thus  they  lift 
the  curtain  which  shuts  from  all  mortal  eyes,  except  prophets,  the 
great  unbounded  future  ; and  by  looking  down  the  vale  of  lime, 
they  behold  us  engaged  in  the  diabolical  and  blood  thirsty  work 
of  procuring  laws  passed  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  district  of  Co 
lumbia,  and  the  slave  territories,  and  in  this  way  knocking  the  fet. 
ters  from  the  bondman,  which  our  adversaries  call  treason,  ealeu-  j 
lated  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

What.  Union  ? I doubt  not  that  some  of  these  union  patriots  would 
take  your  life,  and  mine,  and  every  member  of  this  convention,  and 
in  so  doing,  think  they  had  done  their  master  a service,  and  lift  up 
their  hand  for  eternal  and  unmitigated  slavery  to  every  colored  man, 
woman  and  child,  in  the  United  Stales,  and  throw  into  the  same  pile 
all  who  differed  with  them  in  sentiment  to  promote  the  interest  of 
their  master.  These  are  the  patriotic  Unionists,  who  secretly  wish 
to  dissolve  the  union,  by  permitting  the  great  cancer  to  grow  on  the 
neck  of  the  union  without  attempting  its  cure  or  removal.  These  1 
are  the  friends  of  the  union,  who  are  willing  to  see  two  and  a half 
millions  of  men,  women  and  children,  sacrificed  to  the  demon  of 
slavery,  according  to  the  written  provisions  of  the  constitution, 
which  these  unionists  seem  to  suppose  unalterable.  These  unionists 
are  willing  to  destroy  us,  because  we  are  not  terrified  at  the  roaring 
of  the  slave-holders  ; because  we  feel  for  two  and  a half  millions  of 
men,  women  and  children,  who  are  now  being  offered  at  the  shrine  1 
of  cruelty,  lust  and  avarice.  These  lovers-  of  the  union  refuse  to 
hear  the  loud  lamentations  of  bitter  sorrow  and  hopeless  grief ; which, 
like  the  voice  of  a mighty  flood,  ascends  day  and  night  from  every 
plantation,  every  factory,  every  corn-field,  every  rice-field,  every  to- 
bacco-field, every  cotton-field,  and  every  kitchen  of  eleven  (thirteen) 
states  ; and  penetrates  the  ear  of  God. 

The  slaves  never  held  a convention  on  the  subject  of  their  wrongs; 
they  never  met  to  petition  for  a redress  of  grievances,  or  to  remon- 
strate against  the  manifold  injuries  by  which  they  are  broken  down. 
No,  his  petition  was  never  read  within  the  walls  of  legislation. 
Solemn  thought.  Even  to  us  who  for  a moment,  have  become  his 
mouth-piece  to  tell  his  wrongs  to  the  world,  and  demand  his  redress  ; 
we,  even  we,  white  skin  republicans,  appear  to  be  on  the  eve  of 
losing  our  rights  as  white  men,  from  having,  from  the  deepest  im. 
•wises  of  humanity,  become  the  slave’s  organ,  to  explain  to  an  un- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


feeling  world,  the  wrongs  inflicted  upon  him.  If  white  men  in  non. 
slave-holding  states  encounter  so  much  noise,  violence  and  injury,  in 
barely  pleading  the  cause  of  the  slave,  before  those  who  have  no  in. 
terest  in  the  slave’s  body,  and  whose  only  interest  is  to  cringe  and 
flatter  the  master  of  the  slave,  what  must  be  the  condition  of  the 
poor  slave  left  to  plead  his  own  cause  against  his  own  master  ; that 
master  who  is  fed  sumptuously  every  day,  and  clothed  in  purple  and 
fine  linen,  by  the  unpaid  labor  of  that  slave  ? When  will  the  glut- 
ton, the  wine  bibber,  the  adulterous,  the  avaricious,  listen  to  the 
voice  of  the  unaided  slave  ? 


HENRY  PETERSON. 

What  calls  for  the  suppression  of  our  principles  ? What  is  it  that 
demands  that  we  should  abandon  all  our  measures  for  the  liberation 
of  the  helpless  captive  ? Ay  ! what  is  it  that  claims  the  extermina- 
tion of  the  Seminole,  the  expulsion  of  the  Cherokee,  the  unmolested 
power  to  imbrute  the  oppressed  slave  ? “ The  integrity  of  the  Union.” 

If  it  be  true,  that  these  states  cannot  remain  united  without  the  con- 
stant sacrifice  of  right ; if  every  cause  which  is  pure  and  holy  must 
be  immolated  in  its  bloody  temple  ; if  it  be  not  a means  for  effecting 
good,  but  a tremendous  agent  of  fraud,  and  all  manner  of  wicked, 
ness ; — let  the  Union  be  dissolved. 

If  degradation  be  a sufficient  reason  for  withholding  liberty,  it 
necessarily  follows,  that  those  who  enjoy  then-  libertv,  and  are  not- 
withstanding ignorant  and  degraded,  may  rightfully  be  made  slaves. 
Then  the  same  principle  which  would  keep  the  ignorant  population 
of  the  south  in  bondage,  would,  if  carried  out,  reduce  to  servitude 
the  ignorant  population  of  the  north.  But  in  truth,  if  a class  of 
men  be  degraded,  it  is  the  very  reason  why  they  should  not  be  slaves 
If  an  individual  is  so  crippled  that  he  can  hardly  move,  would  you 
weigh  him  down  witlfi chains  to  make  him  move  faster  ? The  objec- 
tor must  have  a very  high  opinion  of  slavery  as  a teacher,  when  he 
argues  that  it  is  much  better  than  liberty  to  improve  the  mind  and 
manners.  It  does,  however,  seem  rather  singular  that  the  colored 
people  should  have  been  so  long  under  the  tuition  of  the  first,  with- 
out appearing  the  least  better  fitted  for  liberty  than  when  they  began 
their  education — and  therefore  I am  most  decidedly  an  advocate  for 
a change  of  masters. 

A man  must  have  liberty  before  he  can  learn  how  to  use  and  ap- 
preciate it.  You  might  as  well  expect  to  teach  him  to  breathe  with- 
out air,  as  learn  him  how  to  enjoy  his  freedom  while  a slave.  These 
sensible  objectors  must  be  descendants  of  that  very  wise  old  lady, 
who  advised  her  son  “ never  to  go  into  the  water  until  he  knew  how 
to  swim.”  If  education  were  merely  theoretical,  the  case  would  be 
different ; but  practice  must  always  go  along  with  theory. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY 


THOMAS  EARLE. 

I am  convinced  that  if  slavery  were  abolished  in  the  south,  the 
rise  in  the  value  of  real  estate  in  five  years  would  more  than  com- 
pensate the  price  of  the  slave.  Moreover,  the  improvement  in  morals,  ' 
in  order,  in  peace  of  mind,  would  be  far  greater  than  any  pecuniary 
considerations.  Look  at  the  want  of  energy,  industry,  science,  lite-  L 
rature,  and  improvement  in  the  south  compared  with  the  north,  and  i 
see  if  you  can  hesitate  as  to  the  advantages.  Look  at  the  homicides  i 
and  other  immoralities  in  public  men,  judges,  and  presidents  of  col. 
leges  and  literary  institutions.  Read  the  accounts  of  slaves  killed  by 
masters,  and  of  masters  killed  by  slaves,  and  contrast  it  with  the 
fact,  that  in  six  and  a half  years  of  freedom  in  two  of  the  British 
West  Indies,  and  two  and  a half  years  in  the  remainder  not  a sin- 
gle white  man  has  been  killed  by  one  of  the  African  race  ; and  see 
if  you  can  hesitate  as  to  the  just  and  expedient  course. 

So  great  is  my  attachment  to  the  union,  that  for  the  sake  of  per. 
petuating  that  union  without  any  accompanying  oppression  to  be 
committed  by  us  of  the  north,  I should  be  willing  to  waive  any  ques-  , 
tion  of  the  strictest  right,  and  see  the  whole  of  the  public  lands  ap. 
propriated  through  a change  of  the  constitution,  to  the  extinction  of 
slavery ; and  such  I believe  would  be  the  sentiment  of  a vast  majori- 
ty of  the  people  of  the  north. 

There  are  no  people  on  earth  so  disposed  as  slave-holders  to  inter- 
fere with  the  policy  of  other  countries.  This  is  a natural  result  of 
the  system  itself,  for  slavery  is  the  greatest  known  interference  of 
one  class  of  men  with  the  rights  and  interest  of  others,  and  those 
who  practice  the  greater  will  not  be  likely  to  hesitate  at  the  less.  As 
this  was  true  of  the  slave-holders  in  the  tyrannical  republics  of  Sparta 
and  of  Rome,  where  human  beings  were  required  to  kill  each  other 
for  the  amusement  of  the  aristocracy,  so  it  is  true  of  the  slave-holders 
of  this  day.  The  institutions,  religious  and  political,  not  only  of  the 
northern  states,  but  of  England,  Mexico,  Texas,  France,  China, 
and  Africa,  are  the  constant  subjects  of  the  solicitude  and  care  of 
our  southern  slave-holding  brethren.  They  could  pass  resolutions 
and  furnish  money  in  aid  of  South  America,  Texas,  Greece,  and 
Poland.  They  will,  through  our  secretary  of  state,  request  the  Pacha 
of  Egypt  not  to  oppress  the  Jews  of  Damascus.  They  would  pro- 
testantize France,  christianize  India,  and  civilize  Africa ; yet  they 
would  deny  us  the  right  of  attempting  by  moral  suasion  to  convert 
themselves  to  our  views  of  Christianity. 


BERIAH  GREEN. 

What  is  American  slavery  ? What  are  its  inherent  tendencies, 
and  what  its  necessary  effects  ? What  are  its  victims  doomed  to  suf- 
fer under  its  influence  ? It  finds  them,  as  the  creatures  of  God,  re 
fleeting  his  image.  It  finds  them  endowed  with  reason,  and  forbids 
them  to  walk  in  the  light  of  its  principles.  It  finds  them  formed  with 
the  power  of  conscience,  and  forbids  them  to  bow  to  its  dictates.  It 
finds  them  gifted  with  free-will,  and  forbids  them  to  act  according  to 


B.  GREEN. 


their  choice.  It  finds  them  the  children  of  the  skies,  and  forbids 
them  to  make  provision  for  their  immortality.  It  finds  them  exalted 
and  dignified  by  the  image  of  God,  which  they  bear,  and  does  its  ut. 
most  to  degrade  them  to  a level  with  the  beasts  which  perish  around 
them.  In  its  inherent  and  necessary  tendency  it  strikes  at  the  very 
vitals  of  their  humanity.  It  strives  to  obliterate  every  characteristic 
feature  and  property  of  their  human  nature. 

And  what  is  the  language  of  our  brother  Lovejoy’s  blood  ? It 
speaks  of  the  frightful  impartiality  of  slavery  in  multiplying  the  vie- 
thus  of  its  murderous  malignity.  What  does  it  care  for  the  barriers 
which  were  designed  to  separate  the  slave  states  from  the  free  ? What 
does  it  care  for  any  variety  of  complexion  ; what  for  powerful  talents 
and  exalted  station  ; what  for  the  elevated  character,  extensive  use- 
fulness, or  general  confidence,  for  which  any  American  citizen  may 
be  distinguished  ? It  contemns  the  most  important  relations  and  the 
most  sacred  offices.  From  its  snake-like  grasp,  no  sanctuary  can  aft 
ford  any  protection.  To  all,  without  the  least  respect  for  the  cord  of 
caste  or  the  distinctions  of  society,  it  offers  one  and  the  same  alter- 
native— to  subserve  its  interests,  or  stand  exposed  to  the  heaviest  in-, 
juries  it  can  inflict.  This  alternative,  in  a proclamation  “ breathing 
out  threatenings  and  slaughter,”  it  has  put  into  the  open  mouths  of 
myriads  of  criers  from  Georgia  to  Maine.  And,  alas,  to  what  num- 
bers of  our  fellow-citizens  has  not  this  been  a terrible  alternative  ! 
Thousands  upon  thousands  have  given  up  their  birth-rights  ; have 
consented  to  bow  down  to  the  Moloch,  “ besmeared  with  blood  of  hu- 
man sacrifice  and  parents’  tears,”  which  demanded  at  their  hands  the 
sacrifice  of  every  thing  dear  and  precious  in  our  civil,  social,  and 
religious  institutions  ! Among  these  are  to  be  recorded  a large  ma- 
jority of  those  to  whom  the  powers  of  the  press  were  confided.  On 
the  one  hand,  they  have  refused  to  record  and  to  publish  the  frightful 
ravages  which  slavery  was  multiplying,  especially  its  fearful  encroach- 
ments on  the  inheritance  of  freemen  ; and  on  the  other,  they  have 
taxed  their  utmost  ingenuity  to  frame  and  circulate  the  most  deceit- 
ful apologies  for  any  of  its  excesses  which  might  break  upon  the  pub- 
lic attention.  They  have  done  what  they  could  to  protect  and  en 
courage  the  monster,  while  gnawing  with  unwearied  tooth  upon  the 
vitals  of  the  republic.  To  such  conductors  of  the  press  must,  in 
multiplied  instances,  be  added  those  to  whom  was  entrusted  the  sword 
of  the  magistrate.  From  the  heads  of  law-abiding,  public-spirit'ed, 
and  useful  citizens,  who,  while  exposed  to  the  greatest  injuries,  had 
the  strongest  claims  upon  their  countenance  and  aid,  they  have 
withdrawn  the  shield  of  their  protection.  Often  have  they  been 
known  to  be  the  instigators  and  abettors  of  the  intoxicated  rabble, 
whom  they  have  virtually  led  on  to  the  wildest  excesses  and  the 
most  intolerable  outrages.  In  their  official  stations,  they  have 
played  the  tyrant ; — avowing  maxims,  and  advancing  doctrines, 
and  setting  up  pretensions,  obviously  and  radically  subversive  of 
the  whole  frame-work  of  our  government.  The  sword  which  they 
had  sworn  to  use  in  defence  of  freedom,  they  have,  without  blushing 
for  their  perjury  and  perfidy,  offered  to  employ  in  the  service  of  sla- 
very. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


NATHANIEL  COLVER. 

The  real  owner  of  every  slave  is  known.  God  is  the  owner  of 
every  slave  (man)  and  eveiy  slave  (man)  is  the  God-appointed  guar- 
dian of  himself;  and  both  the  owner  and  guardian  are  ever  present 
to  claim  the  restoration. 

But  brother  Davis  justifies  the  slave-holders,  because  southern  laws 
forbid  emancipation.  Then  southern  laws  are  infamously  wicked; 
and  better  for  every  Christian  in  the  south  to  die  a martyr’s  death  than 
endorse  their  guilt.  If  it  would  be  wicked  to  hold  slaves,  were  there 
no  such  laws,  then  those  laws  cannot  make  it  right.  Is  my  brother 
a protestant  ? Then,  he  should  remember  that  neither  popes  nor  le- 
gislators can  grant  effectual  “ indulgences”  to  sin,  nor  abrogate  the  ’ 
command  of  God  to  “ let  the  oppressed  go  free”  and  to  “ break  every 
yoke.”  The  plea  of  such  an  indulgence  will  not  avail  him  in  the 
great  and  trying  day.  Strange  logic  this ; — man-stealers  are  not  inan- 
stealers,  because,  forsooth,  the  law  protects  them  in  doing  the  deed. 

So  God  will  curse  both  it  and  those  who  avail  themselves  of  its  sane-  1 
tions  to  do  wickedly. 

Poverty  is  better  than  guilt.  God  can  smile  upon  the  poor ; but  he  I 
will  ever  frown  upon  the  oppressor.  Your  slaves  are  poor,  very  poor ; 1 
— the  state  in  which  you  hold  them  allows  them  to  own  nothing,  not 
even  themselves,  their  wives,  or  their  children.  Rich,  indeed,  would 
they  count  themselves,  were  they  but  possessed  of  what  you  would 
be,  if  divested  even  of  all  your  chatties, — Liberty  ! In  the  name  of 
justice,  what  right  has  the  slave-holder  to  continue  to  be  rich  upon 
the  continued  robbery  of  the  poor  slaves,  who,  by  the  infamous  and 
admitted  kidnapping  of  others,  have  been  subjected  to  their  power. 
Such  an  argument  as  this,  will  do  for  them  who  have  forgotten  God 
and  justice,  but  it  is  surprising  that  it  should  ever  have  found  utterance 
from  a Christian. 

Most  freely  do  I admit  that  there  are  many  kind-hearted  and  hu- 
mane men  who  hold  slaves — as  kind  to  their  slaves  as  the  relation 
will  allow  them  to  be,  and  that  their  kindness  dashes  the  bitter  cup 
of  slavery  with  transient  sweets,  but  still,  slavery  is  a bitter  cup. 
Under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  its  bitterness  is  not  neutra 
lized  by  the  admixture  of  personal  kindness,  while  to  millions  it  is  a 
cup  of  unmingled  gall.  It  has  been  represented  that  the  slaves  are 
well  treated,  happy,  contented  and  attached  to  their  masters,  but  is 
it  so ! ! Ask  the  north  star  which  has  guided  so  many  of  them  to  the 
land  of  liberty,  where  their  weaiy,  toil-worn,  whip-scarred  limbs 
have  found  a resting  place,  in  Canada  ! The  slaves  well  treated  and 
contented  ? What  means  the  shaking  of  the  south  at  the  fluttering 
of  every  leaf?  Their  vigilance  committees  ? Their  muzzling  of  the 
press  and  the  freedom  of  speech  ? So  confident  are  the  south  of  the 
unnatural  and  dangerous  structure  of  their  society,  that  the  chival- 
rous sons  of  the  south  have  become  slaves.  Yes,  their  magistrates 
and  ministers  must  bow  down  and  ask  master  mob,  what  publica- 
tions they  may  read  ! — Discussion  with  J.  Davis. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


RICHARD  HILDRETH. 

Slavery  is  a continuation  of  the  state  of  war.  It  is  true  that  one 
of  the  combatants  is  subdued  and  bound  ; but  the  war  is  not  termi- 
nated. If  I do  not  put  the  captive  to  death,  this  apparent  clemency 
does  not  arise  from  any  good  will  towards  him,  or  any  extinction  on 
mv  part  of  hostile  feelings  and  intentions.  I spare  his  life  merely 
because  I expect  to  be  able  to  put  him  to  a use  more  advantageous  to 
myself.  And  if  the  captive,  on  the  other  hand,  feigns  submission 
still  he  is  only  watching  for  an  opportunity  to  escape  my  grasp,  and 
if  possible  to  inflict  upon  me  evils  as  great  as  those  to  which  I have 
subjected  him. 

W ar  is  justly  regarded,  and  with  the  progress  of  civilization  it 
comes  every  day  more  and  more  to  be  regarded,  as  the  very  greatest 
of  social  calamities.  The  introduction  of  slavery  into  a community, 
amounts  to  an  eternal  protraction  of  that  calamity,  and  a universal 
diffusion  of  it  through  the  whole  mass  of  society,  and  that  too,  in  its 
most  ferocious  form. 

Now  every  plantation  in  the  slave  states  is  to  be  looked  upon  as 
the  seat  of  a little  camp,  which  overawes  and  keeps  in  subjection  the 
surrounding  peasantry.  The  master  claims  and  exercises  over  his 
slaves  all  the  rights  of  war  above  described,  and  others  yet  more  ter- 
rible. Consider  too  that  this  infliction  is  not  limited  to  a single  neigh- 
borhood, as  in  the  case  of  an  invading  army,  but  is  scattered  and  dif- 
fused over  the  whole  extent  of  tire  country  ; nor  is  it  temporary  as  in 
the  other  case,  but  constant  and  perpetual.  It  is  by  taking  a view 
like  this,  that  we  are  enabled  to  form  a primary,  general,  outline  idea 
of  the  social  condition  of  a slave-holding  community. 

Considering  slaves  merely  as  property,  there  are  two  grievous  in- 
fringements upon  the  master’s  liberty.  But  consider  them  as  men, 
and  the  infringement  upon  the  master’s  freedom  of  action  is  still  more 
intolerable.  I am  deprived  by  law  of  the  capacity  to  be  benevolent 
and  just.  I am  ready  to  confer  upon  a fellow  being  the  highest  boon 
which  man  can  give  or  receive  ; — but  the  laws  do  not  permit  me  to 
confer  it.  Perhaps  the  slave  is  my  own  child.  No  matter  ; he  shall 
remain  a slave  to  the  day  of  his  death,  unless  I can  obtain  as  a par- 
ticular grace  and  favor,  a special  permission  to  set  him  free.  Is  this 
liberty  ? Is  not  the  servitude  of  the  father  as  miserable  almost  as 
that  of  the  son  ? 

The  authors  of  these  laws  have  plainly  perceived  that  the  natural 
dictates  of  humanity  are  at  war  with  the  institution  of  slavery  ; and 
that  if  left  to  their  own  operation,  sooner  or  later,  they  would  ac- 
complish its  overthrow.  To  perpetuate  the  slavery  of  the  unprivileg- 
ed class,  they  have  fettered  up  those  sentiments  of  the  human  heart, 
which  are  the  foundation  of  morality  and  of  the  charities  of  life. 
For  the  sake  of  brutalizing  others,  they  have  sought  to  barbarize 
themselves. 

Liberty  of  opinion,  liberty  of  speech,  and  liberty  of  the  press  do 
not  exist  in  the  southern  states  of  the  American  Union,  any  more 
than  under  any  other  despotism.  No  doubt  there  are  some  subjects 
which  may  be  very  freely  discussed  there  ; but  the  same  is  the  case 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


under  all  despotisms.  Any  body  may  freely  discuss  at  Rome  or  Mos. 
cow,  the  merits  and  demerits  of  American  slavery.  The  only  pro. 
hibited  subjects  are,  the  plans  of  government  and  systems  of  policy 
upheld  by  the  pope  or  the  czar. 

Instead  however  of  saying  that  the  masters  and  the  slaves  are 
equally  happy,  the  idea  might  be  more  clearly  and  distinctly  expres- 
sed by  saying,  that  both  masters  and  slaves  are  equally  miserable.  1 
Slavery  is  an  invention  for  dividing  the  goods  and  ills  of  life  into 
two  separate  parcels,  so  as  to  bestow  all  the  ills  upon  the  slaves,  and 
all  the  good  upon  the  masters.  So  far  as  regards  the  slaves,  this  at- 
tempt is  successful  enough.  The  miseries  of  life  are  concentrated 
upon  their  heads  in  a terrible  mass.  But  as  respects  the  masters,  the 
experiment  fails  entirely. — Despotism  in  America. 


J.  BLANCHARD. 

All  can  see,  at  a glance,  that  a slave’s  virtues  are  of  little  earthly 
use  to  him.  Honesty  and  industry  in  business  will  not  bring  him 
wealth,  nor  can  dishonesty  and  idleness  sink  him  into  a lower  poverty 
than  that  which  belongs  to  the  condition  of  a slave.  For  no  man 
can  be  poorer  than  he  who  does  not  own  himself.  Intelligence,  talents, 
refinement,  all  that  constitutes  the  glory  of  a civilized  man,  are  but 
so  many  curses  to  one  doomed  to  slavery  for  life.  Every  thing  that 
quickens  his  sensibilities,  only  makes  him  the  more  alive  to  the  misery 
and  degradation  of  his  condition ; for  it  is  only  while  he  forgets  that 
he  is  a man,  that  he  can  be  contented  as  a slave. 

Who  then  can  reduce  man  to  this  terrible  state,  or  retain  him  in 
it,  and  not  justly  dread  the  denunciations  of  God  against  oppression  ? 
When  he  strips  his  slave  of  the  safe-guards  of  virtue,  and  the  attri- 
butes of  humanity,  he  usurps  for  himself  the  prerogatives  of  God  ! 
Nay,  worse  still.  He  demands  of  the  slave  a submission  not  claimed 
by  God ; and  enforces  it  by  means  which  are  never  resorted  to  by  the 
Devil!  For  Jehovah  never  governs  his  rational  creatures  by  mere 
will  ; and  Satan  never  coerces,  though  he  tempts  men  to  serve  him. 
The  slave-holder  does  both.  The  rule  of  life  to  the  slave  is  locked  up 
in  the  owner’s  breast.  He  knows  not  to-day  what  submissions  he  may 
be  called  to  on  the  morrow.  Thus  he  has  no  fixed  rule  or  law  of 
life. 


& B.  TREADWELL. 

One-sixth  part  only  of  the  human  family  are  white.  Five-sixths 
of  the  whole  human  race,  are  by  the  hand  of  our  Common  Parent, 
complexioned  from  the  olive  to  the  copper  color,  and  from  the  cop- 
per color,  still  darker.  The  aristocratic  principles,  of  what  is  eom- 
monly  called  prejudice  against  color,  exhibit  not  only  the  wickedness, 
but  the  extreme  folly  of  our  entertaining,  and  deliberately  cherishing 
such  feelings  against  people  who  happen  to  be  somewhat  differently 
complexioned  to  ourselves,  that  we  cannot  extend  to  them  even  the 
common  civilities,  hospitalities,  or  the  charities  of  life.  This  won- 
derful monster  in  human  nature,  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  hateful 


THE  LEGION  OE  LIBERTY. 


mstocratic  caste.  To  say  the  least  of  it,  it  is  anti-republican,  un- 
reasonable, unkind,  illiberal,  not  to  say  unchristian  and  wicked. 

The  guilty  conscience  of  the  slave-holder,  while  he  holds  his  vam. 
tire  grasp  upon  his  human  prey,  dares  not  allow  him  to  give  them 
lie  least  possible  means  of  knowing  and  avenging  their  wrongs,  any 
note  than  the  pirate  himself  dares  put  his  bloody  implements  into  the 
lands  of  his  ill  fated  victims.  But  when  the  slave-holder  draws  the 
ron  from  the  soul,  lets  go  his  grasp,  and  sets  his  slaves  at  full  liberty 
o breathe  their  native  air  of  freedom,  as  their  benevolent  Creator  de- 
signed them  to  do,  they  leap  for  joy,  and  at  once  rally  around  him 
is  their  best  friend,  and  bury  their  past  wrongs  forever.  They  can 
hen  begin  to  learn,  and  to  appreciate  the  invaluable  boon  of  civil  li- 
icrty,  and  like  men  raised  from  the  dead,  to  the  astonishment  of  all, 
• they  are  seen  walking  uprightly.” — American  Liberties  and  Ameri- 
■<in  Slavery. 


HENRY  C.  WRIGHT. 

The  slaves  are  a part  of  “ the  governed”  spoken  of  by  our  fathers, 
ind  what  are  we  taught  respecting  their  rights  ? — Annually,  on  the 
ourth  of  July,  it  has  been  the  practice  throughout  the  nation,  from 
ts  birth,  to  rehearse  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  for  the  pur- 
>ose  of  refreshing  the  memories  of  the  people  with  the  great  funda- 
nenlal  principles  on  which  the  government  is  erected,  that  every 
nan  may  he  reminded  of  the  sound  and  solid  foundation  of  our  re- 
nibiican  edifice,  and,  keeping  them  as  the  apple  of  the  eye,  may 
lold  them  up  in  holy  defiance  of  all  political  aspirants,  who  may  be 
lisposed  to  elevate  themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  rights  of  others. 
!:i  doing  this,  we  have  professed  not  to  be  supremely  selfish.  We 
lave  hoped  to  see  the  tlu'oues  of  foreign  despotism  subverted  by  these 
irinciples  of  right.  We  have  thundered  them  in  the  ears  of  all  na- 
ions,  till  the  earth  rang  again.  This  is  the  noise  that  ye  have  heard 
'or  more  than  half  a century.  We  have  sympathized  with  the  valiant 
Poles  and  struggling  Greeks,  and  it  was  our  principles  of  indepen- 
ience  which  prompted  such  sympathy.  But  must  we  forget  the  ap- 
dication  of  these  principles  to  the  cruelly  oppressed  in  our  own  coun- 
ry  ? Must  we  bow  with  reverential  awe,  orrather  with  recreant  ser 
/llity,  before  tire  haughty  “ throne  of  iniquity,”  erected  on  the  bo- 
lies  and  souls — the  most  precious  rights — the  groans  and  tears  of 
nillions  of  our  own  fellow-citizens,  thousands  of  them  being  of 
‘the  posterity”  of  that  generation  of  Americans,  who  resisted  unto 
food  the  principles  and  the  impositions  of  tyrants,  and  established 
his  republic  “ to  secure  to  themselves  and  to  their  posterity,  the 
dessings  of  Liberty  ?” 

Let  the  nation  retract  her  pretensions  to  all  political  piety,  and  re- 
■cind  her  declaration  of  those  holy  principles,  and  stand  out  before 
Sod  and  mankind  the  unblushing  advocate  of  despotism,  the  object 
>f  Jehovah’s  wrath  and  of  the  world’s  scorn, — or  honestly  apply 
hose  principles  to  every  provision  of  her  constitution — that  it  may 
>e  purified  of  all  the  pollution,  which  has  been  imposed  on  it,  and 


12 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


stand  forth  to  the  eyes  of  all  nations,  as  the  most  righteous  and  bes 
of  all  constitutions,  and  to  the  eye  of  Him,  who  made  all  men  cqua 
and  endowed  them  with  the  rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  o 
happiness,  as  a worthy  transcript  of  Ilis  owndioly  constitution  oi 
government. 

THOMAS  PYNE. 

Sad  were  it,  and  deep  the  national  disgrace,  and  more  fearful  tb 
transgression  of  driving  away,  or  of  leaving  in  ignorance  the  poo 
Indian.  May  a better  lot  await  them — those,  alas  ! who  have  littli 
cause  of  gratulation  in  this  day  of  thanksgiving, — since  they  see  tbei 
land  overrun  with  strangers, — the  graves  of  their  fathers  violated,  am 
themselves  doomed  to  a precarious  life  1 How  greatly  indeed  havi 
they  learnt  the  vices — how  little  of  the  blessings  of  civilization 
How  has  the  banner  which  bears  the  inscription  of  the  Piince  of 
Peace,  become  to  them  often  the  token  of  persecution  and  of  death 
If  national  crimes  provoke  divine  judgments,  have  we  nothing  U 
fear  from  the  avenging  spirit  beneath  whose  eye  the  savage  is  not  for- 
gotten ? Certainly  now  at  length  the  enlightened  and  the  favored 
should  arise  for  their  rescue. 

I regard  the  voluntary  tenure  of  men  contrary  to  their  consent  in 
hopeless  and  hereditary  bondage  as  decidedly  sinful.  I regard  the 
purchase  and  sale  of  human  beings,  the  denial  to  them  of  the  mar 
riage-tie,  the  forcible  separation  of  parents  and  children,  the  compel, 
sory  requirement  of  them  to  labor  without  wages,  and  by  the  stimulus 
of  the  whip,  the  keeping  ihem  in  ignorance, — possibly  to  the  ruin  of 
their  souls,  for  the  sake  of  retaining  authority  over  them,— as  awful 
breaches  of  the  rules  of  justice  and  mercy.  I doubt  not  there  are 
many  benevolent  people  among  the  whites  of  the  south.  Some  I am 
ever  proud  and  happy  to  esteem  my  friends — I speak  not  therefore 
against  these,  but  against  the  system  of  slavery. 

The  territories  of  the  United  States  and  the  district  of  Columbia 
are  under  the  influence  of  Congress — a Congress  returned  from  every 
part  of  the  union.  Surely,  then,  in  these  regions  the  evil  might  be 
more  and  more  fully  petitioned  against.  Especially  does  it  appear  a 
dreadful  and  most  ominous  fact  that  Columbia,  the  place  in  wiiicii 
meet  the  Congress  of,  if  we  believe  what  we  hear,  the  freest  people 
ou  earth,  should  be  the  greatest  slave-market  in  America,  perhaps  ir. 
tile  world.  By  memorials,  then,  to  the  legislature,  by  the  return  of 
men  attached  to  freedom, — universal  freedom, — and  by  the  influence 
of  moral  suasion,  should  the  disinterested  and  patriotic  citizens  of 
America  seek  a removal  from  among  them  of  l he  oppressive  laws. 
The  whole  of  the  civilized  world,  I believe  I may  say,  now  expects 
of  America  that  she  should  cherish  the  savage,  and  that  she  should 
liberate  the  slave. 


THE  LEG  I0>"  OF  LIBERTY. 


CIRCULAR  OF  THE  AMERICAS'  A S.  SOCIETY,  May,  1842 

We  common  ! to  every  person  who  is  friendly  to  (he  abolition  of 
haverv.  lo  gird  on  the  strong' h of  principle,  and  come  up,  speed:!}', 
n aid  of  our  great  purpose.  Let  there  be  no  waiting  for  each  other; 
nit  prompt  action  in  each,  and  it  will  necessarily  be  simultaneous, 
fhe  public  sentiment  of  the  nation  is  alive,  and  sensitive  to  impres- 
sion from  the  principles  of  equal  justice.  Every  day  develops  this  en- 
:ou raging  fact,  and  assures  us  that  any  amount  of  labor  we  can  bring 
nto  the  held,  will  receive  a just  reward. 

By  the  weeping  and  suffering  of  the  millions  of  our  fellow-beings 
,ve  call  on  the  country  Lo  tnvake  from  its  inaction,  and  commence  a 
vigorous  campaign  for  the1  ensuing  year.  Friends,  whoever  you  be, 
whether  members  of  anti-slavery  societies  or  not,  call  meetings,  and 
read  this  circular,  without  delay.  Read  it  in  the  social  circle — read 
u to  your  neighbors — press  it  on  every  conscience,  and  weary  not  in 
your  efforts  'o  make  it  productive  of  the  best  results. 

Signed,  on  behalf  of  the  committee. 

J.  H.  GIBBONS,  Chairman. 

L.  M.  Child,  Rec.  Secretary. 


CHARLES  HARRIOT 

There  is  one  expedient  by  which  (house  of  these  articles  of  slave- 
labor  might  be  continued,  and  yet  the  amount  of  suffering  be  greatly 
diminished.  Let  those  who  think  they  cannot  relinquish  them,  send 
a deputation  of  their  members  lo  purchase  slaves,  raise  sugars,  Ac. 
fir  tire  use  of  friends  only  ; these  persons  would  be  responsible,  their 
breasts  would  contain  some  portion  of  the  milk  of  human  kindness, 
and  the  poor  blacks  would  no  longer  groan  under  the  iron  hand  of 
despotism.  We  should  then  be  only  supporting  slavery  in  its  mildest, 
instead  of  its  harshest  form. 

It  is  a common  observation  that  your  sex  have  an  extensive  influ- 
ence over  the  conduct  of  ours.  It  is  also  a truth,  though  one  that 
man  in  his  fancied  superiority  may  reluctantly  admit,  that  a very 
large  proportion  of  all  the  morality  and  piety  that  exist  in  tire  world 
is  communicated  through  the  medium  of  your  instructions.  This 
would  not  excite  surprise,  were  we  to  reflect  that  the  human  mind 
during  the  period  when  it  is  most  susceptible  of  impressions,  and 
when  the  impressions  it  receives  are  most  durable,  is  almost  exclu- 
sively under  your  control. 

These  observations  arc  general,  but  it  is  believed  they  are  peculiarly 
applicable  to  the  females  of  the  Friend’s  Religious  Society,  which  has 
seen  and  had  the  candor  to  admit  the  importance  of  your  station. 

Your  social  and  general  duties  have  been  enlarged,  in  a degree  un- 
known elsewhere  ; and  may  be  still  further  enlarged  until  the  society 
reap  all  the  advantages  that  they  might  derive  from  your  just  and 
equal  co-operation  in  its  labors. 

The  domestic  economy  of  your  household  depends  chiefly  on  you, 
and  there  are  numbers  among  you,  who  have  long  refused  to  partici- 
pate in  the  gain  of  oppression.  Your  example  is  exceedingly  im- 


TIIE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTA'. 


portent  Think  on  ‘ho  distressed  siluation  of  unprotce'er!  females — 
on  the  sufferings  of  iufanev.  R 'fleet  that  the  course  you  pursue, 
may  involve  in  its  consequences  the  happiness,  of  thousands.  I ap- 
peal to  you  in  their  behalf,  shall  I appeal  in  vain  ? —On  declining  the 
use  of  the  products  of  since  labor. 


ARNOLD  JBUFFUM. 

From  Philadelphia  to  Harrisburgh  we  pass  through  one  of  the 
finest  and  most  fertile  countries  in  the  world.  Here  is 
“ No  tawnv  Afric  doom’d  to  woes — 

To  cruel  toils  and  countless  blows, 

Beneath  a tyrant’s  hand  ; 

Bin  all  are  equal — all  are  free, — 

The  patriot  sons  of  liberty, 

H ' ; equal  happy  land.” 

Here  Nature,  wise  legislation,  and  good  husbandry,  seem  to  have 
united  in  preparing  the  homo  of  plenty,  freedom,  virtue  and  happi- 
ness. Had  not  the  anti-slavery  principles  of  Franklin,  Rush,  Bene- 
zet,  Wooiman,  and  their  coadjutors,  produced  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very here,  these  delightful  fields  would  now  have  been  blighted  with 
the  withering  influence  of  slavery’s  curse,  and  moral  desolation  would 
have  swept  over  this  fair  land  as  with  a besom  of  destruction;  and 
we  may  bless  the  God  of  mercy  that  “ Friends”  had  not  then  learned 
that  they  were  too  good  to  associate  with  other  advocates  of  human 
rights,  in  promoting  the  deliverance  of  their  fellow-heirs  of  immortal 
glory,  from  the  crushing,  soul-destroying  influence  of  slavery. 

Among  our  travellers  was  a gentleman  from  Texas,  who  is  a mem- 
ber of  the  national  legislature,  and  one  who  assisted  in  the  formation 
of  the  constitution,  which  prohibits  the  importation  of  slaves  from 
Africa,  and  provides  for  the  importation  of  slaves  from  these  United 
States  ; seeming  to  regard  the  United  Slates  as  sunk  to  a state  of  bar- 
barism and  degradation  so  low  that  she  will  tolerate  foreigners  in  com- 
ing to  her  shores  to  buy,  and  steal,  and  carry  oft'  into  hopeless  sla- 
very, her  own  children,  in  whose  veins  may  be  coursing  the  blood  of 
the  proud  aristocracy  of  our  country.  We  had  much  conversation 
upon  this  Subject;  his  wife  and  child,  and  child’s  nurse  (a  very  black 
slave)  were  with  him,  and  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  was  very 
freely  and  fully  canvassed,  with  all  its  pollutions  ; in  which  canvass 
his  wife  took  a part,  and  still  maintained,  notwithstanding  slave- 
holders’ wives  have  to  behold  their  husband’s  children  among  the 
slaves,  that  she  liked  the  system  because  it  relieved  them  from  the 
necessity  of  doing  any  more  work  than  they  might  choose. 


SAMUEL  J.  MAY. 

If  fidelity  to  the  sacred  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and 
of  sound  morality,  public  and  private,  demanded  of  our  puritan  fore- 
fathers so  great  exertions  and  sacrifices  as  they  made,  surely  the  far 
grosser  violations  of  these  same  principles,  which  we  see  at  this  day 
in  our  country,  demand  of  us  at  least  as  great  exertions,  and,  if  need 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


be,  as  great  sacrifices  of  persona!  comfort,  to  the  extent  even  of  our 
lives. 

I am  ashamed  that  there  are  men  and  women,  aye,  professed  Chris- 
tians and  Christian  ministers,  too,  in  our  country,  who  would  have 
it  thought,  that  a man  must  suffer  injury  in  his  own  person,  or  his 
own  rights  before  he  can  reasonably  complain — that  it  is  therefore  no 
grievance,  no  concern  of  mine,  that  there  are  millions  of  my  fellow 
beings,  my  countrj-men,  who  are  trodden  down  into  the  dust,  who 
are  denied  every  tiling  that  makes  this  life  pleasant,  and  are  shut  out 
even  from  the  light  of  Heaven.  I am  heartily  ashamed,  I am  sin- 
cerely grieved  that  there  are  such  men  and  women,  professing  Chris- 
tians too,  in  our  land  ; but,  it  is  notorious  that  there  are  such,  many 
such  in  this  commonwealth,  aye,  among  the  lineal  descendants  of  the 
Pilgrims.  To  such,  therefore,  it  is  necessary  to  show,  which  can 
too  easily  be  done,  that  we  are  ourselves  most  seriously  molested,  by 
the  system  of  slavery  and  its  abettors,  in  the  exercise  of  our  civil  and 
religious  liberties. 

Although  we  of  the  north  are  citizens  of  this  republic,  and  as 
such  must  be  partakers  in  the  prosperity  or  adversity  of  the  nation  ; 
although  we  see  that  from  the  beginning,  the  institution  of  slavery 
has  been  a fruitful  source  of  evil  to  our  body  politic  ; although  we 
must  of  course  share  in  the  disgrace,  that  is  brought  upon  us  by  this 
glaring  inconsistency  between  our  professions  and  our  practices — and 
must  ere  long  suffer  with  the  rest  of  our  guilty  countrymen  under  the 
inflictions  of  the  Almighty’s  hand,  if  his  hand  be  not  shortened  that 
he  cannot  vindicate  the  unchangeable  laws  of  his  moral  government. 
The  most  cruel  constraint  that  could  be  imposed  upon  us,- — is  to  be 
compelled  to  be  partakers  of  other  men’s  sins,  compelled  to  acquiesce 
iu  a system  of  abominable  wickedness,  compelled  to  be  silent  in  view 
of  the  greatest  wrongs  man  can  inflict  upon  his  fellow.  Rather  than 
submit  to  this  who  would  not  wear  the  chain  himself?  Yet  this  is 
the  constraint  which  the  abettors  of  slavery  in  our  land  would  fasten 
upon  us. 

Highly  important  as  I deem  the  theological  questions,  that  have 
been,  and  still  are,  in  controversy  between  us  and  our  orthodox 
brethren,  I cannot  consider  them  by  any  means  so  important  as  the 
great  moral  principles,  on  which  is  based  the  'kingdom  of  Christ — 
the  kingdom  of  righteousness,  peace  and  joy  in  the  holy  spirit.  I 
cannot  regard  doctrines,  which  loo  often  play  round  the  head  but 
come  not  to  the  heart,  so  truly  evangelical  as  those  which  stir  men 
up  to  labor  and  to  suffer  in  the  cause  of  humanity.  And  when  I see 
any  one  zealous  and  firm  in  advocating  and  maintaining  the  great 
moral,  beneficent  principles  of  the  gospel,  him  I desire  to  embrace 
as  a brother  in  the  Lord,  let  him  be  of  what  sect  he  may.  The 
more  I have  contemplated  this  subject,  the  more  clearly  have  I been 
brought  to  perceive,  that  in  our  country  the  true  righteous  must  be 
anti-slavery.  For  the  crying  sin  of  our  nation  is  the  sin  of  slaverv. 


32* 


HIE  EEC  ION  or  LIBERTY. 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

It  seems  to  me  that  all  we  abolitionists* ought  to  demand  of  any 
one,  as  t he  condition  of  receiving  oar  support,  is,  evidence  that  lie 
is  heartily  opposed  to  slavery,  and  deems  its  abolition  of  paramount 
importance  to  the  welfare  or  our  country,  and  the  cause  of  humani- 
ty. Such  evidence  we  certainly  have  received  from  Mr.  Adams.  No 
other  public  man  in  the  country  has  had  either  the  opportunity  or  the 
power  to  make  known  and  felt  his  determined  hostility  to  the  despo- 
tism that  oppresses  one-sixth  part  of  the  population  of  the  land.  No 
other  man  would  have  been  permitted  to  do,  if  any  other  had  had  the 
courage  to  attempt  what  lie  has  done.  We  cannot  be  grateful  enough 
that  such  a man  was  in  Congress  just  at  the  time  when  he  espoused 
the  cause  of  our  insulted  petitions.  His  venerable  age-— his  high  of- 
ficial and  personal  character — his  intimate  acquaintance  with  every 
part  of  the  history  of  our  country — his  abundant  store  of  pertinent 
facts — and  his  unequalled  adroitness- in  the  conduct,  of  a legislative 
debate — these  were  all  needed  to  sustain  him  in  the  bold  position  he 
took  in  that  moment  of  imminent  peril. — Samuel  J.  May. 


CHARLES  STEWART. 

The  whole  demeanor  of  the  French  to  us  (British  delegates  to  their 
anti-slavery  convention,)  was  strikingly  kind,  and  bespoke  the  most 
generous  confidence.  They  are  jealous  indeed  of  o-ur  power,  and 
perhaps  may  unite  with  your  government  in  rejecting  the  mutual 
right  of  search  ; but  their  appreciation  of  you  as  a Slave-holding  and 
a slave-trading  republic,  will  not  be  the  less  emphatically  condemna- 
tory and  contemptuous.  You  arc  beginning  to  stand  alone  among 
civilized  nations,  the  most  hypocritical,  tyrannical  and  ferocious  of 
all.  The  Anglo-Saxon  blood,  of  which  you  boast,  blushes  at  its  al- 
liance with  you. 

Meanwhile,  the  march  of  liberty  is  onward.  The  advocacy  of  itsJ 
friends,  and  the  opposition  of  its  enemies,  alike  advance  it.  Man  is  i 
not  made  for  eternal  falsehood.  Multitudes,  indeed,  destroy  them-) 
selves  and  perish  everlastingly,  but  amidst  the  chaos,  truth  is  grow- 
ing— love  is  perfecting— liberty  is  reviving;  and  other  multitudes  arc 
returning  to  God  and  totbeir  brother*  Onward  then,  onward,  brethren 
beloved,  abolitionists  of  Ihe  United  States  1 — God  is  with  you.  Hu. 
man  nature,  where  not  smother  d by  ten-fold  corruption,  is  with  you. 
The  cry  of  the  oppresse.d  and  poor,  which  God  heareth  is  with  you — 
truth,  law,  love,  freedom,  justice,  purity,  peace,  all  are  with  you, 
and  nothing  is  against  you  but  the  blindest  and  darkest  delusion  of 
perdition,  armed  for  the  moment  with  the  tyrant’s  power,  and  steeled  j 
for  the  moment  with  the  tyrant’s  heart,  but  the  power  of  the  tyrant 
is  doomed,  and  the  heart  of  the  tyrant  mast  relent  or  perish. 

Yes,  I love  to  look  forward  to  the  United  States,  a few  years 
hence,  as  free,  as  brave,  as  generous,  as  enlightened,  as  just,  as 
powerful,  the  loathsome  leprosy  of  slavery  east  of;  then  shall  you  be 
a purifying  light,  not  a scorching  meteor  to  the  world,  a balm  not  a 
blain. 


THE  LEGIOX  OF  LIBERTY. 


1 feel  persuaded  that  before  the  close  of  1343,  a measure  of  eman. 
clpation  will  be  completed  by  the  French  government  ; not  perfect 
as  it  should  be,  but  better,  I trust,  than  our  English  crazy  and  crimi- 
nal  slave  apprenticeship  system  ; more  immediate  liberty,  and  more 
certain!}7  providing  for  freedom,  eventually  and  thoroughly. 


HENRY  B.  STANTON. 

Congress,  is  the  only  law-making  power  for  the  district.  The 
question  then  is,  has  it  power  to  make  a law  abolishing  slavery  there  ? 
All  its  power  over  the  district,  is  derived  from  the  constitution  ; and 
it  gives  it  ‘ exclusive  legislation  mall  cases  whatsoever.’  Is  the  case 
of  slavery  excepted  ? No.  Then  of  course  it  is  included  in  the  grant 
of  power. 

In  the  preamble  to  the  United  States  constitution,  one  of  the  rea- 
sons assigned  for  its  formation  is,  ‘ to  establish  justice.’  The  eman- 
cipation of  the  s’ave  is  not  to  wrest  from  any  rightful  owner  his  pri- 
vate property,  but  is  to  establish  justice  between  the  slave  and  his 
master.  It  is  giving  to  the  slave  what  is  ‘ just  and  equal,’ — his  own 
body : — himself.  It  is  saying  that  the  slave’s  body  and  mind  are  his  : 
and  that  he  has  a right  to  them.  When  congress  abolishes  slavery, 
it  establishes  justice  between  two  men, — giving  to  the  slave  his  own, 
and  taking  from  the  master  what  never,  in  justice,  belonged  to  him. 
To  give  the  slave  personal  ownership,  is,  however,  far  from  full  jus- 
tice to  him.  Tha*  would  demand  of  the  master  full  compensation — 
not  merely  saying  to  him,  ‘ rob  the  slave  no  longer,  but  pay  him  for 
past  robberies.’  And,  indeed,  has  congress  no  right  to  do  this  ? 
What!  a government  no  power  to  do  justice  between  its  subjects? 
No  power  to  keep  one  portion  from  robbing  another  ? Such  a go- 
vernment is  a mockery  1 a nullity  1 

But,  in  the  abolition  of  slavery,  congress  would  no  nothing  more 
in  regard  to  private  property,  than  is  done  in  every  legislature  in  the 
uation.  Laws  are  made  every  where,  regulating  transactions  be- 
tween persons  adjusting  the  relative  claims  of  different  classes  ; 
employers  and  employed ; guardians  and  wards  ; masters  and  ap- 
prentices j the  exercise  of  professions  ; and  the  prosecution  of  trades. 
All  such  laws  (and  certainly  they  are  no  curiosity  11  affect  the  rights 
and  property  of  individuals  ; and  they  are  designed  so  to  affect  them 
as  ‘ to  establish  justice.’  And,  the  repeal  of  tire  old  law  of  eniail- 
ments,  and  the  enacting  of  the  statute  of  limitations  : — ihe  regula- 
tion by  law  of  the  alienation  of  property,  its  transmission  by  descent, 
and  by  will,  the  saving  who  shall  and  who  shall  not  bo  heirs,  and 
how  it  shall  be  divided  among  them  : — all  these  statutory  provisions 
most  seriously  affect  the  right  of  private  property.  And  yet,  who 
ever  doubted  the  power  of  legislation  to  do  such  acts  ? And  slavery 
has  been  abolished  in  New  Work,  and  other  states,  by  statute  ! This 
has  never  been  considered  as  any  violation  of  private  property. 

Man’s  superior  right  to  himself,  over  the  claims  of  another,  is 
self-evident.  It  stands  pre  eminent  among  the  essentials  of  his  moral 
nature.  His  right  to  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 


V, 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ARNOLD  BUFFUM. 

'That  man  must  be  beside  himself,  who  expects  a great  association 
to  transact  all  its  concerns  precisely  in  accordance  with  his  views. 
Men’s  minds  will  differ  as  to  the  detail  of  operations  in  any  great 
work,  and  when  we  are  united  in  the  object  and  in  the  general  prin- 
ciples which  are  to  govern  our  measures  we  must  submit,  not  all  to 
one  mind,  but  each  one  to  the  decisions  of  the  body,  and  such  as  are 
not  willing  to  do  this,  had  better  stand  aloof  from  all  associations- 
For  my  own  part,  however,  during  the  little  that  remains  to  me  of 
life  my  resolve  is  fixed,  that  I will  not  desert  the  cause  of  the  op. 
pressed,  whether  aided  by  friends  or  opposed  by  enemies  ; so  long  as 
my  brother  is  in  bonds,  I will  co-operate  with  such  Christian  philan- 
-hropists  as  pursue  the  course  of  action  most  in  accordance  with  my 
own  views  without  expecting  or  even  desiring  that  in  all  the  details 
any  individual  preference  should  be  gratified. 

There  is  a potency  in  the  truth,  and  there  is  a susceptibility  in  the 
human  mind  to  the  power  of  truth,  which  gives  an  assurance  firm 
and  unwavering,  that  the  God  of  the  oppressed  will  prosper  our  cause 
and  crown  it  in  our  country  with  the  same  triumphant  success  which 
has  demonstrated  that  it  is  his  own  work  in  the  deliverance  of  800,- 
000  human  beings  from  slavery  in  the  British  Colonies.  When  I 
have  spread  before  the  yeomanry  of  Indiana  and  Ohio  a detail  of  the 
encroachments  which  the  spirit  of  slavery  has  made  and  is  making 
upon  their  rights  and  security,  they  seem  to  wake  up  as  from  the  sleep 
of  death,  and  all  agree  that  such  encroachments  must  be  resisted". 
When  I state  that  if  a man  should  come  here  from  a slave  state,  to 
take  my  coat  from  me,  he  must  first  obtain  a precept  and  an  officer 
of  this  state  to  serve  it ; and  that  before  he  can  get  my  coat,  he  must 
obtain  the  verdict  of  a jury  of  twelve  men  in  his  favor,  but  if  he  will 
lake  the  coat  and  body  too,  he  has  no  occasion  for  precept  or  officer. 

SAMUEL  LEWIS. 

The  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  have  been  distributed  among  the 
states  in  such  a ratio  that  a single  slave-holder,  with  a hundred  slaves, 
is  entitled  to  receive  as  much  as  sixty-one  non-slave-holding  freemen. 
Nor  was  the  slave  interest  satisfied  with  even  this  large  concession. 
In  1836,  a surplus  of  thirty-six  millions  was  ascertained  to  exist  in 
the  national  treasury,  and  congress  passed  an  act  for  its  distribution 
among  the  states  according  to  this  partial  and  unjust  rule. 

In  the  same  year  the  Florida  war  commenced.  This  war  had  its 
origin  in  the  aggressions  of  the  whites  upon  the  Indians,  in  attempts 
to  recapture  the  slaves,  who  were  alleged  to  have  taken  refuge  among 
them.  The  number  of  these  fugitives  was  said  to  be  about  five  hun- 
dred. In  1837  an  arrangement  for  peace  was  concluded,  but  the  war 
was  soon  after  renewed,  because  that  arrangement  did  not  stipulate 
for  the  surrender  of  the  fugitives  claimed,  many  of  whom  had  inter- 
married with  the  Indians.  New  circumstances  of  atrocity  marked 
the  renewal  of  the  war.  Bloodhounds  were  imported  from  Cuba,  as 
fit  auxiliaries  of  American  troops.  Osceola,  the  gallant  chief  of  a 


S.  LEWIS. 


fallen  race,  was  decoyed  within  the  power  of  an  American  general, 
under  a flag  of  truce  and  then  treacherously  made  prisoner.  This 
war  or  lather  slave  hunt,  is  not  yet  ended.  It  has  been  prosecuted 
at  a cost  of  forty  millions  of  dollars.  The  last  instalment  of  the 
surplus  revenue,  amounting  to  nine  millions  of  dollars,  yet  remains 
unpaid  to  the  states.  These  nine  millions,  and  thirty-one  millions 
more  have  been  sunk  in  the  swamps  of  Florida,  for  the  ignoble  and 
unconstitutional  purpose,  of  reducing  five  hundred  unfortunate  per- 
sons, claimed  as  fugitive  slaves,  to  bondage.  And  whose  was  the 
money  thus  shamefully  squandered  ? Whose  was  the  army  thus 
dishonorably  employed  ? Whose  was  the  flag,  renowned  on  every 
sea  and  every  shore,  disgracefully  floating  over  bloodhounds  and  men 
in  common  pursuit  of  miserable  negroes  and  savages  ? It  was  the 
money  it  was  the  army; — it  was  the  flag  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  Thus  has  the  slave  power  prostituted  the  energies  and 
resources  of  the  nation  to  the  vilest  of  purposes,  without  constitu- 
tional authority. — Address  of  Ohio  Liberty  Convention,  Dec.  1842. 

LEICESTER  KING. 

Who  could  have  predicted  that  after  Washington  had  declared  it 
to  be  “ among  his  first  wishes,  to  see  some  plan  adopted  by  which 
slavery  in  the  country  might  be  abolished  by  law,”  that  “ it  certain- 
ly might,  and  assuredly  ought  to  be  effected,  by  legislative  authority ; 
— ” after  Jefferson  had  expressed  his  hopes  of  a total  emancipation 
of  the  slave,  in  which  all  the  prominent  statesmen  of  the  day  con- 
curred ; after  a majority  of  the  states  had  passed  laws  in  conformity 
to  these  senfiments  ; and  while  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth  were 
uniting  to  suppress  it  within  their  own  territorial  limits,  and  to  ar- 
rest its  progress  abroad  by  the  most  severe  penalties  known  to  crimi- 
nal law  ; to  which  this  government  had  also  yielded  its  assent ; — that 
the  flag  of  our  country  would  be  prostituted  to  its  protection  on  the 
seas,  and  its  power  exerted,  its  treasury  exhausted,  its  policy  changed, 
and  the  blood  of  its  citizens  lavished,  in  sustaining  the  system  at 
home.  * 

To  the  principles  embodied  in  that  address,  I yield  my  hearty  con- 
currence. They  are  those  I have  long  entertained  and  strenuously 
advocated,  both  in  public  and  private  life.  They  are  such  as  were 
advocated  by  Washington,  Franklin,  Jefferson,  and  every  statesman 
during  the  revolutionary  struggle,  and  the  early  days  of  the  repub- 
lic, when  self-interest,  sectional  animosities,  and  personal  aggrandize- 
ment, quietly  yielded  to  public  virtue  and  the  general  good.  They 
siand  forth  conspicuously  in  every  public  document,  emanating  from 
the  patriots  of  the  revolution,  the  founders  of  the  republic,  the  fra- 
mers of  our  constitution,  and  in  the  writings  of  public  men,  until 
they  became  blended  with  party  politics,  and  were  found  conflicting 
with  the  action  and  policy  of  the  government,  and  sectional  interests, 
when  it  was  deemed  necessary  and  expedient  to  proscribe  them  and 
their  advocates,  by  representations  as  unfounded  in  truth,  as  cruel 
and  unrighteous  in  principle,  as  the  measures  resorted  to  to  effect  the 
object,  have  been  vindictive,  oppressive,  lawless,  and  disgraceful  to 
the  American  character. 


THE  LEC  ION  OF  LIBERTY. 


LEICESTER  A.  SAWYER. 

Let  us  suppose  a thorough  reform  of  this  institution  to  be  prosecuted, 
till  nothing  wrong  should  be  left.  What  would  be  removed  ? And 
what  would  remain  ? The  marriage  relation  would  be  restored  to  its 
integrity,  the  laborer  entitled  to  a compensation  equal  to  the  value  of 
liis  labor,  the  rights  of  personal  liberty,  of  property,  and  of  con- 
science, all  acknowledged  ; laws  prohibiting  instruction  repealed,  ar- 
rangements for  extehding  the  advantages  of  common  and  liberal  edu- 
cation as  widely  as  possible,  adopted  and  prosecuted  with  vigor,  and 
parents,  the  natural  guardians  and  masters  of  their  children,  desig- 
nated to  this  office  by  the  providence  of  God,  allowed  by  the  civil 
authority  to  exercise  all  the  appropriate  duties  of  the  parental  rela- 
tion, in  the  government  and  instruction  of  their  children,  and  to 
make  what  provision  they  can  for  their  temporary  and  elernal  wel- 
fare. In  such  a reform,  slavery  will  indeed  be  corrected  ; its  abuses  1 
will  be  removed,  but  it  will  be  by  the  entire  subversion  of  the  insti- 
tution itself.  Those  who  are  now  in  slavery  might  still,  in  some 
cases,  be  servants  ; but  they  would  not  be  slaves.  An  equitable  ap- 
prenticeship to  business  is  not  slavery  ; an  equitable  domestic  servi 
tude  is  not ; no  person  who  enjoys  the  rights  of  property  and  of  per 
sonal  liberty,  can  justly  be  considered  a slave. — Dissertation  on  Sn 
vitude. 

JAMES  G.  BIRNEY. 

There  would  be  no  danger  of  personal  violence  to  the  master  from 
emancipation,  brought  about  by  Christian  benevolence.  Such  an  ap- 
prehension is  the  refuge  of  conscious  guilt.  Emancipation,  brought 
about  on  the  principle  above  mentioned,  I hesitate  not  to  say,  would, 
in  most  instances,  where  the  superior  intelligence  of  the  master  was 
acknowledged,  produce  on  the  part  of  the  beneficiaries,  the  most  entire  j 
and  cordial  reliance  on  his  counsel  and  friendship.  1 do  not  believe 
that  I have  any  warmer  friends  than  my  manumitted  slaves — none,  I 
am  sure,  if  sacrifices  were  called  for,  who  would  more  freely  make 
them,  to  promote  my  happiness. 

The  injustice  which  the  slave  feels  as  done  him  in  taking  the  avails 
of  his  labor,  leads  him  to  take  clandestinely,  what  he  persuades  himself 
he  is  entitled  to.  He  has  comparatively  no  character  to  lose,  no  ulti- 
mate object,  for  the  attainment  of  which,  the  building  up  of  a good 
character  would  contribute.  As  a freeman,  character  would  be  essen- 
tial to  him — his  earnings  would  be  his ; his  house,  his  furniture,  his 
comforts  would  be  his — his  wife,  his  children  would  be  his ; the  appre- 
hension of  forcible  separation  would  depart,  and  he  would  have  every 
motive  that  ordinarily  influences  men  to  build  up  a good  name  for 
worth  and  honesty.  The  depredations  on  the  masters’  property  by 
slaves,  I should  suppose,  are  tenfold  what  they  would  be  by  the  same 
slaves  made  freemen. — Reply  to  (lueries  of  some  Friends,  1835. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  G.  BIRXEY. 

Ki  Inapping  is  carried  on  in  this  country  to  a great  extent, — in 
some  parts  of  it,  almost  without  the  necessity  of  secrecy  or  conceal, 
rnent.  Scores  of  unsuspecting  colored  persons,  born  free,  are  an- 
nually spirited  away  from  the  free  states,  and  sold  into  slavery  in  the 
south.  This  trade  (for  it  now  deserves  that  name,)  the  legitimate  off- 
spring of  slavery,  finds  large  material  in  the  states  north  of  the  Ohio. 

A law-abiding  people  under  honest  rulers  must  in  the  long  rua  be 
a safe  and  prosperous  people.  If  their  laws  should  any  of  them  be 
unsuitable,  they  will  in  due  time  be  made  what  they  ought  to  he.  But 
a people  whose  rulers  and  leaders  have  cast  off  reverence  for  human 
laws — always  preceded  by  casting  off  reveience  for  laws  of  still  higher 
obligation — such  a people  cannot  be  in  a more  pitiable  and  hopeless 
condition.  There  is  much  reason  to  fear,  on  a review  of  our  domes- 
tic history  for  the  last  twelve  or  fifteen  years,  that  our  poor  country 
is  fast  falling,  if  she  has  not  already  fallen  into  this  condition.  We 
l ave  so  long  practised  injustice,  adding  to  it  hypocrisy,  in  the  treat- 
ment of  the  colored  race,  both  negroes  and  Indians,  that  we  begin 
to  regard  injustice  as  an  element — a chief  element — the  chief  element 
in  our  government.  Now,  no  government  which  admits  injustice  as 
an  element  can  he  a harmonious  one  or  a permanent  one.  Harmony 
is  the  antagonist  of  injustice,  ever  has  been,  and  ever  will  be  ; that 
is,  so  long  as  injustice  lasts,  which  cannot  always  be,  for  it  is  a lie, 
a semblance,  therefore,  perishable.  True,  from  tire  imperfection  of 
man,  his  ambition  and  selfishness,  injustice  often  finds  its  way  inci- 
dentally into  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and  maintains  i s 
footing  a long  time,  before  it  is  cast  out  by  the  legitimate  elements  of 
government. 

Our  own  slave  s'a'es,  especial!}7  the  more  souther*)  of  them,  in 
which  the  number  of  slaves  is  grea  cr,  and  in  which,  of  course,  t he 
sentiment  of  injustice  is  stronger  than  in  the  more  northern  ones,  are 
to  be  placed  on  the  list  of  decaying  communities.  To  a philosophic 
observer,  they  seem  to  be  failing  back  on  the  scale  of  civilization. 
Even  at  their  present  point  of  retrogression,  the  cause  of  civilization 
and  human  improvement  would  lose  nothing  by  their  annihilation. 

The  question  no  .v  for  the  north  finally  to  decide  is — shall  the  slave 
states  draw  us  down  with  them,  and  both  perish,  or  shall  we,  by  a 
decided  conjunct  exertion  of  virtuous  energy,  save  ourselves  and 
them  from  destruction.  When  I say  this  question  is  not  yet  finally 
decided  by  the  north.  I am  not  unaware  that  the  north  lias  been  for  a 
long  time  approaching — of  la'e  rapidly — to  a fatal  decision. 

LEWIS  TAPPAN; 

Resolved , That  the  thanks  of  the  friends  of  humanity  and  liberty 
are  due  to  the  eloquent  and  gifted  men  and  women,  who,  by  then- 
pens  and  tongues  have  portrayed  the  wrongs  of  the  enslaved,  and 
tlie  blessings  of  liberty  ; who  have  vindicated  the  rights  of  the  bond, 
the  fugitive  and  the  free  ; and  have  thus  infused  into  the  literature  of 
the  day,  the  principles  of  freedom,  humanity  and  justice. 

That  those  ministers  of  the  gospel,  and  missionaries  of  the  cross, 
and  those  churches  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  of  different  denomina- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


tions,  who  have,  in  opposition  to  a time-serving  ecclesiastical  policy 
and  hardness  of  heart  against  the  claims  of  suffering  humanity,  open- 
ly and  fearlessly  proclaimed  the  law  of  Lhc  living  God  and  the  claims 
of  their  fellow  men,  with  reference  to  the  crying  sins  of  slavery  and 
prejudice  against  color,  which  pollute  the  sanctuary,  dishonor  rcli- 
gion,  and  disgrace  the  nation — are  entitled  to  the  warmest  sympathy 
and  the  thanks  of  their  fellow  Christians,  as  they  have,  wo  doubt 
not,  received  the  approving  smile  of  that  Saviour  who  came  to  preach 
the  gospel  to  the  poor — to  heal  the  broken  hearted,  to  preace  delive. 
ranee  to  the  captives — and  to  set  at  liberty  them  that  are  bruised. — 
Resolutions  at  the  A.  S.  Society,  1842. 


JAMES  C.  JACKSON. 

That  portion  of  this  nation  known  in  the  “ Lexicon  Verborum" 
of  the  aristocracy  of  church  and  state,  by  the  soubriquet  of  the 
“ the  common  people,”  is,  by  far,  the  most  morally  intelligent  class. 
They  stand  in  a far  more  favorable  position.  They  can  read,  think, 
act,  speak  without  subjecting  themselves  to  a crucifixion.  With  lit- 
tle of  winch  the  world  would  value,  theystand  ready  to  look  at  Truth 
for  its  own  sake,  and  are  not  ready  to  be  .dictated  in  their  rcli. 
gion,  without  a show  of  resistance ; that  I am  right,  is  manifest 
from  the  fact  that  the  largest  number  by  far,  of  the  abolitionists  is 
taken  from  their  ranks.  It  is  true  novv-a-days  as  in  Christ’s  lime  that 
the  common  people  hear  the  truth  gladly.  Their  collections  are 
sufficient  to  show  them  that  it  is. only  in  conforming  to  truth  that 
their  rights  and  interests  are  to  be  maintained,  and  that  Lhey  must 
cieave  to  a truth  when  their  minds  perceive  it.  Dulness  of  concep 
lion  or  perception  is  not  the  failing  of  any  considerable  portion  of 
the  American  people.  It  is  the  want  of  the  heart  to  enforce  the 
truths  they  see  ; and  that  of  no  class  can  it  be  said,  with  more  pro- 
priety that  the  truth  they  perceive  they  cast  behind  them,  than  of  the 
doctors  of  divinity  and  clergy  of  the  United  States.  It  is  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  not  to  men  clothed  with  prerogative,  that  we  are  to  look  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  slave.  Let  us  carry  our  noble  cause  to  the 
people,  and  let  the  clergy  and  the  politicians  alone  ; when  the  people 
are  converted,  we  shall  find  these  gentlemen  not  lacking.  The 
motto  is,  “ Wake  up  tiie  People  1” 


J.  W.  PILLSBURY. 

Slavery  is  of  two  kinds — voluntary  and  involuntary.  The  former 
is  endured  by  white  men.  Not  a few  smother  truth  in  their  bosoms, 
not  daring  or  caring  to  utter  it,  lest  it  should  turn  to  their  disadvan- 
tage, They  feel  uneasy,  but  from  various  motives,  some  of  them 
very  sordid,  they  preserve  silence.  This  is  slavery.  But  whatever 
may  be  the  kind  of  slavery,  if  there  is  any  desire  for  freedom,  it  is 
not  without  its  manifestations.  Men  talk  of  contentment  in  slavery 
— but  it  is  idle.  Those  who  talk  so,  betray  a deplorable  want  of 
knowledge  of  human  nature.  Man  was  made  to  be  free — to  breathe 
free  air — to  move  his  limbs  freely,  and  to  exercise  freely  all  his  phy- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


sical  and  menial  powers  ; and  from  the  right  exercise  of  these  flows 
his  enjoyment.  What  makes  any  person  contented  ? Not  present 
fruition.  Man’s  happiness  is  chiefly  in  prospect.  He  has  not  yet 
reached  it ; but  the  reward  is  before  him,  and  he  is  cheered  on.  Rob 
the  future  of  hope,  and  he  is  truly  wretched.  Such  is  in  reality  the 
condition  of  the  colored  slave.  His  future  prospect  is  nought  but 
hopeless,  cheerless  toil. 

Men  will  think,  and  speak,  and  write  upon  all  subjects  of  morali- 
ty and  duty,  even  when  intimidations  are  held  out,  and  a thousand 
hecatombs  of  human  victims  are  demanded  for  the  altar.  Let  in- 
quiry be  crushed  in  one  direction,  and  who  will  give  it  security  in 
another.  Who  shall  decide  for  us  what  to  speak,  and  think,  and 
write,  when  once  we  have  admitted  the  right  of  others  to  control  us  ? 
Our  security  is  not  the  shuffling  out  of  sight  great  moral  subjects, 
questions  of  right  and  duly  ; but  in  freely  investigating,  fuily  under- 
standing, and  cheerfully  obeying  them.  We  must  know  our  duty-, 
and  follow  it,  wherever  it  leads,  or  the  government  of  a righteous 
God  is  so  constructed  as  to  give  us  no  protection. 


AMOS  DRESSER. 

I took  the  opportunity  thus  offered  to  declare  fully  my  sentiments 
on  the  subject  of  slavery.  Whilst  I told  them  I believed  slave-hold- 
ing to  be  inconsistent  with  the  gospel,  and  a constant  transgression 
of  God’s  law,  I yet  said,  that  in  bringing  about  emancipation,  the 
interests  of  the  master  were  to  be  consulted  as  well  as  those  of  the 
slave.  And  that  the  whole  scheme  of  emancipation  contemplated 
this  result,  that  the  slave  should  be  put  in  possession  of  rights  which 
we  have  declared  to  be  inalienable  from  him  as  a man  ; that  he  should 
be  considered  as  an  immortal  fellow-being,  intrusted  by  his  master 
with  the  custody  of  his  own  happiness,  and  accountable  to  him  for 
the  exercise  of  his  powers  ; that  he  should  be  treated  as  our  neighbor 
and  our  brother.  In  reference  to  my  demeanor  towards  the  slave, 
[that  in  the  few  instances  in  which  I had  casually  conversed  with 
[them,  I had  recommended  quietness,  patience,  submission  ; leach- 
ing them  to  “ render  good  for  evil,”  and  discountenancing  every 
scheme  of  emancipation  which  did  not,  during  its  process,  look  for 
its  success  in  the  good  conduct  of  the  slaves  whilst  they  remain  such, 
and  to  the  influence  of  argument  and  persuasion  addressed  to  the  un- 
derstandings and  consciences  of  slave-holders,  exhorting  them  to 
obey  God  in  doing  justice  and  showing  mercy  to  their  fellow-men. 

What  I bad  done,  I had  done  openly.  There  was  no  law  forbid- 
ding what  I had  done.  I had  contracted  no  guilt  that  the  law  con- 
sidered such — my  intentions  had  been  those  of  kindness  to  all — I had 
no  secret  feelings  of  guilt,  arraigning  me  before  the  bar  of  my  con- 
science, for  any  mean  or  clandestine  movement.  In  addition  to  this, 
too,  among  my  triers,  there  was  a great  portion  of  the  respectability 
of  Nashville.  Nearly  half  of  the  whole  number,  professors  of  chris- 
lianity,  the  reputed  stay  of  the  church,  supporters  of  the  cause  of 
benevolence  in  the  form  of  Tracts  and  Missionary  Societies  and  Sab. 


13 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


balh-schools,  several  members,  and  most  of  the  elders  of  the  Presby. 
terian  church. 

I was  condemned  to  receive  twenty  lashes  on  my  bare  back,  and 
ordered  to  leave  the  place  in  twenty-four  hours.  The  sentence  being 
again  repeated,  it  was  received  with  great  applause,  accompanied  by 
stamping  of  feet  and  clapping  of  hands.  I knelt  to  receive  the  pu- 
nishment which  was  inflicted  by  Mr.  Braughton,  the  city  officer  with 
a heavy  cow-skin.  The  commotion  was  only  appeased  by  the  sound 
of  the  instrument  of  torture  and  disgrace  on  my  naked  body. 

I had  been  assured  that  my  trunk  with  all  its  contents,  as  they 
were  taken  out,  should  be  returned  to  me.  But  Mr.  Hunt,  editor  of 
the  Banner,  set  himself  busily  to  work  to  secure  in  his  own  hands,  my 
journal,  sketch-book,  business  and  private  letters,  &c.  1 found  it 

necessary  to  leave  the  place  in  disguise,  with  only  what  clothing  I 
had  about  my  person  ; leaving  unsold  property  to  the  amount  of  nearly 
three  hundred  dollars,  and  sacrificing  at  least  two  hundred  on  my 
barouche,  horse,  &c.  which  I was  obliged  to  sell.  Of  my  effects  at 
Nashville,  I have  heard  nothing  since  my  return,  though  I have 
frequently  written  to  my  friends  concerning  them. 


CHARLES  OLCOTT. 

The  grand  Scriptural  perversion  mainly  relied  on  for  the  justifica- 
tion of  human  slavery  among  Christians,  and  upon  the  strength  of 
which  the  bloody  abomination  has  been  permitted  to  exist  and  flourish 
among  them  more  than  four  hundred  years,  is  in  the  false  translation 
and  false  construction  of  the  44th,  45lh  and  4tkh  verses  of  the  25th 
chapter  of  Leviticus.  The  friends  of  human  slavery  always  first  re. 
sort  to  this  celebrated  passage  as  a triumphant  vindication  of  their 
bloody  idol. 

The  special  object  of  the  distributive  part  of  the  address  was,  to 
regulate  and  establish  the  custom  of  free  foreign  service  in  the  nation,' 
and  to  prevent  its  abuse  by  the  customary  clause  at  the  end  of  the1 
statute,  forbidding  masters  to  take  advantage  of  their  power  as  such 
to  wrong  their  servants;  vide  Lev.  19:  13;  and  25;  17,  43;  Mai. 
3 : 5, — and  other  passages.  This  view  of  the  subject  is  strongly  cor, 
roborated  by  the  fact,  that 'as  soon  as  foreigners  of  any  description' 
become  settled  in  Israel  by  proselyteism  and  conversion  to  the  true 
faith,  they  become  adopted  Israelities,  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and! 
privileges  both  spiritual  and  temporal  of  native  Israelities,  and  as  such 
were  as  much  * brethren’  and  ‘ children  of  Israel’  as  the  rest  were.i 

None  of  the  Hebrew  servants  really  ‘sold  themselves,’  as  they  are 
customarily  described  to  have  done,  but  like  other  free  servants  con- 
tracted or  hired  out  their  lime,  labor  and  skill  for  wages.  That  none 
of  them  could  possibly  have  been  property  or  slaves,  is  clear  from  the, 
context  of  the  Levitical  Law,  as  has  been  abundantly  shown  by  other 
writers  ; and  even  without  this  additional  proof,  it  is  a sufficient  jus- 
tification of  this  construction  in  favor  of  universal  liberty  and  justice,  > 
that  different  nations  frequently  employ  different  forms  of  expression 
to  convey  the  same  ideas. 


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THE  LEGIOX  OF  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  BROWN. 

If  the  union  were  dissolved,  or  the  south  were  to  secede  from  it, 
the  mutual  rights  and  duties  of  the  slave-holding  and  the  non-slave- 
holding states  under  the  federal  constitution  would  cease.  The  free 
states,  instead  of  being  as  they  now  are,  the  hunting-grounds  of  fu- 
gitives from  slavery,  would  become,  in  fact,  what  our  4th  of  July 
orators,  by  a trope  more  resembling  irony  than  metaphor,  represent 
as  “ the  asylum  of  the  oppressed.”  A confederacy  of  slave-holding 
states  would  be  a new  thing  under  the  sun.  Slavery  cannot  stand 
alone,  but  must  lean  on  freedom  for  physical  strength  to  uphold  it, 
and  I doubt  not  but  that  long  ere  this,  the  south  would  have  been 
involved  in  all  the  horrors  of  a servile  war,  if  the  slave  had  not  been 
taught  by  his  master  that  the  fleets  and  armies  of  the  nation,  the  mi- 
litia of  the  north,  were  a standing  army  pledged  to  suppress  his  in- 
surrectionary efforts.  A nation  isolated  from  freedom,  in  which  the 
laboring  class,  the  bone  and  muscle  of  the  country,  is  enslaved,  is 
marked  out  by  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  as  a doomed  and 
devoted  land.  To  avoid  the  horrors  of  servile  war,  it  must  rely  on  a 
mercenary  army  to  uphold  its  tottering  institutions,  and  as  a neces- 
sary result,  the  oppressor  himself  becomes  the  oppressed  victim  of  a 
military  despotism.  For  slavery,  therefore,  to  threaten  to  secede 
l.from  freedom,  is  like  the  clay  threatening  to  separate  from  the  iron, 
or  the  pauper  to  dissolve  connection  with  his  parish. 

Whatever  difference  an  American  congress  may,  in  its  protective 
] tariff  wisdom,  have  discovered  between  the  foreign  and  domestic  slave- 
trade,  the  one  is  piracy  equally  with  the  other,  in  the  criminal  code 
1 of  Heaven,  and  the  infant  soul  that  is  nailed  to  the  cross  of  slavery 
at  its  birth,  cries  in  thunder  tones  to  heaven,  that  some  other  reason 
I be  rendered  for  its  enslavement,  than  that  the  baleful  star  of  its  na- 
tivity threw  it  into  the  fangs  of  one  who  was  signed  with  the  sign  of 
the  cross  at  an  American  baptismal  fount. 

If  it  is  not  a mere  figure  of  speech,  a mere  “ rhetorical  flourish” 
for  a human  being  to  say,  my  hands  and  my  feet,  my  head  and  my 
heart,  my  body  and  my  soul,  then  the  slave-holder  stands  confessed 
a man-stealer.  “ How  much  better,”  asks  the  Saviour  of  our  race, 
in  tremendous  emphasis,  “ how  much  better  is  a man  than  a sheep  ?” 
When  that  question  is  answered,  I can  tell  the  haughty  and  chival- 
rous slave-holder,  to  whom  northern  patriotism  and  northern  piety 
T bend  so  obsequiously,  how  much  more  abominable,  in  the  etiquette 
f of  the  sanctuary,  is  the  man  thief  than  the  sheep  thief. — American 
Slavery. 


CHARLES  C.  BURLEIGH, 
v Upon  its  own  testimony,  slavery  is  the  most  monstrous  embodi- 
ment of  the  spirit  of  selfishness  the  world  ever  saw.  What  defini- 
i.tion  can  we  give  of  selfishness — what  idea  can  we  form  of  that  spirit 
to  which  the  gospel  is  utterly  and  entirely  opposed,  that  is  not  em- 
* braced  in  slavery  ? So  far  from  doing  to  the  slave  what  he  would 
t exact  for  himself,  he  takes  from  him  all  that  he  lias — nay,  takes  him 
from  himself — and  crushing  together  by  overwhelming  oppression, 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


every  interest  both  of  soul  and  body,  of  the  past,  the  present,  and 
the  future,  throws  the  whole  man  into  his  coffers.  Lay  now  this 
system  by  the  side  of  Christianity — lay  the  great  doctrine  of  Christian 
brotherhood — of  universal  equality,  of  impartial  love,  by  the  side  of 
the  enormous  exactions,  and  wrongs,  and  usurpations  of  slavery — 
can  there  be  a doubt  of  their  perfect  antagonism  ? Is  not  the  one  ut. 
teriy  unlike  and  subversive  of  the  other  ? Slavery  is  opposed  to  chris. 
tianity,  in  the  highest  degree.  It  assails  it  at  the  foundation. 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 

The  southern  slaves  are  retained  in  the  condition  of  bondage  only 
in  obedience  to  the  national  will ; and  as  soon  as  the  nation,  as  a na- 
tion — and  as  soon  as  t he  chiistiari  church  of  this  country  as  a church, 
rise  up  in  their  strength,  and  power,  and  moral  greatness,  and  de- 
clare that  slavery  s’  all  cease,  that  moment  slavery  will  cease ; and 
its  abolition  might  Lake  piace  to-morrow. 

If  this  be  tin-  fact,  how  red  is  the  blood  upon  our  skirts,  and  how 
deep  is  the  dye  of  the  guilt  of  those  who  do  not  make  the  removal  of 
this  sin  and  curse  a part  of  their  continual  effort.  But  let  us  open 
our  own  bosoms,  and  then  ask  ourselves  what  have  been  our  own  re- 
lations to  this  American  system  of  wrong  and  oppression  ; let  us 
open  our  own  bosoms  and  ask  ourselves  by  whom  is  slavery  sustaincdl 
It  is  by  the  phalanx  of  the  strength  of  numbers — by  the  force  of  pub- 
lic opinion — by  the  voice  of  the  intelligent  and  the  virtuous — by  the 
voice  of  the  church — by  the  consent  of  Christians — by  the  legislation 
of  the  country,  and  by  our  national  policy.  And  hence,  when  all 
these  things  are  combined  to  characterize  slavery  as  a national  sys- 
tem, we  are  justified  in  adopting  the  resolution  that  it  well  deserves 
to  be  called  the  American  system. 

When  we  presented  ourselves  before  the  sisterhood  of  nations,  we 
were  bound,  by  all  those  principles  which  called  upon  us  to  break 
our  own  bands,  to  stand  up  in  the  defence  of  the  rights  of  man  ; but 
when  the  choral  song  of  humanity  was  sung,  and  was  ringing  amid 
the  earth,  and  when  the  gentle  flowofit.s  softest  music  coursed  through 
every  heart,  who  then  broke  its  harmony  ? Who  now  is  called  upon 
to  destroy  the  union  and  concord  of  nations  to  the  tune  of  liberty  ? 
It  is  Mr.  Cass,  who  is  obliged  to  refuse  to  enter  into  the  national 
agreement  for  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  It  is  enough  to  con- 
demn any  man.  with  all  who  have  the  honor  and  the  pride  of  their 
country  at  heart.  I speak  not  of  him  as  a man — but  as  a represen- 
tative, whose  actions  have  become  public  property,  and  upon  which 
all  may  express  their  opinion.  When  the  quintuple  treaty  was  signed 
in  Fiance,  who  was  it  that  refused  to  agree  to  its  provisions  ? Was 
it  Constantinople,  whose  slave  marts  are  filled  with  human  beings  ? 
Was  it  Algiers?  No;  but  the  refusal  comes  from  the  American 
minister,  who  represents  the  boasted  republic  of  the  New  World — 
whose  vaunted  freedom  sounds  throughout  the  civilized  world. 

Look  at,  another  instance.  What  has  been  our  conduct  in  refer* 
encc  to  Hayti  and  Texas?  Hayti,  which  is  free,  and  has  won  her 
independence  by  a struggle  which  was  as  glorious  and  as  noble  as 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


FRANCIS  GILLETTE. 

The  question  is  not  simply  whether  three  millions  of  our  “ coun 
.rymen  in  chains,”  and  their  posterity,  shall  continue  to  bleed  at 
tvery  pore,  under  a system  of  legalized  despotism,  among  the  fiercest, 
:he  basest,  and  the  most  relentless,  that  ever  smote  humanity — a des- 
potism which  strikes,  with  deadly  aim,  at  the  souls  and  hearts  of  its 
victims,  that  it  may  clutch  their  bodies  more  securely,  and  degrade 
.hem  to  its  own  sordid  and  infamous  purposes.  The  question  stops 
not  with  the  bond,  it  reaches  the  free,  and  admonishes  us  of  yokes 
and  fetters  forging  for  our  own  necks  and  limbs.  It  is,  in  short, 
whether  the  slaves  of  this  country  are  to  become  freemen,  or  the 
freemen,  slaves — whether  Liberty  or  Slavery  shall  prevail  through 
out  the  United  States ; for  God  has  decreed,  that  the  nation  which 
persists  in  enslaving,  shall  itself  be  enslaved.  He  warns  us  of  our 
impending  doom,  by  the  storms  of  popular  fury,  which  burst  over 
. ihe  laud,  as  forerunners  of  dark  and  desolating  judgments.  The 
Freedom  of  Speech,  the  Liberty  of  the  Press,  the  Right  of  Petition, 
— all  our  rights  as  freemen,  are  imperiled.  Is  this  then  the  time  to 
yield  our  position,  and  retire  from  the  field  of  united  resistance  ? No ; 
as  men,  as  patriots,  as  Christians,  we  cannot,  we  dare  not.  Our 
hearts  are  fixed  ; our  purpose  is  steadfast.  With  the  constitution  of 
our  country  for  our  shield  ; with  the  truth  of  Him,  whose  attributes 
are  justice  and  mercy,  for  our  sword,  we  are  resolved  never  to  give 
over  the  contest,  till  death  shall  paralyze  our  efforts,  or  the  land  be 
t cleansed  from  the  pollutions  cf  slavery  as  clean  as  after  the  deluge 
left  it. 

SAMUEL  H.  CGX. 

There  is  a manifest  difference  between  principles  abstractly  ana 
absolutely  viewed,  and  their  application  to  particular  cases  ; these 
may  be  qualified  and  even  palliated,  just  for  the  same  reason  that  they 
may  be  aggravated  also,  by  circumstances.  That  slavery,  the  sys- 
tem identically  of  our  own  country,  is  intrinsically  and  pre-eminent- 
ly wrong,  is  at  variance  with  the  everlasting  righteousness  of  the 
moral  empire  of  God,  or,  as  the  lawyers  say,  is  malum  in  se,  is  a 
proposition  of  almost  self-evident  truth.  I know  that  all  masters  are 
not  equally  cruel,  covetous,  or  obdurate ; and  that  all  slaves  are  not 
equally  abused  : nay,  that  some  are  treated  comparatively  well  and 
kindly,  and  are  comparatively  happy.  But  what  of  this  as  it  re- 
spects the  conscience  ? It.  is  all  one  system.  Every  owner  of  a slave, 
upholds  the  system — lends  it  the  awful  sanction  of  his  practice,  his 
influence,  and  his  name  ; and  is,  like  a temperate  drinker,  (as  it  re- 
spects another  grand  moral  interest  of  reform,)  a mighty  obstacle  to 
the  ascendancy  of  correct  sentiment  and  coirect  action  in  the  com- 
munity. I am  more  struck  with  the  similarities  of  injury,  than  with 
the  seeming  exceptions  of  favor,  in  the  privations  and  degradations 
of  the  slaves. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JOHN  NEWLAMD  MAFFIT 

What  hath  Africa  done,  that  her  children  should  blacken  bcneatl 
a heavier,  more  lasting  curse,  than  ever  rested  on  any  other  nation' 
What  hath  she  done  to  thee,  great  America,  that  thou  boldest  he: 
sons,  her  daughters,  her  feeble  infants  in  bondage,  and  refusest  tc 
let  them  go  ? To  erase  from  being,  is  to  inflict  but  a momentarj 
pang — while  to  enslave  generation  after  generation,  from  the  earliest 
dawn -of  life’s  clouded  day  to  its  dark  going  down,  is  to  entail  torture 
in  such  a fearful  shape,  as  to  make  it  bear  no  imaginary  similitude 
to  everlasting  wo.  The  day  is  past,  when  any  attempt  may  be  ex- 
pected to  vindicate  slavery  on  philosophical  or  religious  principles 
Ii  is  a horrible  wrong,  unjustifiable,  impeached  by  every  noble  feel, 
ing  that  throbs  the  bosoms  of  the  collective  race  of  humanity.  Christiar 
America!  I must  close  my  plea  in  behalf  ofenslaved  millions,  by  charg- 
ing home  upon  the  capitol — upon  legislative  halls  in  slaveholdiug  state 
— upon  magistrals  and  people — upon  army  and  navy — upon  plain 
mountain,  and  river,  the  deep,  and  as  yet  irreversible  stain  of  slavery 


JOHN  N.  T.  TUCKER. 

W hile  professing  to  be  the  friend  of  the  slave,  I should  employ}  I 
agents  to  buy,  sell,  whip,  torture,  cutoff  the  cars,  dig  out  the  eyes,:  j 
chop  up  the  bodies,  separate  parents  and  children,  husbands  and! 
wives,  raise  mulattoes,  sell  mv  mula'to  children,  and  commit  all  and 
singular  the  ten  thousand  published  and  unpublished  abominations  i 
that  grow  out  of  the  system  of  slavery,  as,  with  the  same  profes-j 
sion,  to  cast  a vote  for  the  election  to  law-making  and  law-artminis-  I 
tering  offices,  men  who  do  these  things,  or  apologise  for  their  doing 
in  others.  To  me  it  appears  very  plain,  that  I could  not  remain  a 
true  member  of  a pro-slavery  political  party,  and  maintain  unblemished! 
my  profession  of  republicanism,  philanthropy,  patriotism.  Nor  do 
I see  how  I could  sustain  the  relalion  of  a true  friend  of  a pro-slavery, 

‘ degenerate’  church,  ami  maintain  unblemished  my  profession  of  hu- 
manity, benevolence,  purity,  or  religion.  The  ohlv  difference,  to' 
my  mind,  between  those  professed  abolitionists  who  go  along  with  ?j 
their  pro-slavery  political  parlies,  and  those  making  the  same  pro.  | 
fession,  who  go  along  with  their  religious  parties,  is,  that  the  former  a; 
act  most  consistently.  They  wisely  regard  tiie  divine  assurance,,  ■ : 
that  1 reformation  should  begin  at  the  house  of  God,’  which  is  the  ' 
church  of  God.  1 Ye  arc  God’s  building.’  The  politician  waits  tc-  I 
see  this  reformation  begin  in  its  appropriate  place. 


ELLIS  GRAY  LORING. 

In  the  history  of  our  country,  just  so  far  as  we  have  adhered  tc  1 
great  principles  of  abstract  right,  our  country  lias  been  great  anc  1 
glorious;  and  just  so  far  as  we  have  disregarded  the  principles  of  ; 
theoretic  right  for  the  sake  of  expediency  and  safety,  we  have  been  - 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


involved  in  disgrace  and  disaster.  Imprisonment  for  debt  has  been 
abolished;  the  results  have  been  good. 

To  do  right  [y,  is  true  prudence.  The  best  policy  is  to  be  just,  and 
there  is  at  least  a presumption  that  we  shall  find  it  safe.  But  we  are 
called  upon  to  prove  the  expediency  of  agitating  this  question.  Now, 
if  we  show  that  slavery  is  a great  wrong,  and  that  we  only  mean  to 
use  peaceable  mean's  for  its  removal,  it  is  the  business  of  our  oppo- 
nents to  show  that  our  course  is  inexpedient.  Perhaps  the  most  com- 
mon objection  is,  that  our  efforts  will  dissolve  the  union.  There  are 
alwavs  apparent  dangers  opposed  to  doing  right.  The  course  of  duty 
is  certainly  not.  strewed  with  flowers.  It  sometimes  abounds  with 
sacrifices  and  is  full  of  suffering.  But  it  is,  on  the  whole,  the  path 
of  peace. 

But  what  would  the  south  gain,  by  a dissolution  of  the  union? 
Will  she  gain  exemption  from  anri-slavery  discussions  and  anti-sla- 
very doctrines  ? Mr.  Preston,  of  South  Carolina,  admitted,  on  the 
floor  of  congress,  that  all  the  literature  of  the  world,  the  whole  reli- 
gious sentiment  of  Christendom,  all  philosophy,  were  opposed  to  sla- 
ver}-. Do  our  southern  friends  intend  to  shut  all  this  out  ? Will 
they  draw  about  them  a cordon  sanitaire  to  exclude  the  literature  and 
philosophy  and  religion  of  all  the  rest  of  mankind  ? This  is  some- 
what difficult  in  the  nineteenth  century.  Mr.  Preston  gave  an  ac- 
count of  the  origin  of  the  anti-slavery  mania  abroad.  It  begun  with 
a few  obscure  individuals  in  England.  Now,  said  he,  a man  cannot 
be  in  the  cabinet  who  is  not  an  abolitionist.  So  in  France.  The 
officers  of  anti-slavery  societies  in  France,  are  cabinet  ministers. 


GEORGE  F.  SIMMONS 

In  these,  as  in  all  others,  the  right  to  liberty  remaining  unalie 
liable,  nothing  but  the  strongest  considerations  of  public  good  can 
authorize  its  being  any  longer  suspended.  Or  if  insuperable  practi- 
cal difficulties  present  themselves  in  the  way  of  legislation,  and  eman- 
cipation continue  to  be  forbidden  by  law,  then  the  master,  holding 
such  an  one  in  his  dependence,  must  regard  him  as  a freeman,  must 
give  him  tbe  fruits  of  his  labor,  must  secure  him  in  his  domestic 
rights,  must  protect  him  from  all  wrong,  and  afford  him  opportunity, 
while  he  lives,  to  answer  the  ends  of  life,  and  to  prepare  to  enter 
another,  and  less  oppressive  world.  Nothing  less  than  this  can  pos- 
sibly be  deduced  from  tbe  golden  rule  of  Christian  morals.  Nothing 
less  than  this  can  be  proposed  to  you  as  your  duty,  except  by  one 
strangely  deluded,  or  by  one  who  cares  more  for  your  opinion  than 
for  truth. 

The  principle  on  which  slavery  is  founded  is  entirely  overthrown 
by  the  fundamental  principle  of  Christian  morality.  Christianity 
makes  all  men  our  brethren.  Slavery  makes  men  our  tools.  And 
the  fallacy  of  its  principle  is  fully  allowed  here  as  well  as  elsewhere. 
I do  not  appeal  to  the  majority  of  slave-holders,  because  the  majori- 
ty of  this  class,  as  well  as  of  other  classes,  is  bad,  and  is  not  to  be 
trusted  to  discern  and  confess  truth  through  the  cloud  of  interest ; 
but  I appeal  to  that  minority  of  magnanimous,  honorable  and  be- 


THE  LEG10S  Of  LIBERTY, 


nevolent  men,  in  whom  the  golden  principles  of  the  community  art) 
treasured  up,  and  who  deserve  to  be  considered  the  voice  of  the  com- 
munity in  all  questions  of  justice  and  equity. — Sermon  at  Mobile , 1840. 


CHARLES  T.  TORREY. 

There  are  many  here  (in  Washington,)  who  abhor  slavery,  and  are 
not  afraid,  at  all  times,  to  avow  it ; and  the  number  is  increasing. 
Yet  here,  too,  the  vile  and  dastardly  spirit  of  slavery  is  seen,  in  every 
day  life,  continually.  A father,  an  excellent,  pious  man,  has  just 
been  sold,  by  one  deemed  an  upright  citizen,  from  his  children  and 
wife.  The  man  is  over  fifty  years  of  age.  His  family  are  free,  but 
he,  it  is  to  be  feared,  will  be  the  victim  of  the  slave-trade,  in  New- 
Orleans.  A poor  woman,  spurred  on  by  the  hope  of  liberty,  has 
earned  and  paid  $260  of  the  $400  demanded  for  her  freedom,  and 
last  week  was  sold  to  the  trader  for  $300,  as  a slave  for  life,  by  the 
man — the  monster — who  has  pocketed  her  life’s  earnings  ! A refined 
and  kind-hearted  women  told  me  (and  she  mentioned  it  as  proof  of 
his  regard  for  her  !)  that  her  husband  had  sold  an  excellent  girl  to  the 
trader  for  a trivial  piece  of  impertinence,  scarcely  deserving  a repri- 
mand 1 ‘ But,’  said  she,  ‘ if  these  negroes  are  not  made  to  know 

their  place,  what  can  we  do  with  them,  you  know’  ! I have  seen  a 
woman,  apparently  as  refined,  as  lady-like,  ay,  and  as  white  as  any 
women  in  Scituate — an  humble  Christian  too,  but,  alas  1 a slave — in 
this  district,  held  by  the  laws  of  congress,  clasping  her  hands  in  an- 
guish too  deep  for  words,  because  she  was  made  the  sport  of  a ty- 
rant’s lust ! And  then  the  contempt  of  the  poor,  the  disregard  of 
feelings,  the  denial  or  undervaluing  of  their  virtue  and  services,  the 
petty  and  malicious  infringements  upon  their  rights,  right s that  even 
a slave  may  possesss,  convenionally,  though  not  by  law — with  which 
I almost  daily  become  acquainted,  or  see  illustrated  in  life,  fill  me 
with  new  and  ever  increasing  abhorrence  of  the  slave  system.  And 
the  despotic  control  which  slavery  exercises  over  our  government,  and 
the  measures  of  intimidation,  flattery,  party  seduction  and  dictation, 
by  which  that  control  is  maintained,  as  they  are  more  clearly  scon 
and  understood,  strengthen  my  conviction  that  the  paramount  po- 
litical duty  of  freemen  is  to  overthrow  the  system  of  slavery. 

Nothing,  next  to  the  diffusion  and  power  of  ‘ pure  religion  and  un- 
defiled before  God  and  the  father,’  among  its  inhabitants,  do  I so 
much  desire,  as  to  sec  them,  with  the  same  zeal  and  intelligence  that 
animated  and  guided  our  fathers  in  the  first  revolution,  engaged  with 
equal  unanimity  in  this  second  and  more  glorious  revolution,  which 
is  but  the  completion  of  the  work  of  the  first,  in  giving  to  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  land  those  inalienable,  heaven-derived,  law-guarded 
rights,  which  the  first  contest  secured  to  a portion,  only,  of  the 
people.  This  is  the  great  contest  of  our  age. 


GEORGE  BOURNE. 

Men  may  travel  to  the  south,  and  so  far  as  slavery  is  concerned 
may  continue  in  a dead  sleep  until  they  return  ; but  wakeful  and  in- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


luring  persons  may  witness  in  every  varying  occurrence,  such  facts 
s these  ; and  thev  put  to  instantaneous  silence,  all  the  silly  trash 
vhich  the  southern  profligates,  and  their  northern  infatuated  coad- 
utofs  vociferate  respecting  the  amalgamation  of  the  white  and  co. 
ored  races. 

I date  not  publish  the  particulars  of  the  bleaching  manufactory  ; 
,at  some  general  views  will  unravel  what  southern  women  know  or 
lonnivc  at  or  encourage,  that  they  may  pass  their  days  in  compara- 
ive  sloth  and  voluptuousness.  The  language  of  the  Prophets  Joel 
end  Amos  here  rightly  may  be  applied  ; and  in  all  the  sacred  solern- 
iitv  of  divine  inspiration,  they  furnish  a clue  into  the  slave-trader’s 
abvrinth. 

“ They  have  cast  lots  for  my  people,  and  have  given  a boy  for  a 
rarlot,  and  a girl  for  wine  that  they  may  drink.”  Joel  3 : 3.  “ A 

nan  and  his  father  will  go  in  unto  the  same  maid,  to  profane  my  holy 
lame.”  Amos  2:7.  * * * * 

It  will  probably  be  alleged,  that  these  exposures  are  so  utterly  scan- 
lalous,  that  they  ought  not  to  be  published.  If  slavery  were  like  any 
other  unnatural  system  of  turpitude,  accurately  known  and  therefore 
avoided  by  all  good  men,  and  abandoned  only  to  the  lowest  profligates 
md  incorrigible  villains,  the  plea  peradventure  might  be  admitted. 
On  the  contrary,  slavery  exercises  its  ruthless  despotism  over  the 
United  S.ates  of  America.  It  controls  all  our  congressional  legisla- 
tion. It  domineers  in  all  ecclesiastical  proceedings.  It  silences  the 
Christian  ministry.  It  nullifies  evangelical  doctrine  and  discipline. 
It  is  a stony  hearted  and  iron  armed  monster,  which  from  the  halls  of 
legislation,  the  benches  of  justice,  and  even  the  pulpit  of  the  sanc- 
tuarv,  brandishes  his  whip  of  scorpions  burning  with  fire  and  brim- 
stone ; and  threatens  to  sweep  away  with  his  besom  of  destruction, 
all  that  is  equal  in  right,  holy  in  practice,  and  Christian  in  authority. 
— Picture  of  Slavery. 


SPENCER  KELLOGG. 

There  is  a cruel  and  wicked  prejudice  in  the  hearts  of  mankind 
against  the  poor,  especially  the  laboring  poor.  In  consequence  of 
this,  there  are  few  who,  obeying  the  instructions  of  the  Saviour, 
have  ever  tested  the  influence  of  a familiar  intercourse  with  them. 
In  this  respect,  as  in  others,  it  is  more  blessed  to  give  than  to  re- 
ceive ; and,  however  incredulous  a fashionable  world  may  be  on  this 
point,  I hesitate  not  to  affirm  that  there  are  benefits  resulting  to  our- 
selves in  honoring  this  principle,  which  no  intercourse  with  the  rich 
can  confer.  In  social  infercourse  the  brightest  results  to  ourselves  and 
others  flow  from  mingling  with  all  classes  ; and  it  is  obviously  our 
privilege  and  duty  to  seek  to  annihilate,  in  the  circles  where  we  have 
influence,  that  prejudice  to  which  I have  referred.  This  prejudice 
in  this  country  is  most  b-tler  against  the  colored  people,  and,  by  many 
great  surprise  is  expressed  that  it  should  exist.  It  is  said  that  no 
such  prejudice  exists  in  England ; and  great  blame  is  attributed  to 
our  countrymen,  as  though,  in  this  particular,  they  are  sinners  above 
all  men.  Such  views  are  superficial.  Toe  prejudice  which  in  this 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


country  is  directed  against  co’or,  is  directed  against  it  secondarily, 
as  the  badge  of  a lowly  and  servile  condition.  It  is  really  the  condi- 
t'on  which  gives  rise  to  the  prejudice  ; and  as  the  color  indicates  an 
enslaved  and  oppressed  people,  the  prejudice  naturally  falls  upon 
that,  and  all  who  bear  it.  Introduce  to  an  American  circle  a colored 
man  from  China,  Spain,  or  even  the  East  Indies,  and  his  color  is  no 
badge  of  servitude  or  degradation  ; he  is  accordingly  welcomed  aud 
honored.  The  English,  whose  freedom  from  prejudice  we  are  wont 
to  commend  in  unmeasured  terms,  possess  this  prejudice  as  truly  as 
Americans  : but  with  them  it  is  not  directed  against  color. 


STANLEY  P.  HOUGH. 

A new  bait  is  now  offered,  by  the  colonization  society.  Men  are 
not  required  to  bite  at  the  bare  hook.  Ii  is  now  a missionary  colony, 
an  African  civilization  effort,  a plan  to  Christian:/  the  entire  conti- 
nent, &.c.  This  is  the  new  position.  And  we  pronounce  it  as  false  in 
this  as  in  any  of  its  former  professions.  Has  the  col zation  socie- 

ty any  where  in  part  or  parcel  a single  shred  of  any  thing  that  per. 
tains  to  the  enterprise  of  Christian  missions  ? There  is  surely  noth, 
ing  of  this  found  in  any  attempts  which  are  made  to  transport  across 
the  Atlantic,  scores  and  hundreds  of  newly-emancipated  half-heathen 
slaves.  These  colonists  have  in  their  stale  of  bondage  had  enough 
to  do  with  Christianity  that  tolerates  slavery  to  have  taught  them  most 
heartily  to  despise  such  a religion.  And  the  further  claim  that  is  set 
up  for  Liberia,  that  the  colonial  influence  will  prove  favorable  to  Af. 
rican  missions  is  answered  in  a word  by  the  direct  testimony  of  the 
missionaries  laboring  there,  and  by  the  recent  dissensions  and  litiga- 
tions between  the  Methodist  missionaries  aud  the  colony7. 


AMOS  A.  PHELPS. 

There  was  one  delightful  characteristic  of  the  Maine  A.  S.  Con- 
vention. It  was  this,  that  while  they  were  calling  for  the  immediate 
emancipation  of  the  slave  from  the  oppression  of  His  thraldom,  every 
individual  seemed  resolved  on  beginning  the  work  at  home,  first  by 
proclaiming  to  the  free  colored  man,  from  that  time  forth,  so  far  as 
they  were  concerned,  an  immediate,  entire  and  everlasting  emanci- 
pation from  the  hateful  and  wicked  oppression  of  prejudice,  and  re- 
cognizing in  every  colored  man  a neighbor  and  a brother  in  the  ful- 
lest sense  of  the  terms  ; and  second,  by  putting  a brand  of  utter  in- 
famy on  tlie  man  who  goes  from  the  midst  of  a free  community  into 
the  midst  of  slavery  and  there  becomes  a slave-holder.  O what  an 
amount  of  guilt  is  resting  on  northern  men  in  relation  to  this  matter  ! 
Not  that  southern  men  are  innocent — God  forbid — but  oh,  how  have 
northern  men,  representing  as  they  have  done  the  sentiment  of  the 
community  from  which  they  came — how  have  they,  by  just  becom- 
ing slave-holders  themselves,  given  the  testimony  of  the  entire  north 
in  favor  of  slavery,  and  thus  endorsed  and  propped  up  the  whole  sys- 
tem—with  all  its  guilt  and  woes,  and  blood,  more  effectually  than 
any  and  every7  other  class  of  the  community  beside.  Let  the  respon- 


THE  LEGIOX  OF  LIBERTY. 


;ibilitv  and  guilt  then  be  rolled  like  great  mountains  on  the  shoulders 
of  every  such  man.  Let  a brand  of  infamy  deep,  indelible,  mark 
that  man  as  an  object  of  utter  abhorrence. 


E D.  HUDSON. 

Much  self-denying  missionary  labor  is  needed  ; 

1.  To  keep  the  friends  from  becoming  drowsy  and  rusty. 

2.  To  re-convert  those  who  have  the  name  of  abolitionists,  but  are 
dead,  the  seed  having  sprung  up,  but  for  lack  of  earth  and  moisture, 
withered. 

3.  To  gain  access  to  those  who  stuff  their  ears  with  cotton,  and 
dazzle  their  eyes  with  slave-holder’s  tinsel,  and  steel  their  hearts  with 
negro  hatred. 

4.  To  employ  the  aid  of  anti-slavery  circulating  libraries,  to  con- 
vert those  who  will  not  attend  lectures,  and  to  establish  a permanent 
and  growing  influence  in  each  of  their  respective  fields  of  operation. 
Let  the  friends  now  see  that  anti-slavery  libraries  are  put  into  Sab- 
bath schools  and  district  schools  for  circulation,  and  they  will  reap 
a rich  reward. 


WILLIAM  HENRY  BURLEIGH. 
Toil  and  pray  ! 

Groweth  flesh  and  spirit  faint  ? 
Think  of  her  who  pours  her  plaint 
All  the  day — 

Her — the  wretched  negro  wife, 
Robbed  of  all  that  sweetens  life — 
Her — who  weeps  in  anguish  wild 
For  the  husband  and  the  child 
Torn  away  1 

Nature’s  ties, 

Binding  heart  with  kindred  heart, 
Rent  remorselessly  apart — 

Tears  and  sighs, 

Shrieks  and  prayers  unheeded  given, 
Calling  out  from  earth  to  heaven — 
All  that  speaks  the  slave’s  distress — 
All  that  in  his  cup  doth  press 
Agonies — 

Wo  and  blight, 

Broken  heart  and  palsied  mind, 
Reason  crushed  and  conscience  blind, 
Darkest  night 

Shutting  from  the  spirit’s  eye, 

Light  and  glory  from  on  high — 
Think  of  these  and  falter  not ! 

Toil — until  the  slave  is  brought 
Up  to  light 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBER  1 i . 


OLIVER  JOHNSON. 

Hark  ! a voice  from  heaven  proclaiming, 
Comfort  to  the  bleeding  slave  ; 

God  has  heard  him  long  complaining, 
And  extends  his  arm  to  save  : 

Frond  Oppression 
Soon  shall  find  an  endless  grave. 

See  ! the  light  of  truth  is  breaking 
Full  and  clear  on  every  hand  ; 

And  the  voice  of  Mercy,  speaking, 

Now  is  heard  through  all  the  land ! 

Finn  and  fearless, 

See  the  sons  of  Freedom  stand. 

Lo ! the  nation  is  arousing, 

From  its  slumbers,  long  and  deep  ; 

And  the  church  of  God  is  waking, 

Never,  never  more  to  sleep, 

While  a bondman, 

In  his  chains  remains  to  weep. 

Long,  too  long,  have  we  been  dreaming, 
O’er  our  country’s  sin  and  shame  ; 

Let  us  now,  the  time  redeeming, 

Press  the  helpless  captive’s  claim, 

Till  exulting, 

He  shall  cast  aside  his  chain. 


J.  KENNADAY. 

When  Heaven  shall  seal  the  dread  oppressor’s  doom, 
Those  dead  from  these  dark  chains  shall  come. 

Wrath  shall  no  more  delay, 

Mercy  her  tears  shall  stay, 

When  broken  hearts  shall  healing  know, 

And  God  fold  up  the  veil  of  wo — 

Then  Afric,  shall  thy  sun  arise, 

And  Freedom’s  flame  flash  brightly  through  thy  skies 

GEORGE  P.  MORRIS. 

Our  hearts  are  bounding  with  delight, 

’Tis  freedom’s  jubilee ! 

For  right  has  triumphed  over  might, 

The  bond  again  are  free. 

Hurrah  ! Hurrah  ! 

Let  the  welkin  ring 
To  justice  and  Liberty 
Paeans  we  sing  ! 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY 


N.  P.  WILLIS. 

And  we  are  free— but  is  there  not 
One  blot  upon  our  name  ? 

Is  our  proud  record  written  fair 
Upon  the  scioli  of  fame ? 

Our  banner  floateth  by  the  shore, 

Our  Hag  upon  the  sea — 

But  when  the  fetter'd  slave  is  loos’d, 

We  shall  be  truly  free. 

JOHN  G.  WHITTIER. 

What ! shall  we  henceforth  humbly  ask  as  favors. 

Rights  all  our  own  ? In  madness  shall  we  barter, 
For  treach’rous  peace  the  Freedom  nature  gave  us 
God  and  our  charter? 

From  each  and  all,  if  God  hath  not  forsaken 
Our  land  and  left  us  to  an  evil  choice, 

Loud  as  the  summer  thunder-bolt  shall  waken 
A people’s  voice ! 

Oh,  let  that  voice  go  forth ! the  bondman,  sighing 
By  Santee’s  wave,  in  Missisippi’s  cane, 

Shall  feel  the  hope  within  his  bosom,  dying, 

Revive  again. 

Let  it  go  forth  ! The  millions  who  are  gazing 
Sadly  upon  us  from  afar  shall  smile, 

And,  unto  God  devout  thanksgiving  raising, 

Bless  us  the  while. 

Oh.  for  your  ancient  freedom,  pure  and  holy, 

For  the  deliv’rance  of  a groaning  earth, 

For  the  wronged  captive,  bleeding,  crushed  and  lowi 
Let  it  go  forth  ! 


14 


V B.  TAPPAN JOHN  PIERPONT H.  W.  L. 


WILLIAM  B.  TAPPAN. 

Could  your  grtefs,  wretched  slaves  ! could  your  injuries  speak, 
Oh,  God  ! what  a tale  to  unfold ; 

Blush,  blush,  guilty  Europe  ! shroud,  manhood,  thy  cheek, 
Weep,  weep  for  the  passion  of  gold. 

Yet  that  here , where  our  symbol  the  wild  eagle  flies 
Oh,  shame  ! writhes  the  African’s  soul — • 

That  on  fields  bought  by  freedom,  an  outcast  he  dies, 

Time  ! veil  it — ’twill  darken  thy  scroll. 

My  country  ! that  plighted’st  to  freedom  thy  troth, 

Redeem  it ! — thou  art  not  yet  free  ; 

On,  eternity’s  page  thou  recordest  thine  oath, 

’Tis  broken  1 there’s  slavery  with  thee. 


JOHN  PIERPONT. 

Quench,  righteous  God,  the  thirst, 
That  Congo’s  sons  hath  curs’d— 
The  thirst  for  gold  ! 

Shall  not  thy  thunders  speak, 
Where  Mammon’s  altars  reek, 
Where  maids  and  matrons  shriek, 
Bound,  bleeding,  sold? 

Cast  down,  great  God,  the  fanes, 
That,  to  unhallowed  gains, 

Round  us  have  risen— 

Temples  whose  priesthood  pore 
Moses  and  Jesus  o’er, 

Then  bolt  the  black  man’s  door, 
The  poor  man’s  prison  1 


HENRY  W.  LONGFELLOW. 

In  dark  fens  of  the  Dismal  Swamp 
The  hunted  negro  lay  ; 

He  saw  the  fire  of  the  midnight  camp 
And  heard  at  times  a horse’s  tramp, 

And  a bloodhound’s  distant  bay. 

Where  hardly  a human  foot  could  pass, 

Or  a human  heart  would  dare, 

On  the  quaking  turf  of  the  green  morass, 

He  crouched  in  the  rank  and  tangled  grass; 
Like  a wild  beast  in  his  lair. 

A poor  old  slave,  infirm  and  lame  ; 

Great  scars  deformed  his  face  : 

On  his  forehead  he  bore  the  brand  of  shame, 
And  the  rags  that  hid  his  mangled  frame 
Were  the  livery  of  disgrace. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  CANNINGS  FULLER. 

Having  a great  desire  to  see  the  imported  cattle  on  Henry  Clay’s 
lantation,  I went  thither.  On  approaching  the  house,  I saw  a co- 
jred  man,  to  whom  I said,  “ Where  wert  thou  raised  ?”  “ In  Wash- 

lgton.”  “ Did  Henry  Clay  buy  thee  there?”  “Yes.”  “ Wilt  thou 
how  me  his  improved  cattle  ?”  He  pointed  to  the  orchard,  and  said 
re  man  who  had  charge  of  them  was  there.  As  I followed  his  di- 
ection,  I encountered  a very  intelligent-looking  boy,  apparently 
ight  or  nine  years  old.  I said  to  him,  canst  thou  read  ?”  * “ No.” 
Is  there  a school  for  colored  people  on  Henry  Clay’s  plantation?” 
No.”  “ How  old  art  thou  ?”  “ Don’t  know.”  In  the  orchard  I 

ound  a woman  at  work  with  her  needle.  I asked,  “ How  old  art 
hou  ?”  “A  big  fifty.”  “ How  old  is  that  ?”  “Near  sixty.”  “How 
aany  children  hast  thou?”  “Fifteen  or  sixteen.”  “Where  are 
hey  ?”  “ Colored  folks  don’t  know  where  their  children  is;  they  are 
ent  all  over  the  country.”  “ Where  wert  thou  raised  ?”  “ Wash 

ngton.”  “ Did  Henry  Clay  buy  thee  there  ?”  “ Yes.”  “ How  ma. 

ly  children  hadst  thou  then  ?”  “ Four.”  “ Where  are  they  ?”  “ I 

lon’t  know.  They  tell  me  they  are  dead.”  The  hut,  in  which  this 
‘ source  of  wealth”  lives,  was  neither  as  good,  nor  as  well-floored  as 
ny  stable.  Several  slaves  were  picking  fruit  in  the  orchard  ; I asked 
me  of  the  young  men  whether  they  were  taught  to  read  on  this  plan- 
ation,  and  they  answered  no.  I fo  nd  the  overseer  of  the  cattle  with 
i short-handled,  stout  whip,  which  had  been  broken.  He  said  it 
inswered  both  for  a riding  whip,  and  occasionally  “ to  wipe  off”  the 
laves. 

ISAAC  T.  HOPPER. 

Tales  of  Oppression,  No.  29. 

If  any  human  being  is  to  be  despised  above  all  others  as  an  enemy 
to  the  human  race,  it  is  a slave  hunter  regardless  of  the  sighs,  groans, 
and  tears  of  his  fellow  men. 

Levin  Smith  was  a slave  in  Maryland.  He  had  a wife  and  several 
children  who  were  free.  In  the  year  1802,  his  master  sold  him  to 
one  of  those  speculators  in  human  beings,  who  were  in  the  practice 
of  buying  slaves  for  the  southern  market.  He  lived  in  Delaware. 

Levin  went  to  live  with  his  wife  and  children  in  the  district  of  South- 
wark, and  commenced  the  business  of  sawing  wood  to  support  his 
family.  His  wife  took  in  washing.  I instructed  him  to  inform  me 
if  he  should  hear  of  his  master  being  in  the  city.  He  had  not  been 
in  Philadelphia  more  than  a month,  when  his  master,  having  dis- 
covered his  place  of  residence,  went  there  in  pursuit  of  him.  Levin 
was  seized  in  his  bed  about  break  of  day,  his  hands  tied,  and  he  con. 
veyed  to  a vessel,  where  the  captain  informed  them  that  he  must  wait 
until  the  store  in  which  some  goods  were  deposited  should  be  opened. 
Levin’s  wife  followed  her  husband  to  the  vessel ; and  some  of  her 
friends,  who  lived  near  then-  residence,  being  informed  of  what  was 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


doing,  ran  to  my  house  to  solicit  my  assistance,  I dressed  myselfas 
quickly  as  possible,  where  I was  informed  that  they  had  taken 
Levin  to  a small  tavern  near  by  ; and  upon  arriving  there,  I found  a 
considerable  crowd  before  the  door.  I inquired  of  the  landlord  where 
the  persons  were  who  had  a colored  man  in  custody,  but  he  refused  . 
to  give  me  any  information  ; when  one  of  the  company  about  the 
door  called  out — “ They  are  up  s', airs  in  the  back  room.”  The  land- 
lord stood  in  the  door,  and  seemed  disposed  to  prevent  me  from  going 
in  ; but  I pushed  myself  by  him,  and  immediately  went  to  the  cham- 
ber, where  I found  Levin,  with  his  hands  lied  together,  guarded  by 
five  or  six  men.  I inquired  what  they  were  going  to  do  with  the  man. 
The  words  had  scarcely  escaped  my  lips,  when  as  many  as  could  get 
hold  of  me,  seized  me  with  great  violence,  hoisted  the  window  and 
and  threw  me  out.  I fell  upon  empty  casks  that  lay  in  the  yard,  and 
at  the  time,  did  no!  feel  at  all  hurt. 

I knew  perfec' y well  that  if  the  man  was  not  immediately  res. 
cued,  they  would  force  him  on  board  tire  sloop  and  carry  him  off. 

I therefore  determ  ned  to  prevent  it,  if  possible.  As  soon  as  I re- 
covered from  the  fall,  I went  round  to  l he  front  door  that  I had  en- 
tered but  a few  minutes  before,  and  proceeded  up  stairs  to  the  door 
of  the  chamber  from  whence  I had  just  been  so  unceremoniously 
ejected.  I found  it  locked,  so  that  I could  not  gain  admittance.  I 
then  returned  to  the  back-yard,  got  on  the  top  of  a high  board  fence,  i 
and  from  that  upon  the  pent  house,  and  in  through  the  window,  to  a < 
room  adjoining  that  in  which  the  party  were.  I took  a small  pen-  d 
knife  out  of  my  pocket,  opened  it,  and  holding  it  in  my  hand,  threw  I 
open  the  door.  Upon  entering  the  room,  among  the  kidnappers,  I 
exclaimed,  “ I will  see  if  you  will  get  me  out  so  soon  again  1”  I had 
no  intention  of  using  my  knife,  for  any  purpose  but  to  cut  the  cord 
with  which  the  poor  captive  was  bound  ; and  I did  that  before  the  | j 
company  could  recover  from  the  consternation  which  my  second  ap-  ' 
pearance  among  them  seemed  to  produce.  Immediately  upon  cutting  1 
the  cords  that  bound  the  man,  I told  him  to  follow  me,  and  ran  , 
down  stairs  as  fast  as  I could,  with  him  after  me.  A wretched,  mot-  I 
ley  company  pursued  us,  calling  “ Stop  thief!”  until  we  arrived  at  , I 
the  office  of  William  Robinson,  a justice  of  the  peace,  near  half  a 
mile  from  the  place  whence  we  started.  I informed  him  of  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case  ; how  the  man,  Levin,  was  originally  a slave 
in  Maryland,  and  had  been  sold  to  a citizen  of  Delaware,  who  had  , 
removed  him  to  that  state,  by  means  of  which  he  became  free.  No 
person  appeared  to  claim  the  man,  and  the  magistrate  drew  up  a state- 
ment of  his  case,  to  which  lie  annexed  his  name,  and  the  names  and 
residences  of  the  Acting  Committee  of  the  Abolition  Society  ; with 
a request,  that  if  any  person  should  attempt  to  deprive  Levin  of  his 
liberty,  one  of  them  should  be  informed  of  it.  He  was  never  after 
molested.  I returned  home  and  took  my  breakfast,  not.  being  aware 
that  I had  received  any  injury  by  the  fall.  But  upon  attempting  to 
rise  from  the  table,  I was  suddenly  seized  with  a violent  pain  in  my 
hack,  which  continued  for  several  days,  with  such  severity  as  to  inca- 
pacitate me  for  attending  to  business.  I have  never  entirely  recovered 
from  its  effects. — National  Anti-Slavery  Standard. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


HIRAM  WILSON. 

Having  spent  most  of  two  years  among  those  noble  spirits  who 
have  colonized  themselves  from  the  slavery  of  the  land  of  liberty  and 
equal  rights,  to  the  universal  freedom  that  flows  from  the  monarchy 
of  the  Queen  in  Upper  Canada,  I can  judge  something  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  those  who  have  self-denial  enough  to  labor  among  them.  Br 
Wilson’s  picture  is  far  from  being  highly  wrought.  He  is  one  of 
those  noble  spirits  who  refused  to  crouch  to  the  aristocracy  of  the  D. 
D’s.  of  Lane  Seminary,  and  who  sought  that  pure,  free  atmosphere, 
more  congenial  to  his  feelings,  which  is  the  vital  breath  of  the  insti- 
tution at  Oberlin.  As  soon  as  he  had  completed  his  education,  he 
started  for  Canada,  to  seek  out  the  victims  of  American  oppression, 
guided  thither  by  the  unerring  rays  of  the  polar  star. 

AA'ith  valise  in  hand,  he  walks  sometimes  50  miles  in  a day,  through 
mud  and  mire,  snow  and  rain.  When  his  appetite  reminds  him  of 
the  demands  of  nature,  he  opens  his  valise,  and  there  he  finds  the 
staff  of  life,  carefully  deposited  in  one  end,  by  the  hand  of  an  affec- 
tionate wife — a help-meet  indeed  for  him — possessing  the  same  untir- 
ing- zeal  for  the  outcasts  as  himself.  When  the  shades  of  night  begin 
to  fall  about  him,  he  generally  finds  himself  made  ‘ mighty  welcome’ 
at  the  humble  cot  of  some  poor  refugee.  After  having  sought  out 
all  the  places  where  it  would  be  practicable  to  establish  schools,  the 
nest  thing  is  to  obtain  teachers  to  supply  them.  To  find  a sufficient 
number  properly  qualified,  free  from  prejudice,  willing  to  engage  in 
such  self-denying  labors  with  little  or  no  compensation,  is  indeed  no 
small  task.  To  obtain  them,  he  goes  to  Oberlin  (the  residence  of 
noble  spirits)  the  distance  of  2 or  300  miles.  Part  of  his  journey 
thither  is  by  water,  and  part  by  land.  After  having  obtained  teachers, 
the  next  thing  is  to  do  something  toward  remunerating  them.  To  do 
this,  he  visits  different  parts  of  the  states,  and  lays  before  the  people 
the  cause  of  God’s  suffering  poor.  AY  hat  he  collects  in  this  way,  he 
divides  among  the  teachers,  according  to  their  necessities,  sharing 
also  with  them  himself.  AArhile  he  received  a salary,  the  teachers 
shared  it  with  him.  Now  he  has  no  salary,  he  is  obliged  to  share 
with  them  in  what  he  collects. — A\rai.  RAYAI ONI). 


JOHN  E.  GODFREY. 

It  has  been,  for  many  years,  and  still  is,  a practice  to  imprison 
colored  citizens  from  the  free  states  who  arrive  in  Southern  ports, 
whether  in  the  capacity  of  seamen  or  otherwise : or  to  require  a bond 
of  the  master  of  the  vessel  that  they  still  remain  on  board,  and  for 
their  good  behavior.  It  is  of  no  consequence  how  dark  or  how  light 
these  persons  may  be — how  ignorant  or  how  intelligent — how  vile  or 
how  respectable — how  poor  or  how  rich — whether  they  have  been  of 
no  benefit  to  their  country,  or  have  shed  their  blood  like  water  in  its 
service — all  aie  alike  treated,  and  obliged  to  suffer  imprisonment  if 
they  set  their  foot  upon  the  shore. 

To  the  monstrous  injustice  of  this  course,  and  to  the  open  disre- 
gard of  that  clause  of  the  constitution  which  declares  that  “the  citi- 


14* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIEEETY. 


zen  of  each  state  shall  he  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities 
of  the  citizens  in  the  several  states,”  which  is  manifested  by  it,  no 
particular  attention  seems  to  have  been  paid  by  either  the  people  of 
the  south  or  of  the  north  until  last  December. 

In  February  last  some  of  the  most  respectable  merchants  in  New- 
York,  who  full  aggrieved  in  consequence  of  this  course  pursued  to- 
wards  colored  seamen  in  their  employ  at  the  south,  petitioned  for  re- 
lief or  remuneration  from  Congress,  for  the  vexation  and  expense  to 
which  they  had  been  subjected  by  it.  At  the  same  time  222  colored 
seamen  petitioned  that  they  might  be  protected  in  their  lawful  busi. 
ness  and  constitutional  rights  when  they  visited  southern  ports,  as 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  setting  forth  that  it  is  frequently  ne- 
cessary for  them  to  visit  those  ports. 

When  these  petitions  were  presented  some  slave-holder  raised  the 
question  of  reception,  another  member  moved  that  that  question  be 
laid  upon  the  table,  and  that,  was  the  end  of  the  petitions  ! 

This  is  the  course  that  the  United  States  government  pursues  in 
regard  to  the  dearest  rights  of  American  citizens.  And  the  question 
which  is  to  be  settled,  by  the  free  people  of  the  country,  is,  whether 
they  will  hereafter  support  a ‘ Whig’  or  a ‘ Democratic’  party  that 
professes  to  “ maintain  the  pure  and  glorious  principles  of  the  con- 
stitution and  of  the  Declaration,”  while  it  allows  the  citizens  of  one 
state  to  be  imprisoned  in  another,  and  refuses  even  to  hear  their  pe- 
titions when  they  ask  them  for  redress  ; or  whether  they  will  be  rep- 
resented by  men  who  will  act  in  accordance  with  their  professions 
and  protect  the  constitutional  rights  of  every  American  citizen  ? — 
Bangor  Gazette. 


FREEBORN  GARRETSON. 

As  I stood  with  a book  in  my  hand,  in  the  act  of  giving  out  a 
hymn,  this  thought  powerfully  struck  my  mind,  ‘ it  is  not  right  for 
you  to  keep  your  fellow  creatures  in  bondage  ; you  must  let  the  op- 
pressed go  free.’  I knew  it  to  be  that  same  blessed  voice  which  had 
spoken  to  me  before—tiil  then  I had  suspected  that  the  practice  of 
slave  keeping  was  wrong  ; I had  not  read  a book  on  the  subject,  nor 
been  told  so  by  any.  I paused  a minute  and  then  replied,  ‘ Lord,  the 
oppressed  shall  go  free.”  And  I was  as  clear  of  them  in  my  mind, 
as  if  I had  never  owned  one.  I told  them  they  did  not  belong  to  me, 
and  that  I did  not  desire  their  services  without  making  them  a com- 
pensation. I was  now  at  liberty  to  proceed  in  worship.  After  sing- 
ing, I kneeled  to  pray.  Had  I the  tongue  of  an  angel,  I could  not 
fully  describe  what  I felt : all  m3’  dejection,  and  that  melancholy 
gloom  which  preyed  upon  me,  vanished  in  a moment,  and  a divine 
,4  sweetness  ran  through  my  whole  frame. 

It  was  God,  not  man,  that  taught  me  the  impropriety  of  holding 
slaves  : and  I shall  never  be  able  to  praise  him  enough  for  it.  My 
very  heart  has  bled,  since  that,  for  slave-holders,  especially  those 
who  made  a profession  of  religion  ; for  I believe  it  to  be  a crj’ing  sin. 


b,-'r 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


B.  STANTON. 

Notwithstanding-  then  any  discouragements  with  which  we  meet, 
[ think  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  progress  of  the  cause  is 
onward.  And  although  we  may  seem  to  gain  but  little,  yet  our  duty 
is  to  persevere  in  well  doing,  and  we  have  the  assurance  that  in  due 
time  we  shall  reap  if  we  faint  not.  Every  scheme  of  expatriation  to 
separate  the  colored  from  the  white  population  of  the  U.  S.  has  its 
origin  in  an  unholy  and  anti-christian  prejudice,  ther  tendency  will 
be  only  continual  evil. — Free  Labor  Advocate. 


EDWARD  SMITH. 

Barnsville  is  one  of  the  most  pro-slavery  places  I know  ; I use  the 
word  pro-slavery,  as  synonymous  with  being  opposed  to  abolition. 
Some  who  give  tone  to  society  are  living  on  the  blood  and  sweat  of 
slaves  ; Maryland  slave-holders,  who  in  tbe-days  of  other  years  trans- 
muted their  negroes  into  Ohio  lands,  and  there  may  be  sotne  also  from 
Virginia  of  the  same  kind.  These  cry  out  terribly  against  abolition, 
and  well  they  may,  for  we  are  bringing  their  sins  to  light,  as  they 
think  before  the  time  ; but  we  think  not,  but  in  time  for  them  to  re- 
pent and  be  saved  from  the  wrath  to  come. 

Some  of  my  old  friends  at  St.  Clairsville,  had  pressed  me  on  a for. 
mer  occasion  to  sta}'  and  preach  for  them  the  next  time  I might  come 
to  the  place  ; they  did  not  want,  they  said,  to  hear  me  lecture  on 
slavery,  but  were  very  anxious  to  hear  me  preach  once  more  ; but  I 
concluded,  as  they  did  not  wish  to  know  me  as  an  abolitionist,  and 
they  gave  evidence  of  this  by  not  coming  to  the  lecture,  I would  not 
be  known  by  them  as  a preacher  : for  I thought  I could  do  persons 
no  good  who  were  so  prejudiced. — Spirit  of  Liberty. 


ORSON  S.  MURRAY. 

In  all  ages  of  the  church,  persecution  has  defeated  its  own  objects. 
When  the  church  has  been  so  pure  as  to  be  persecuted,  the  persecu- 
tion has  re-acted  upon  Satan’s  kingdom.  On  the  other  hand,  when 
the  church  has  grown  corrupt  and  would  not  bear  sound  doctrine,  and 
has  herself  persecuted  those  who  raised  their  standard  of  holiness 
above  hers,  she  has  always  thereby  exposed  her  own  corruptions,  and 
made  the  shame  of  her  own  nakedness  to  appear. 

Their  cry  is,  “ away  with  him.”  I have  seen  no  pretension  that 
Foster  was  not  perfectly  mild  and  Christian  in  his  demeanor,  and  per- 
fectly truthful  in  his  charges.  The  difficulty  is,  the  church  and 
ministry  cannot  bear  the  truth,  and  they  are  determined  they  will 
not.  Stephen  S.  Foster  feels  impelled,  in  imitation  of  Christ,  Ste- 
phen, Paul,  and  a host  of  others,  “ of  whom  the  world  was  not 
worthy,”  to  declare  the  truth  to  them,  “ whether  they  will  hear  or 
forbear.”  So  he  goes  quietly  and  peaceably  among  them,  and  com- 
mences preaching.  This  they  pronounce  to  be  disorderly,  and  call 
in  the  violence  of  the  state  to  crush  it.  The  state  of  New-IIamp- 
shire,  whose  worthy  son  (Atherton)  was  the  mover  of  the  gag-law  of 
congress,  has  undertaken  the  case. — Vermont  Telegraph. 


THE  LEGION  OP  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  SILK  BUCKINGHAM. 

So  imperfect  are  their  notions  of  freedom  as  the  “ natural  and 
inalienable  right  of  every  man”  according  to  the  terms  of  their  own 
declaration  of  Independence  that  they  scarcely  consider  it  a blot,  that 
the  several  states  of  the  union,  should  hold  so  many  thousands  of 
their  fellow  men  in  unjust  and  unwilling  bondage.  But  what  per* 
haps  is  most  surprising  of  all  is,  that  so  large  a number  of  the  clergy, 
and  especially  those  of  the  Episcopal  church,  including  those  who 
call  themselves  evangelical,  should  be  not  merely  palliators  of  the 
state  of  slavery,  but  advocates  for  its  continuance,  and  deprecators 
of  all  public  discussion  or  agitation  on  the  subject ; so  that  if  the  re- 
publicans understand  civil  and  political  liberty  but  imperfectly,  the 
Christian  professors  understand  the  liberty  of  religion  and  justice  still 
less. 

The  longer  we  remained  in  Washington,  the  more  vve  saw  and 
heard  of  the  recklessness  and  profligacy  which  characterize  the  man- 
ners  both  of  its  resident  and  fluctuating  population. 

The  practice  of  carrying  arms  on  the  person  is  no  doubt  one  rea 
son  why  so  many  atrocious  acts  are  done  under  the  immediate  influ- 
ence of  passion.  A medical  gentleman  resident  in  the  city  told  me 
he  was  recently  called  to  see  a young  girl  who  had  been  shot  at  with 
a pistol  by  one  of  her  paramours,  the  ball  grazing  her  cheek  with  a 
deep  wound,  and  disfiguring  her  for  life  ; and  yet  nothing  whatever 
was  done  to  the  individual,  who  had  only  failed  by  accident  in  his 
intention  to  destroy  her  life.  In  this  city  are  many  establishments 
where  young  girls  are  collected  by  procuresses,  and  one  of  these  i 
was  said  to  be  kept  by  a young  man  who  had  persuaded  or  coerced 
all  his  sisters  into  prostitution,  and  lived  on  the  wages  of  their  in 
famy.  These  houses  are  frequented  in  open  day,  and  hackney  coaches 
may  be  seen  almost  constantly  before  their  doors. 

In  fact,  the  total  absence  of  all  restraint  upon  the  actions  of  men 
here,  either  legal  or  moral,  occasions  such  open  and  unblushing  dis. 
plays  of  recklessness  and  profligacy  as  would  hardly  be  credited  if 
mentioned  in  detail.  Unhappily,  too,  the  influence  of  this  is  more 
or  less  felt  in  the  deteriorated  characters  of  almost  all  persons  who 
come  often  to  Washington,  or  live  a long  period  there.  Gentlemen 
from  the  northern  and  eastern  states,  who  before  they  left  their  homes 
were  accounted  moral,  and  even  pious  men,  undergo  such  a change 
at  Washington  by  a removal  of  all  restraint,  that  they  very  often  come 
back  quite  altered  characters  ; and  while  they  are  at  Washington,  con- 
tract habits,  the  very  mention  of  which  is  quite  revolting  to  chaste 
and  unpolluted  ears. 


JOSEPH  C.  LOVEJOY. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  existence  of  slavery  in  this  district 
has  much  to  do  with  creating  such  a state  of  things  as  this;  and  as 
Washington  is  one  of  the  great  slave-marts  of  the  country,  where 
buyers  and  sellers  of  their  fellow  creatures  come  to  traffic  in  human 
flesh,  and  where  men,  women,  and  children  are  put  up  to  auction 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


and  sold  to  the  highest  bidder,  like  so  many  head  of  cattle,  this 
brings  together  such  a collection  of  speculators,  slave-dealers,  gam- 
blers, and  adventurers  as  to  taint  the  whole  social  atmosphere  with 
their  vices. 

Even  the  clergy  maintain  a profound  silence  on  the  subject  of  these 
enormities,  and  never  mention  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  states 
where  it  exists,  except  to  apologize  for  it  or  to  uphold  it,  and  to  dep- 
recate all  the  “schemes,”  as  they  call  them,  of  the  abolitionists  for 
hastening  the  period  of  its  annihilation.  So  tolerant  are  the  clergy 
of  the  south  on  this  subject,  that  as  was  shown  in  the  resolutions  of 
the  Episcopal  Methodist  Conference  in  Georgia,  they  publicly  declare 
their  belief  “ that  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  the  United  Slates,  is  not  a 
moral  evil,”  and  if  so,  of  course  they  are  not  called  upon  to  remove 
it. — Liberty  Standard. 


ABEL  BROWN. 

My  spirit  cannot  rest  so  long  as  my  brethren  are  crushed  by  the 
iron  lioof  of  oppression. — Mr.  Jones  made  many  statesments  that 
show  conclusive^  that  the  Methodist,  Baptist,  and  Congregational 
missionaries,  among  those  tribes  of  Indians,  sustain  and  uphold  negro 
slavery  ; and  that  the  missions  among  the  Cherokee,  Creek,  and 
Choctaw  Indians,  may  be  truly  called  slave  holding  missions  ! ! 

The  men  who  have  in  charge  the  missionary  treasury  keep,  as  far 
as  possible,  these  innoceiit  crimes  of  robbery,  theft,  and  murder  out 
of  the  sight  of  the  dear  brethren  who  so  freely  give  their  money  to 
spread  the  gospel.  They  do  this,  that  they  may  not  offend  slave- 
holders. One  reason  for  this  conclusion,  may  be  seen  by  a simple 
statement  of  facts.  In  the  Baptist  church,  there  are  over  125,000 
members  that  are  slaves,  and  not  more  than  10  or  12,000  slave-hol- 
ders ; but  this  latter  class  have  all  the  money — therefore,  our  boards 
are  very  careful  to  keep  peace  with  the  masters,  even  though  the 
slaves  are  crushed  to  death.  They  (the  slaves)  are  not  good  for  any 
thing — they  have  no  money.  I would  suggest  the  propriety  of  send- 
ing out  a missionary  to  labor  for  the  conversion  of  the  missionaries 
among  the  Indians  in  the  south-west. — Tocsin  of  Liberty. 


CHARLES  VAN  LOON. 

This  movement  (of  disunion)  takes  advantage  of  the  “ tide  in  the 
affairs”  of  our  country.  Men  other  than  abolitionists — politicians 
aroused  by  the  late  superlative  insolence  of  the  slave  power,  are  be- 
ginning to  inquire  with  anxious  solicitude,  whether  the  political  eco- 
nomy of  such  a union  as  now  exists,  between  the  antagonist  institu- 
tions and  interests  of  the  north  and  south ; be  not  altogether  false  and 
absurd — merchants  and  mechanics,  groaning  under  the  pressure  of 
the  times — remembering  with  bitterness,  the  toil  earned,  millions 
sunk  in  the  bottomless  gulf  of  slavery — have  grown  sick  and  weary 
of  the  connexion.  Men,  we  repeat,  other  than  technical  abolitionists, 
have  begun  to  look  with  disgust  upon  this  unnatural  union  of  slavery 
and  freedom — this  union  of  a living,  breathing  being,  with  a lifeless 
reeking  carcass. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


We  might  consider  moreover ; whether  the  accomplishment  of  this 
object,  would  not  be  more  difficult,  than  abolition,  is  under  the  union, 
of  slavery  itself.  Whether  it  would  not  cost  more,  to  secure  this 
means,  than  to  go  on  under  existing  institutions,  to  the  attaintment 
of  the  grand  end.  And  then  we  must  determine  whether  this  object 
can  be  effected,  consistently  with  that  moral  character,  and  peaceful 
spirit,  which  have  ever  been  the  glory  of  our  cause. — Ibid. 


WILLIAM  L.  CHAPLIN. 

Mob  in  Cincinnati. — How  fallen — pitifully  fallen — incurably  dis. 
graced — the  “ Queen  of  the  West  1”  Queen  of  mobs  and  mother  of 
lawless  violence  and  blood  ! Nothing  more  natural.  A few  weeks 
since  her  dastardly  authorities  allowed  slave-holders  to  violate  the 
sanctity  of  her  enclosure  by  organizing  a ferocious  mob  to  insult  and 
injure  the  friends  of  freedom — to  destroy  the  grea  palladium  of  rights 
and  just  liberty — to  assault  and  outrage  the  inoueiisive  colored  people 
— to  hold  the  city  with  its  entire  population  for  nearly  a week  in  al%rm 
and  consternation  from  their  unrestrained  malignity  and  licentious- 
ness. Why  should  not  the  “ Bank  barons,” — shin  plaster  gentry 
take  their  turn  ? Why  should  not  any  class  of  citizens  fall  victims 
to  the  same  relentless  spirit,  from  whatever  cause  its  ungoverned 
passions  might  become  exasperated  ? If  precious  interests  may  be 
disregarded,  and  unbought  rights  be  trampled  upon  in  the  person  of 
the  poor,  or  the  black  man,  why  may  they  not  be  trodden  down  with 
impunity  in  the  case  of  the  rich  or  the  white  man  ? The  question 
need  not  be  put ; it  is  impertinent.  All  history,  experience,  and  ob- 
servation teach,  that,  if  we  tamely  acquiesce  in  perfidy  and  outrage 
practised  upon  innocent  sufferers,  we,  ourselves,  shall  sooner  or  later 
inevitably  become  their  victims.  Not  a slave  can  be  held  in  the 
United  States  without  putting  in  peril  the  freedom  and  just  rights  of 
every  other  man.  Not  a mob  can  be  tolerated  and  allowed  to  escape 
“ unwhipt  of  justice,”  in  any  neighborhood  of  the  country  without 
endangering  our  whole  civil  fabric.  Not  one  instance  of  palpable  in- 
justice can  be  spread  upon  our  statute  book,  without  exposing  to  con- 
tamination and  rottenness  the  entire  system  of  legislation. 

Undoubtedly  the  last  in  the  ugly  series  of  Cincinnati  mobs,  like 
its  predecessors,  will  find  here  and  there  its  flimsy  apologist.  Let  the 
time  be  long  before  any  other  city  shall  attempt  to  rival  her  “ bad 
pre-eminence.” — American  Citizen. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


PENNSYLVANIA  HALL. 

“ A number  of  individuals  of  all  sects,  and  those  of  no  sect, — of 
all  parties,  and  those  of  no  party — being  desirous  that  the  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  should  possess  a room,  wherein  the  principles  of  Liber, 
ty , and  Equality  of  Civil  Rights  could  be  freely  discussed,  and  the 
evils  of  slavery  fearlessly  portrayed,  have  erected  this  building,  which 
we  are  now  about  to  dedicate  to  Liberty  and  the  Rights  <*f  Man. 
The  total  cost  of  the  building  will  be  about  40,000  dollars.  This  has 
been  divided  into  two  thousand  shares  of  twenty  dollars  each.  A 
majority  of  the  stock-holders  are  mechanics,  or  working  men,  and 
(as  is  the  case  in  almost  every  other  good  work,)  a number  are  fe- 
males. The  building  is  not  to  be  used  for  anti-slavery  purposes  alone. 
It  will  be  rented  from  time  to  time,  in  such  portions  as  shall  best  suit 
applicants,  for  any  purpose  not  of  an  immoral  character.  It  is  called 
“ Pennsylvania  Hall,”  in  reference  to  the  principles  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  our  motto,  like  that  of  the  commonwealth,  is 

“Virtue,  Liberty,  and  Independence.” 

This  edifice  was  erected  on  the  south-west  corner  of  Sixth  and 
Cherry-streets,  and  was  opened  on  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  May, 
1838,  to  a vast  concourse  of  the  friends  of  freedom  from  the  city 
and  country;  through  that  and  the  three  succeeding  days,  there  were 
a variety  of  addresses  and  free  discussions  on  Lyceums,  Temperance, 
wrongs  of  the  Aborigines,  appeals  of  Women,  and  other  efforts  for 
the  cause  of  Universal  Liberty.  On  the  evening  of  the  17th,  it  was 
assailed  and  burnt  by  a cowardly  gang  of  ruffians.  The  fire  compa- 
nies with  their  engines  had  come  early  upon  the  ground,  but  not  a 
drop  of  w-ater  was  tin-own  upon  the  Hall,  till  its  destruction  was  en- 
sured beyond  possibility  of  prevention.  Till  then,  the  firemen  con- 
fined their  efforts  to  preserving  the  surrounding  buildings,  and  such 
of  their  number  as  were  disposed  to  play  upon  the  object  of  attack, 
were  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  mob. 

The  blow  has  been  aimed  at  the  universal  rights  of  man  ! The 
sacrifice  of  a beautiful  temple  dedicated  to  liberty,  and  bearing  the 
motto  of  our  state, Virtue,  Liberty  and  Independence,”  has 
been  made  to  Southern  Slavery — to  a system  whose  advocates  un. 
blushingly  declare  that  the  laborer  should  every  where,  at  the  north 
as  well  as  the  south,  in  Pennsylvania  as  well  as  in  Carolina,  be  made 
the  property  of  the  employer  and  capitalist. 

The  1st  of  August,  1842,  in  Philadelphia. 

In  the  annals  of  violence  in  this  country,  we  have  no  recollection 
of  any  thing  more  cowardly  and  disgraceful.  Cowardly,  because 
the  objects  of  assault  were  weak  and  defenceless  ; and  disgraceful, 
because,  if  they  had  been  more  formidable,  and  greatly  the  aggres- 
sors, such  a mode  of  punishment  could  bring  with  it  no  honor  or  ap- 
plause. It  is  too  obvious,  that  in  a country  even  as  enlightened  as  this, 
the  moral  force  of  the  public  opinion  is  not  strong  enough  to  arrest 
this  evil.  We  suspect  that  the  evil  will  scarcely  find  a corrective,  until 
it  shall  come  to  be  understood  as  the  settled  law  and  practice,  that  the 
loss  be  paid  by  the  city  or  place  of  the  outrage. — Albany  Argus. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOY. 

I know  that  I have  the  right  freely  to  speak  and  publish  my  senti 
ments,  subject  only  to  the  laws  of  the  land  for  the  abuse  of  that  right. 
This  right  was  given  me  by  my  Maker,  and  is  solemnly  guaranteed 
to  me  by  the  constitution  of  these  United  States,  and  of  this  state. 
What  I wish  to  know  of  you  is,  whether  you  will  protect  me  in  the 
exercise  of  this  right,  or  whether,  as  heretofore,  I am  to  be  subjected 
to  personal  indignity  and  outrage. 

I have  a family  who  are  dependent  on  me,  and  this  has  been  given 
as  a reason  why  I should  be  driven  off  as  gently  as  possible.  It  is 
true,  I am  a husband  and  a father  ; and  this  it  is  that  adds  the  bit. 
terest  ingredient  to  the  cup  of  sorrow  I am  called  to  drink.  I am 
made  to  feel  the  wisdom  of  the  Apostle’s  advice,  “It  is  better  not  to 
marry.”  I know,  that  in  this  contest  I stake  not  my  life  only,  but 
that  of  others  also.  I do  not  expect  my  wife  will  ever  recover  from 
the  shock  received  at  the  awful  scenes  through  which  she  was  called 
to  pass  at  St.  Charles.  I am  hunted  as  a partridge  on  the  mountains. 
I am  pursued  as  a felon  through  your  streets ; to  the  guardian  power 
of  the  law  I look  in  vain  for  that  protection  against  violence,  which 
even  the  vilest  criminal  may  enjoy.  Yet  think  not  that  I am  un- 
happy. Think  not  that  I regret  the  choice  that  I have  made.  I 
have  counted  the  cost,  and  stand  prepared  freely  to  offer  up  my  ail 
in  the  service  of  God.  Yes,  I am  fully  aware  of  all  the  sacrifice 
I make,  in  here  pledging  myself  to  continue  this  contest  to  the  last. 
(Forgive  these  tears,  I had  not  intended  to  shed  them,  and  they 
flow,  not  for  myself,  but  for  others.)  But  I am  commanded  to  for. 
sake  father  and  mother,  and  wife  and  children,  for  Jesus’s  sake, 
and  as  his  professed  disciple,  I stand  pledged  to  do  it.  The  time 
for  fulfilling  this  pledge  in  my  case,  it  seems  to  me,  has  come.  I 
dare  not  flee  away  from  Alton  ; should  I attempt  it,  I should  feel 
that  the  angel  of  the  Lord  with  his  flaming  sword  was  pursuing  me 
wherever  I went.  It  is  because  I fear  God,  that  I am  not  afraid 
of  all  who  oppose  me  in  this  city.  No,  the  contest  has  commenc- 
ed here,  and  here  it  must  befinished.  Before  God  and  you  all,  I here 
pledge  myself  to  continue  it,  if  need  be,  till  death  ; and  if  I fall,  my 
grave  shall  be  made  in  Alton. — His  last  speech  before  Martyrdom 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


SOLOMON  SOUTHWICK. 

One  of  the  grandest  exhibitions  of  moral  sublimity,  to  be  found  in 
history,  either  sacred  or  profane,  was  that  of  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy,  ad- 
dressing the  stern  and  hostile  multitude  at  Alton,  who  had  assem- 
bled a few  days  before  his  glorious  martyrdom,  to  pass  a resolution 
for  banishing  him  from  that  city,  without  the  spirit  or  the  forms  of 
law,  justice  or  equity.  Without  indictment,  trial  or  conviction,  by 
any  legal  or  authorized  tribunal,  he  was  to  be  sent  into  exile. 

It  was  on  the  seventh  night  of  November,  1837,  that  Mr.  Love- 
joy  was  murdered  at  Alton,  (Illinois,)  whilst  defending  the  liberty  of 
the  press,  the  right  to  the  peaceable  possession  of  his  own  property, 
and  the  sacred  cause  of  suffering  humanity,  against  an  infuriated 
mob. 

Previously  from  three  to  four  or  five  thousand  men  of  Alton,  and 
the  vicinity,  including  the  virtuous  and  orderly — if  any  such  there 
were — with  the  vicious,  disorderly  and  lawless — had  assembled  for 
the  unhallowed  purpose  of  sacrificing  an  honest  man,  a good  citizen, 
a true  patroit  and  republican,  and  a faithful  servant  of  God.  Such 
was  the  man,  who  with  the  same  unshaken  faith,  and  unsubdued  re- 
solution, with  which  Abraham  was  ready  to  sacrifice  his  beloved  son 
at  the  command  of  his  Heavenly  Father  ; did  nobly  and  glorious  sa- 
crifice, not  the  life  of  his  son,  but  his  own  heart’s  blood,  his  own  vital 
spirit,  in  defending  from  violation  the  sacred  freedom — (not  the  un. 
hallowed  licentiousness) — of  the  press  ; in  defending,  not  merely  his 
own  rights  and  his  own  property,  but  the  rights  and  property  of  every 
citizen  in  this  union,  and  of  every  man  throughout  the  world.  Well 
may  we  exclaim,  that  a greater  than  Alfred,  Aristides,  or  Cicero ; 
yea,  a greater  than  Abraham  was  here  ! 

He  will  live  in  the  memory  of  the  enlightened,  liberal,  just  and 
righteous,  of  all  ages  to  come ; and  so  long  as  the  chords  of  the  hu- 
man heart  shall  vibrate  to  the  voice  of  Liberty,  her  pilgrims  shall 
be  seen  bending  over  his  tomb  and  bedewing  it  with  then-  tears. 


15 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


WESLEY  BAILEY. 

If  the  South  would  abolish  slavery,  she  would  be  entitled  to  about  16 
more  members  in  Congress.  Every  slave  would  be  reckoned  a “ free 
person,”  and  count  one  in  the  basis  of  representation  ; whereas  now 
lie  counts  but  “three  fifths”  of  a “person.”  She  would  upon  the 
same  principle  be  entitled  to  an  additional  number  of  electoral  votes 

in  the  choice  of  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States 

likewise  exemption  from  taxation  on  slave  property,  and  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands,  would  re- 
ceive  the  additional  sum  of  the  allowance  for  16  members  of  Con- 
gress. In  a -political  point  of  view,  she  would  therefore  be  the 
gainer ; and  in  a moral  point  of  view,  she  would  gain  the  favor  of 
the  Most  High,  and  cease  to  be  the  scorn  and  derision  of  the  civi- 
lized world.  How  gladly  would  the  North  see  the  South  augment 
her  civil  and  moral  power  by  ceasing  to  make  merchandize  of  the 
image  of  God.  Oh  how  easy  the  South  might  make  herself  great, 
would  she  but  execute  judgment  and  justice  to  the  oppressed.  May 
God  in  his  mercy  dispose  her  heart  so  to  do — Liberty  Press. 

JOHN  A.'  COLLINS. 

While  your  State  is  made  a hunting  ground  for  the  southern  kid. 
napper  ; while  the  physical  force  of  the  entire  State  is  pledged  to 
put  down  an  insurrection  among  the  slaves,  should  l hey  seek  to  imi- 
tate our  revolutionary  sires,  and  endeavour  to  secure  their  “ inaliena-  j 
ble”  rights  by  resisting  their  masters  ; while  your  representatives  in  I 
Congress  are  forced  to  recognize  and-treat  the  one  hundred  southern 
delegates  in  your  national  legislature,  who  live  by  the  worst  form  of 
plunder,  as  good  republicans  ; while  your  religion  disregards  the 
claims  of  the  captive,  and  bolts  its  doors  against  his  advocates; 
while  your  colored  inhabitants  are  denied  the  rights  of  citi- 
lizenship;  while  two  and  a half  millions  of  j'our  fellow-coun- 
trymen are,  by  general  consent,  held  in  the  most  absolute  and 
degrading  bondage,  by  which  they  are  daily  plundered  in  the 
fruits  of  their  toil,  and  robbed  of  the  ownership  of  their  own  per-  ' 
sons  ; denied  the  right  of  marriage  and  of  the  education  of  their  chil- 
dren ; shut  out  from  the  light  of  science,  the  knowledge  of  the  Bible, 
and  from  the  hopes  and  consolations  of  the  gospel — while  these,  and 
many  other  things  equally  subversive  of  all  the  rights  of  man,  are 
continually  done,  will  you  be  indifferent  or  inactive  to  the  claims 
of  the  bleeding  captive  ? Shall  we  relax  our  efforts  in  consequence 
of  the  indifference  of  the  mass,  or  of  the  opposition  of  our  opponents  ? 

Shall  outraged  nature  cease  to  feel  ? 

Shall  Mercy’s  tears  no  longer  flow  1 
Shall  ruffian  threats  of  cord  and  steel — 

The  dungeon’s  gloom — th’  assassin’s  brow. 

Turn  back  the  spirit  roused  to  save 

The  truth — our  country — and  the  slave  ? 

Let  there  be  a gathering  from  the  east,  west,  north  and  south. 


JOHN  A.  COLLINS. 


The  responsibilities  of  our  cause  should  be  taken  from  the  few,  and 
assumed  by  the  many.  The  whole  country  should  be  completely 
and  efficiently  organized.  The  floating  sympathy  for  the  slave,  ab- 
sorbed by  the  sects  and  parties,  would  be  brought  to  bear  efficiently 
against  the  Moloch  of  slavery,  if  the  friends  in  every  parish,  town, 
county  and  State,  should  associate  together. — Facts  demonstrate, 
beyond  a cavil,  that  in  those  places  where  the  associations  have  been 
allowed  to  pass  away  as  useless,  the  interest  in  the  cause  has  propor- 
tionately diminished ; and  it  also  holds  true,  that  where  the  organi- 
zation have  been  regarded  as  a successful  auxiliary  to  our  cause — 
an  invaluable  means  to  the  accomplishment  of  a glorious  end,  the 
spirit,  zeal  and  efficiency  of  the  abolitionists  have  been  increased. 

Our  relations  to  both  Church  and  State,  which  are  and  have  ever 
been  arrayed  against  our  movements,  are  such  at  the  present  time 
as  to  demand  of  all  true  hearts  that  sacrifice  and  self-denial  neces- 
sary to  convince  all  those  opposed  to  this  enterprise,  that  we  regard 
the  inalienable  rights  of  our  colored  brothers  and  sisters,  weighed 
down  with  chains  at  the  South  and  at  the  North,  with  an  inhuman 
and  proscriptive  prejudice,  more  than  the  interest  of  sect  or  party. 
Let  the  old  and  young — the  rich  and  the  poor — the  farmer  and  the 
day  laborer — the  mechanic  and  the  manufacturer — the  merchant 
and  tlie  capitalist — the  teacher  and  the  physician  feel  this  to  he  a 
cause  which  involves  great  interests  to  their  country  and  themselves. 
In  a word,  let  them  consider  that  it  is,  emphatically,  their  cause. 

LINNEUS  P.  NOBLE. 

We  have  labored  to  infuse  humanity  and  freedom  into  the  parties 
with  which  we  have  acted  ; but  we  have  labored  in  vain.  We  have 
hoped  against  hope  ; we  have  borne  and  forborne,  till  hope  has  fled, 
and  forbearance  ceased  to  be  a virtue.  We  abandon  the  “ Demo- 
cratic” party,  because,  false  to  its  faith,  it  has  become  the  ally  of 
the  most  odious  monopoly  that  afflicts  the  brotherhood  of  man.  We 
renounce  the  “ Whig”  party,  because,  on  its  elevation  to  power,  it 
has  basely  bowed  the  knee  to  the  dark  spirit  of  slavery.  Need  we 
waste  time  to  prove  that  the  late  administration  was  chained  to  the 
car  of  the  slave  power  ? Shall  we  insult  your  understandings  by 
accumulating  evidence  that  the  present  administration  is  struggling 
to  win  even  greener  laurels  in  the  race  of  servility  and  infamy  ? — 
That  the  party  defeated  in  1840  is  striving  to  regain  power  by  pros- 
trating itself  still  lower  at  the  footstool  of  the  Slaveocracy,  is  the 
boast  of  its  leaders;  while  those  in  authority  attempt  no  conceal- 
ment of  their  intention  to  regain  their  position  by  the  same  debasing 
means.  Divided  in  every  thing  but  this,  let  them  unitedly  glory  in 
their  shame.  Repudiating  their  sham  democracy  and  whigism,  we 
elevate  the  standard  of  Liberty,  and  invite  all  that  is  pure  and  patri- 
otic in  the  land  to  gather  around  it. 

Congress  must  consecrate  the  Federal  District  to  Freedom,  and 
destroy  those  slave  prisons  which  overshadow  the  home  of  our  na- 
tional sovreignity.  It  must  sever  the  jugular  vein  of  the  slave-sys- 
tem by  inhibiting  the  inner  state  commerce  in  men.  It  must  repeal 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


the  unconstitutional  act  of  1793,  which  would  fain  authorize  the 
man-mastiff  to  cross  our  free  fields^  when  howling’  on  the  track  of 
human  game.  It  must  abolish  slavery  in  Florida  and  welcome  it 
and  the  territories  of  the  north-west  to  the  Union,  while  it  refuses 
admission  to  any  State  whose  Constitulion  tolerates  property  in 
man.  It  must  indignantly  reject  the  proffered  alliance  with  Texas. 

It  must  cherish  free  labor  and  provide  a market  for  its  products.  It 
must  enforce  the  doctrine  that  slavery  is  the  creature  of  State  law, 
and  cannot  be  extended  beyond  its  local  boundaries.  It  must  with, 
draw  the  support  of  national  legislation  and  diplomacy  from  sla. 
very  ; and,  so  far  as  possible,  release  the  people  of  the  free  Slates 
from  all  obligation  to  sustain  the  tottering  system. — Address  of  the 
New-York  State  Liberty  Convention , Jan.  1842. 

JOSEPH  C.  HATHAWAY. 

The  exertions  of  the  Society  had  extended  over  ten  northern 
States,  and  had  made  great  progress  in  the  West.  The  publications 
of  the  society  were  never  so  widely  circulated  as  at  present.  The 
eight  or  ten  lecturing  agents  have  been  constantly  employed,  and 
as  many  as  ten  thousand  meetings  have  been  held,  attended  by  at 
least  two  hundred  thousand  persons.  The  Report  felicitates  the 
Society  upon  the  influence  of  the  Society  upon  the  State  of  New- 
York,  as  proved  by  the  recent  course  of  the  Legislature  with  regard 
to  the  slave-fugitive  question ; and  congratulates  the  friends  of  a’oo.  ' 
litionism,  that  the  Empire  State  is  not  yet  at  the  feet  of  Virginia. 

It  considered  that  both  political  parties  in  this  country  were  pledged 
to  the  support  of  slavery,  and  took  the  ground,  strongly,  that  anti- 
slavery  men  must  not  strengthen  either  of  these  parties  by  their  co- 
operation.— Annual  Report  of  the  American  A.  S.  Society,  read 
May  9,  1843. 


FREDERICK  DOUGLAS 

It  has  been  imagined  that  the  slaves  of  the  South  are  not  aware  I 
of  the  movements  made  on  their  behalf,  and  in  behalf  of’luunan 
freedom,  every  where  throughout  the  northern  and  western  States. 
This  is  hot  true.  They  do  know  it.  They  know  it  from  the  mo- 
ment that  the  spark  was  first  kindled  in  the  land.  They  knew  it 
as  soon  as  you  knew  it,  sir,  in  your  own  New  England.  Did  not 
petitions  by  thousands,  immediately  go  forth  for  the  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  the  territories,  and  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  internal  slave  trade  ? Heard  we  not  that  ? And 
in  the  curses  of  our  masters  against  the  abolitionists,  did  we  not 
feel  instinctively  that  these  same  abolitionists  were  our  friends  ? 
And  in  every  form  of  opposition  in  the  great  cause,  did  we  not  hear 
it?  Prior  to  this  movement,  sir,  the  slave  in  chains  had  no  hope 
for  deliverencc — no  hope  of  any  peace  or  happiness  within  the  vale 
of  tears.  Darkness  and  despair  rested  gloomily  upon  his  prospect, 
and  not  a ray  of  light  was  thrown  across.  But  when  he  heard  of  this 
movement,  hope  sprang  up  in  my  mind,  and  in  the  minds  of  many. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


STEPHEN  S.  FOSTER. 

It  is  a well  established  fact,  that  the  slave  system  derives  essential 
support  from  the  nominally  free  Slates.  Let  the  fostering  care  of 
the  north  be  withdrawn,  and  it  could  not  survive  a single  year. 
This  the  South  herself  is  forced  to  admit.  ‘‘  The  dissolution  of  the 
Union,”  said  Mr.  Underwood,  of  Kentucky,  in  a recent  debate  in 
Congress,  “ was  the  dissolution  of  slavery,  and  any  sensible  man 
could  see  it.”  Said  Mr.  Arnold  of  Tennessee,  in  the  same  debate, 
“ Suppose  the  dissolution  to  be  peaceably  affected,  what  had  the 
South  to  depend  upon  7 All  the  crowned  heads  were  against  her. 
A million  of  slaves  were  ready  to  rise,  and  strike  for  freedom,  at  the 
first  tap  of  the  drum.  They  were  cut  loose  from  their  friends  at  the 
North,  (friends  that  ought  to  be,  and  without  them  the  South  had 
no  friends.)  whither  were  they  to  look  for  protection  7”  It  is  equally 
certain,  that  the  main  channels  through  which  northern  influence 
flows  to  the  South  for  this  evil  purpose,  are  the  great  national  par- 
ties. political  and  ecclesiastical.  Slavery  is  protected  by  northern 
bayonets,  through  the  agency  of  the  federal  government ; and  is  sanc- 
tified, in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  by  admission  into  northern  pulpits- 
To  break  up  these  channels,  then,  and  give  the  influence  of  the 
North  a new  and  opposite  direction,  should  be  the  chief  aim  of  the 
abolitionists.  If  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  be  the  dissolution  of 
slavery,  it  is  their  duty  to  dissolve  the  Union — to  cut  theconnecting 
links,  political  and  ecclesiastical,  between  the  North  and  South,  and 
leave  the  South  to  do  justice  to  those  whom  she  has  deeply  injured, 
or  reap  alone  the  bitter  fruit  of  her  oppression,  in  the  blood  and  car- 
nage of  a second  revolution.  But  this  can  never  be  done  at  a sin- 
gle stroke.  The  work  of  dissolution  must  begin  with  individuals; 
or  rather,  it  has  already  begun  with  individuals,  and  must  be  fol- 
lowed up  by  associations.  The  most  daring  among  us  must  advance 
and  plant  the  standard  in  its  true  position,  and  cal!  upon  their  asso- 
ciates to  rally  around  it.  In  this  way,  and  in  this  way  only,  can 
the  work  be  speedily  accomplished. 

There  is  now  among  the  laboring  classes  a deep  and  increasing 
sense  of  the  injustice  and  impolicy  of  slavery,  which  is  destined  soon 
to  burst  forth,  like  the  uncapping  of  a volcano.  Already  are  they 
weary  of  its  burdens — they  are  outraged,  almost  beyond  endurance, 
by  its  insolence — they  are  sick  of  the  heartless  promises  of  whig  and 
democratic  politicians — they  are  disgusted  with  the  solemncaut  and 
hypocritical  professions  of  pro-slavery  priests  ; and  it  now  remains 
for  the  abolitionists,  by  a united  and  juudicious  movement,  based  on 
the  principles  of  perfect  equality,  to  secure  their  confidence,  and 
through  their  co-operation  to  abolish  at  once,  throughout  our  whole 
land,  the  foul  system  of  oppression  and  wrong,  which  has  so  long 
tarnished  its  honor,  and  blighted  its  prosperity.  Slavery  has  done 
the  laboring  classes  in  this  country  far  greater  harm  than  intemper- 
auce,  and  they  are  beginning  to  realize  it ; and  thousands  of  them 
are  now  ready  to  sign  a pledge  of  total  abstinence  from  all  that  sus- 
tains it. 


15* 


“Hail  Columbia  ! Happy  Land  ! ! J” 


AUTHENTIC  ACCOUNTS  OF  UNITED  STATES’ 
SLAVERY. 

“ A good  tree  cannot  bring  forth  evil  fruit,  neither  can  a corrupt  tree  bring 
~orth  good  fruit.  Wherefore  by  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them.” 


JAMES  H.  DICKEY. 

In  the  summer  of  1822,  as  I returned  with  my  family  from  a visit  to 
the  Barrens  of  Kentucky,  I witnessed  a scene  such  as  I never  witness- 
ed before,  and  such  as  I hope  never  to  witness  again.  Having  passed 
through  Paris,  in  Bourbon  county,  Ky.,  the  sound  of  music  (beyond  a 
little  rising  ground)  attracted  my  attention  ; I looked  forward  and  saw 
the  flag  of  my  country  waving.  Supposing  that  I was  about  to  meet  a 
military  parade,  I drove  hastily  to  the  side  of  the  road  ; and  having 
gained  the  top  of  the  ascent,  I discovered  (I  suppose)  about  forty  black 
men  all  chained  together  after  the  following  manner ; each  of  them 
was  handcuffed,  and  they  were  arranged  in  rank  and  file.  A chain, 
perhaps  forty  feet  long,  the  size  of  a fifth-horse-chain,  was  stretched 
between  the  two  ranks,  to  which  short  chains  were  joined,  which  con- 
nected with  the  handcuffs.  Behind  them  were,  I suppose,  about  thirty 
women  in  double  rank,  the  couples  tied  hand  to  hand.  A solemn  sad- 
ness sat  on  every  countenance,  and  the  dismal  silence  of  this  march  of 


GEORGE  WHITFIELD. 


despair  was  interrupted  only  by  the  sound  of  two  violins  ; yes,  as  if  to 
add  insult  to  injury,  the  foremost  couple  were  furnished  with  a violin 
apiece  ; the  second  couple  were  ornamented  with  cockades,  while  near 
the  centre  waved  the  republican  flag  carried  by  a hand  literally  in 
chains.  I perhaps  have  mistaken  some  punctilios  of  the  arrangement, 
for  “my  soul  was  sick,”  my  feelings  were  mingled  and  pungent.  As 
a man,  I sympathized  with  suffering  humanity  ; as  a Christian,  I 
mourned  over  the  transgressions  of  God’s  holy  law  ; and  as  a republi- 
can, I felt  indignant  to  see  the  flag  of  my  beloved  country  thus  insult- 
ed. I couid  not  forbear  exclaiming  to  the  lordly  driver  who  rode  at  his 
ease  along  side:  “Heaven  will  curse  that  man  who  engages  in  such 
traffic,  and  the  government  that  protects  him  in  it.”  1 pursued  my 
journey  til!  evening,  and  put  up  for  the  night.  When  1 mentioned 
the  scene  I had  witnessed,  “Alt!”  cried  my  landlady,  “ That  is  my 
brother.”  From  her  I learned  that  his  name  is  Stone,  of  Bourbon 
county,  Kentucky,  in  partnership  with  one  Kinningham  of  Paris  ; and 
that  a few  days  before  he  had  purchased  a negro  woman  from  a man 
in  Nicholas  county  ; she  refused  to  go  with  him ; he  attempted  to 
compel  her,  but  she.  defended  herself.  Without  further  ceremony,  he 
stepped  back,  and^bv  a blow  on  the  side  of  her  head  with  the  butt  of 
his  whip  brought  her  to  the  ground  ; he  tied  her,  and  drove  her  off 

GEORGE  WHITFIELD. 

As  I lately  passed  through  your  provinces  in  my  way  hither,  I was 
sensibly  touched  with  a fellow-feeling  for  the  miseries  of  the  poor 
negroes.  Whether  it  be  lawful  for  Christians  to  buy  slaves,  and 
thereby  encourage  the  nations  from  whom  they  are  bought  to  be  at 
perpetual  war  with  each  other,  I shall  not  take  upon  me  to  determine. 
Sure  I am  it  is  sinful,  when  they  have  bought  them,  to  use  them  as 
bad  as  though  they  were  brutes,  nay  worse ; and  whatever  particular 
exceptions  there  may  be  (as  I would  charitably  hope  there  are  some) 
I fear  the  generality  of  you,  who  own  negroes,  are  liable  to  such  a 
charge;  for  your  slaves,  I believe,  work  as  hard,  if  not  harder  than  the 
horses  whereon  you  ride.  These,  after  they  have  done  their  work,  are 
fed  and  taken  proper  care  of ; but  many  negroes  when  wearied  with 
labor  on  your  plantations,  have  been  obliged  to  grind  their  corn  after 
their  return  home;  Your  dogs  are  caressed  and  fondled  at  your  table ; 
but  your  slaves,  who  are  frequently  styled  dogs  or  beasts,  have  not  an 
equal  privilege.  They  are  scarce  permitted  to  pick  up  the  crumbs 
which  fall  from  their  master’s  table.  Not  to  mention  what  numbers 
have  been  given  up  to  the  inhuman  usage  of  cruel  taskmasters,  who, 
by  their  unrelenting  scourges  have  ploughed  their  backs,  and  made 
long  furrows,  and  at  length  brought  them  even  unto  death.  When 
passing  along  I have  viewed  your  plantations  cleared  and  cultivated, 
many  spacious  houses  built,  and  the  owners  of  them  faring  sumptu- 
ously every  day,  my  blood  has  frequently  almost  run  cold  within  me, 
to  consider  how  many  of  your  slaves  had  neither  convenient  food  to 
eat  nor  proper  raiment  to  put  on,  notwithstanding  most  of  the  comforts 
you  enjoy  were  solely  owing  to  their  indefatigable  labors. — Letter  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina,  1739. 


JOHN  RANKIN. 


JOHN  RANKIN. 

In  connexion  with  their  extreme  suffering  occasioned  by  want  o 
clothing,  I shall  notice  those  which  arise  from  want  of  food.  As  th 
making  of  grain  is  the  main  object  of  their  mancipation,  masters  wil 
sacrifice  as  little  as  possible  in  giving  them  food.  It  often  happen, 
that  what  will  barely  keep  them  alive,  is  all  that  a cruel  avarice  wil 
allow  them.  Hence,  in  some  instances,  their  allowance  has  beer 
reduced  to  a single  pint  of  corn  each,  during  the  day  and  night.  Anc 
in  some  places  the  best  allowance  is  a peck  of  corn  each  during  the 
week,  while  perhaps  they  are  not  permitted  to  taste  meat  so  much  a; 
once  in  the  course  of  seven  years,  except  what  little  they  may  be  abk 
to  steal ! Thousands  of  them  are  pressed  with  the  gnawings  of  cruel 
hunger  during  their  whole  lives — an  insatiable  avarice  will  not  grani 
them  a single  comfortable  meal  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  nature  1 
Such  cruelty  far  exceeds  the  powers  of  description ! 

The  slaveholder  has  it  in  his  power  to  violate  the  chastity  of  his 
slaves.  And  not  a few  are  beastly  enough  to  exercise  such  power. 
Hence  it  happens,  that  in  some  families  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  the 
free  children  from  the  slaves.  It  is  sometimes  the  case,  that  the  largest 
part  of  the  master’s  own  children  are  born,  not  of  his  wife,  but  of  the 
wives  and  daughters  of  his  slaves,  whom  he  has  basely  prostituted  as 
well  as  enslaved.  His  poor  slaves  are  his  property,  and,  therefore, 
must  yield  to  his  lusts  as  well  as  to  his  avarice!  He  may  perpetrate 
upon  them  the  most  horrid  crimes,  and  they  have  no  redress!  The 
wretched  slave  must,  without  a murmuring  word,  give  up  his  wife,  or 
daughter,  for  prostitution,  should  his  master  be  vile  enough  to  demand 
her  of  him!  It  must  be  a horrid  crime  for  any  state  to  give  one  man 
such  power  over  another,  and  such  crime  has  every  slaveholding  state 
committed.  I am  far  from  wishing  to  intimate  that  this  power  is 
generally  so  grossly  exercised  as  it  might  be.  Some  slaveholders  are, 
doubtless,  as  chaste  as  any  other  people,  and  conscientiously  endeavor 
to  preserve  the  chastity  of  their  slaves;  but  I wish  to  show  the  extent 
of  the  power  with  which  they  are  vested,  and  the  shocking  manner  in 
which  it  is  sometimes  exercised. 

In  this  place  I will  further  remark,  that  slavery  not  merely  puts  the 
chastity  of  the  slave  in  the  power  of  the  master,  but  also  exposes  it  to 
attacks  from  every  lecherous  class  of  men.  Slaves  cannot  bear  testi- 
mony against  people  that  are  white  and  free — hence  a wide  door  is 
opened  for  the  practice,  both  of  violence  and  seduction,  without  detec- 
tion ; and  the  consequences  of  this  are  exceedingly  manifest  in  every 
slaveholding  country — every  town  and  its  vicinity  soon  become  crowded 
with  mulattoes.  In  this  respect  slavery  is  the  very  sink  of  filthiness, 
and  the  source  of  every  hateful  abomination.  It  seems  to  me  astonish- 
ing that  any  government,  much  more  that,  of  the  United  States,  should 
sanction  such  a source  of  monstrous  crime  as  slavery  evidently  is! 

A wealthy  citizen  of  Georgia  purchased,  on  shipboard,  six  African 
girls,  ■who  probably  were  directly  from  Africa,  and  having  brought  them 
home,  he  put  them  into  the  hands  of  his  overseer,  and  ordered  him  to 
assign  tnem  a certain  portion  of  labor  during  each  day  of  the  week, 


JOHN  RANKIN. 


and  in  case  they  should  fail  (o  perform  it,  he  was  commanded  to  give 
them  a considerable  number  of  lashes  each,  and  add  the  remainder  of 
the  task  to  the  next  day’s  labor,  and  in  case  they  should  fail  to  perform 
the  whole,  he  was  ordered  to  add  to  the  number  of  lashes  in  proportion 
to  the  failure,  and  still  to  add  the  deficiency  to  the  next  day’s  labor, 
and  thus  lie  was  daily  to  increase  both  the  labor  and  stripes  in  case  of 
failure.  The  overseer,  hard-hearted  as  he  was,  expostulated  with  him, 
and  assured  him  that  the  labor  was  more  than  the  girls  were  able  to 
perform,  but  he  swore  with  a tremendous  oath  that  they  should  do  it 
or  die.  The  poor  creatures  commenced  the  dreadful  task,  but  being 
unaccustomed  to  such  labor,  their  hands  were  soon  worn  to  the  quick  ; 
this  they  endured  with  patience,  and  did  all  they  could  to  perform  what 
was  assigned  them,  but  they  were  totally  unable  to  accomplish  it ; they 
failed  on  the  first  day,  and  received  the  ciruel  lashes.  The  next  morning, 
with  sore  backs  and  bleeding  hands  they  attempted  the  enlarged  task 
— their  hoehandles  were  soon  made  red  with  their  innocent  blood — 
they  labored  with  great  assiduity,  but  they  could  not  perform  the  un- 
reasonable task,  and  consequently  received  the  enlarged  number  of 
lashes.  On  the  third  morning  they  commenced  again,  but  the  task 
was  so  much  enlarged  that  all  hope  of  performing  it  was  entirely 
precluded,  and  the  enormously  increased  number  of  lashes  became 
certain— the  unhappy  creatures  despaired  of  life,  and  concluded  that 
they  must  inevitably  die  under  the  torturing  lash,  unless  they  could 
despatch  themselves  in  some  other  method.  This  appeared  to  be  the 
only  means  of  escaping  the  most  terrible  cruelty.  Hence  they  formed 
and  executed  the  dreadful  design  of  hanging  themselves.  The  horn 
blew  for  dinner,  all  started  to  their  huts,  but  these  unfortunate  girls 
lingered  behind,  and  unobserved  by  the  rest  of  the  company  turned 
aside  into  a thicket,  and  there  all  six  hanged  themselves ! They  were 
soon  missed,  and  search  was  quickly'  made  for  them — they  were  im- 
mediately' found,  and  the  cruel  master  enraged  by  the  disappointment 
and  loss,  made  every  possible  exertion  to  bring  them  back  to  life,  that 
they'  might  again  fall  under  the  weight  of  his  vengeance  ! but  all  his 
attempts  were  in  vain — their  souls  were  gone  into  an  awful  eternity, 
and  had  their  eternal  destiny  unalterably  fixed  ! And  being  exceed- 
ingly exasperated  on  finding  that  they  had  escaped  from  his  hand,  he 
ordered  a hole  to  be  dug  for  them,  and  caused  them  to  be  tumbled  into 
it  like  mere  animal  carcasses,  while  he  vented  the  most  awful  impre- 
cations upon  them  ! And  the  overseer  was  ordered  to  exact  from  the 
rest  of  his  slaves  what  labor  he  intended  them  to  perform. 

A certain  citizen  of  Kentucky  purchased  a piece  of  furniture,  and 
after  he  brought  it  homp,  his  wife  unfortunately  broke  some  small  part 
of  it,  and  thaf  in  the  presence  of  a neighboring  gentleman  ; she  never- 
theless charged  it  upon  a black  girl  of  about  seventeen  years  of  age. 
The  girl  honestly  declared  her  innocence,  but  the  mistress  persisted  in 
her  charge  against  her.  At  length  the  brutish  master  seized  the  poor 
unfortunate  girl,  drew  her  clothes  up  over  her  head,  hanged  her  by 
them  to  the  limb  of  a tree,  and  in  that  shameful  position  whipt  her 
several  times  very  severely.  By  the  extremity'  of  torture  she  was 
sometimes  forced  to  say  that  she  did  break  the  furniture,  but  in  the 


DISCUSSION  IN  LANE  SEMINARY. 


moment  of  respite,  she  would  honestly  deny  it  again — and  this  subjected 
her  to  more  torture.  Fortunately  for  the  poor  girl  the  gentleman  whc 
was  present  when  the  mistress  broke  the  furniture,  happened  to  be 
passing  by — he  paused  in  amazement  at  the  shocking  scene — he  soon  1 
discovered  the  cause  of  the  cruelty — indignation  overcame  him — he 
approached  the  brutish  master  and  told  h.m  that  his  own  wife  had 
broken  the  furniture  in  his  presence,  and  declared  that  if  he  did  not 
cease  from  torturing  the  poor  girl  he  would  give  him  as  much  as  he 
had  given  her — with  this  the.shameless  monster  thought  it  necessary  to 
comply,  and  for  that  time  the  poor  girl  was  released  from  his  torturing 
hand.  The  gentleman  who  rescued  the  girl  and  stated  this  fact,  is 
now  a resident  of  the  state  of  Ohio,  and  is  known  to  be  a man  of  truth. 

“In  the  county  of  Livingston,  Ky.,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Cumber- 
land, lived  Lilburn  Lewis,  a sister’s  son  of  the  venerable  Jefferson. 
He,  who  ‘ suckled  at  fair  Freedom’s  breast,’  was  the  wealthy  owner 
of  a considerable  number  of  slaves,  whom  he  drove  constantly,  fed 
sparingly,  and  lashed  severely.  The  consequence  was,  they  would 
run  away.  This  must  have  given  to  a man  of  spirit  and  a man  of 
business  great  anxieties  until  he  found  them,  or  until  they  had  starved 
out  and  returned.  Among  the  rest  was  an  ill  grown  boy  about  seventeen, 
who  having  just  returned  from  a skulking  spell,  was  sent  to  the  spring 
for  water,  and  in  returning  let  fall  an  elegant  pitcher.  It  was  dashed 
to  shivers  upon  the  rocks.  This  was  the  occasion.  It  was  night,  and 
the  slaves  all  at  home.  The  master  had  them  collected  into  the  most 
roomy  negro  house,  and  a rousing  fire  made.  When  the  door  was 
secured,  that  none  might  escape,  either  through  fear  of  him  or  sympathy 
with  George,  he  opened  the  design  of  the  interview,  namely,  that  they  I 
might  be  effectually  taught  to  stay  at,  home  and  obey  his  orders.  All 
things  being  now  in  train,  he  called  up  George,  who  approached  his 
master  with  the  most  unreserved  submission.  He  bound  him  with 
cords,  and  by  the  assistance  of  his  younger  brother,  laid  him  on  a broad 
bench,  or  meat  block.  He  now  proceeded  to  whang  off’  George  by 
the  ancles!!  It  was  with  the  broad  axe! — In  vain  did  the  unhappy 
victim  scream  and  roar!  He  was  completely  in  his  master’s  power,  i 
Not  a hand  amongst  so  many  durst  interfere.  Casting  the  feet  into 
the  fire,  ho  lectured  them  at  some  length.  Fie  whacked  him  off 
below  the  knees!  George  roaring  out,  and  praying  his  master  to 
begin  at  the  other  end  ! He  admonished  them  again,  throwing 
the  legs  into  the  fire!  Then  above  the  knees,  tossing  the  joints  into 
the  fire ! Fie  again  lectured  them  at  leisure.  The  next  stroke  severed 
the  thighs  from  the  body.  These  were  also  committed  to  the  flames,  i > 
And  so  off  the  arms,  head,  and  trunk,  until  all  was  in  the  fire  ! Still 
protracting  the  intervals  with  lectures,  and  threatenings  of  like  punish- 
ment in  case  of  disobedience,  and  running  away,  or  disclosure  of  this 
tragedy.  Nothing  now  remained  but  to  consume  the  flesh  and  bones ; 
and  for  this  purpose  the  fire  was  briskly  stirred,  until  two  hours  after 
midnight.  WILLIAM  DICKEY.” 


A member  of  Lane  Seminary,  from  Alabama,  speaking  of  the 
cruelties  practised  upon  the  slaves,  said — “At  our  house  it  is  so 


LETTER  TO  MR.  TAPPAN. 


common  to  hear  their  screams  from  a neighboring  plantation,  that  we 
think  nothing  of  it.  The  overseer  of  this  plantation  told  me  one  day, 
he  laid  a young  woman  over  a log,  and  beat  her  so  severely  that  she 
was  soon  after  delivered  of  a dead  child.  A bricklayer,  a neighbor  of 
ours,  owned  a very  smart  young  negro  man,  who  ran  away ; but  was 
caught.  When  his  master  got  him  home,  he  stripped  him  naked,  tied 
him- up  by  his  hands,  in  plain  sight  and  hearing  of  the  academy  and 
the  public  green,  so  high  that  his  feet  could  not  touch  the  ground ; then 
tied  them  together,  and  put  a long  board  between  his  legs  to  keep  him 
steadv.  After  preparing  Lu?n  in  this  way,  he  took  a paddle,  bored  it 
full  of  holes,  and  commenced  beating  him  with  it.  He  continued  it 
leisurely  all  day.  At  night  his  flesh  was  literally  pounded  to  a jelly. 
It  was  two  weeks  before  he  was  able  to  walk.  No  one  took  any 
notice  of  it.  No  one  thought  any  wrong  was  done.” 

“Mr. , of  Missouri,  amongst  others,  related  the  following: — 

“ A young  woman  who  was  generally  very  badly  treated,  after  receiving 
a more  severe  whipping  than  usual,  ran  away,  In  a few  days  she 
came  back,  and  was  sent  into  the  field  to  work.  At  this  time,  the 
garment  next  her  skin  was  stiff  like  a scab,  from  the  running  of  the 
sores  made  by  the  whipping.  Towards  night,  she  told  her  master 
that  she  was  sick,  and  wished  to  go  to  the  house.  She  went ; and  as 
soon  as  she  reached  it,  laid  down  on  the  floor  exhausted.  The  mistress 
asked  her  what  the  matter  was?  She  made  no  reply.  She  asked 
again;  but  received  no  answer.  ‘I’ll  see,’  said  she,  ‘if  I can’t  make 
you  speak.’  So  taking  the  tongs,  she  heated  them  red  hot,  and  put 
them  upon  the  bottoms  of  her  feet ; then  upon  her  legs  and  body ; and, 
finally,  in  a rage,  took  hold  of  her  throat.  This  had  the  desired  effect. 
The  poor  girl  faintly  whispered,  ‘Oh,  missee,  don’t — I am  most  gone;’ 
and  expired.” 

W e want  no  other  commentary  on  the  state  of  feeling  in  that  com- 
munity than  this.  The  woman  yet  lives  there,  and  owns  slaves. 

A.  Wattles. 

LETTER  TO  MR.  TAPPAN. 

But  let  me  turn  your  attention  to  another  species  of  cruelty.  About 
a year  since,  I knew  a certain  slave  who  had  deserted  his  master,  to  be 
caught  and  for  the  first  night  fastened  in  the  stocks.  In  those  same 
stocks  from  which  at  midnight  I have  heard  the  cries  of  distress,  while 
the  master  slept,  and  was  dreaming  perhaps  of  drinking  wine  and  of 
discussing  the  price  of  cotton.  On  the  next  morning  he  was  chained 
in  an  immoveable  posture,  and  branded  in  both  cheeks,  with  red  hot 
stamps  of  iron.  Such  are  the  tender  mercies  of  men  who  love  wealth, 
and  are  determined  to  obtain  it  at  any  price. 

There  was,  some  time  since,  brought  to  trial  in  this  town,  a planter 
residing  about  fifteen  miles  distant,  for  whipping  his  slave  to  death. 
You  will  suppose  of  course  that  he  was  punished.  No  sir,  he  was 
acquitted,  although  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  the  fact.  I heard  the 
tale  of  murder  from  a man  who  was  acquainted  with  all  the  circum- 
stances. “ I was,”  said  he,  “ passing  along  the  road  near  the  burying 
ground  of  the  plantation,  about  nine  o’clock  at  night,  when  I saw  several 


CASES  OF  CRUELTY SCENE  IN  GEORGIA. 


lights  gleaming  through  the  woods — and  as  I approached,  in  order  to 
see  what  was  doing,  I beheld  the  coroner  of  Natchez  with  a numbei 
of  men,  standing  around  the  body  of  a young  female,  which  by  the 
torches  seemed  almost  perfectly  white.  On  inquiry  I learned  that  the 
master  had  so  unmercifully  beaten  this  girl  that  she  died  under  tha 
operation.  And  that  also  he  had  so  severely  punished  another  of  his 
slaves  that  he  was  but  just  alive. — Letter  to  Mr.  Tappan  from 
Natchez,  1831. 

CASES  OF  CRUELTY. 

Mr.  William  Ladd,  known  as  a friend  of  colonization  and  an  oppo- 
nent of  Anti-Slavery  Societies,  and  not  likely,  therefore  to  exaggerate, 
but  rather  to  soften  the  harsh  features  of  the  system,  alludes  publicly 
to  the  following,  among  other  horrors  which  he  has  witnessed:  A 
gentleman  of  his  acquaintance,  was  offended  with  a female  slave.  He 
seized  her  by  the  arm,  and  thrust  her  hand  into  the  fire,  and  there  he 
held  it  until  it  was  burnt  off.  “ I saw,”  said  Mr.  Ladd,  “ the  withered 
stump,” — Address  at  Colonization  Society  of  Massachusetts,  1833. 

“ Mr.  Sutcliff,  an  English  Quaker,  who  travelled  in  this  country, 
relates  a case  very  like  that  of  the  Kentucky  girl,  only  that  the  catas- 
trophe was  more  shocking.  A slave  owner,  near  Lcvvistown,  in  the 
state  of  Delaware,  lost  a piece  of  leather.  He  charged  a little  slave 
boy  with  stealing  it.  The  boy  denied.  The  master  tied  the  boy’s 
feet,  and  suspended  him  from  the  limb  of  a tree,  attaching  a heavy 
weight  to  his  ancles,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  to  prevent  such  kicking 
and  writhing  as  would  break  the  blows.  He  then  whipped  ; the  boy 
confessed ; and  then  he  commenced  whipping  anew  for  the  offence 
itself.  He  was  a kind  master,  and  never  whipped  the  lad  again,  for 
he  died  under  the  lash  ! Then  the  slaveholder’s  own  son,  smitten  with 
remorse,  acknowledged  that  he  took  the  leather. 

“ An  honorable  friend,  who  stands  high  in  the  state  and  in  the 
nation,  was  present  at.  the  burial  of  a female  slave  in  Mississippi,  who 
had  been  whipped  to  death  at  the  post  by  her  master,  because  she 
was  gone  longer  of  an  errand  to  ihe  neighboring  town,  than  her 
master  thought  necessary.  Under  the  lash  she  protested  that  she  was 
ill,  and  was  obliged  to  rest  in  the  fields.  To  complete  the  climax  of 
horror,  she  wras  delivered  of  a dead  infant  before  her  master  had  com- 
pleted his  work  1” — Child's  Despotism  of  Freedom. 

Scene  in  Georgia. — The  two  convicts  were  hung  together ; and  after 
they  were  quite  dead,  a consultation  was  held  amongst  the  gentlemen, 
as  to  the  future  disposition  of  Billy,  who,  having  been  in  the  house 
where  his  master  was  murdered,  and  not  having  given  immediate  in 
formation  of  the  fact,  was  held  to  be  guilty  of  concealing  the  death  ; 
and  was  accordingly  sentenced  to  receive  five  hundred  lashes.  I was 
in  the  branches  of  a tree  close  by  the  place  where  this  court  was  held, 
and  distinctly  heard  its  proceedings  and  judgment.  Some  went  to  the 
woods  to  cut  hickories,  whilst  others  stripped  Billy  and  tied  him  to  a 
tree.  More  than  twenty  long  switches,  some  of  them  six  or  seven 
feet  in  length,  had  been  procured  ; and  two  men  applied  the  rods  at 


SCENE  XN  GEORGIA. 


:he  same  time,  one  standing  on  each  side  of  the  culprit ; one  of  them 
xsing  his  left  hand.  I had  often  seen  black  men  whipped,  and  had 
dwavs,  where  the  iash  was  applied  with  great  severity,  heard  the  suf- 
ferer cry  out  and  beg  for  mercy  ; but  in  this  case,  the  pain  inflicted  by 
,hese  double  blows  of  the  hickory  was  so  intense,  that  Billy  never 
ittered  so  much  as  a groan  ; and  I do  not  believe  he  breathed  for  t lie 
rpace  of  two  minutes  after  he  received  the  first  strokes.  He  shrunk 
us  bodv  close  to  the  trunk  of  the  tree,  around  which  his  arms  and  legs 
vere  lashed;  drew  his  shoulders  up  to  his  head  like  a dying  man, and 
rembled,  or  rather  shivered,  in  ail  his  members.  The  bmod  flowed 
roin  the  commencement,  and  in  a few  minutes  lay  in  small  puddles 
it  the  root  of  the  tree.  1 saw  flakes  of  flesh  as  long  as  my  finger  fall 
hut  of  the  gashes  in  his  back  ; and  1 believe  he  was  insensible  during 
ill  the  time  that  he  was  receiving  the  last  two  hundred  lashes.  When 
.he  whole  five  hundred  had  been  counted  by  the  person  appointed  to 
xerform  this  duty,  the  half-dead  body  was  unbound  and  laid  in  the 
hade  of  the  tree  upon  which  I sat.  The  gentlemen  who  had  done  the 
■vhipping,  eight  or  ten  in  number,  being  joined  by  their  friends,  then 
tame  under  the  tree,  and  drank  punch  until  their  dinner  was  made 
•eady,  under  a booth  of  green  boughs  at  a short  distance. 

After  dinner,  Billy,  who  had  been  groaning  on  fixe  ground  where  he 
■vas  laid,  was  taken  up,  placed  in  the  cart  in  which  Lucy  and  Frank  had 
xeen  brought  to  the  gallows,  and  conveyed  to  the  dwelling  of  his  late 
naster,  where  he  was  confined  to  the  house  and  his  bed  more  than 
hree  months,  and  was  never  worth  much  afterwards,  while  I remained 
n Georgia. 

Certainly  those  who  were  hanged  well  deserved  their  punishment, 
xut  it  was  a very  arbitrary  exercise  of  power  to  whip  a man  until  he 
■vas  insensible,  because  he  did  not  prevent  a murder  which  was  coi  1- 
xiitted  xvithout  his  knowledge  ; and  I could  not  understand  the  right 
xf  punishing  him  because  he  was  so  weak  or  timorous,  as  to  refrain 
Tom  a disclosure  of  the  crime  the  moment  it  came  to  his  ears. — Life 
if  Charles  Ball. 

[Those  who  a.d  desirous  of  witnessing  a further  exposition  ot  the 
legitimately  bitter  fruits  of  Slavery,  are  referred  to  !‘  American 
Slavery  as  it  is  ; — Testimony  of  a Thousand  V»'itnesshs,’'  for 
sale  at  the  Anti-Slavery  Depositories.] 


aMhKUJA.i'.  a-a  if  »S 


THEODORE  D.  WELD. 

The  case  of  Human  Rights  against  Slavery  has  been  adjudicate* 
in  the  court  of  conscience  times  innumerable.  The  same  verdict  has 
always  been  rendered — “ Guilty!”  the  same  sentence  has  always  beer 
pronounced,  “Let  iL  be  accursed!”  and  human  nature,  with  hu 
million  echoes,  has  rung  it  round  the  world  in  every  language  unde; 
heaven,  “ Let  it  be  accursed  ! Let  it  be  accursed  ! !”  His  heart  i; 
false  to  human  nature,  who  will  not  say  “Amen.”  There  is  not  i 
man  on  earth  who  does  not  believe  that  slavery  is  a curse.  Humas 
beings  may  be  inconsistent,  but  human  nature  is  true  to  herself.  Sht 
has  uttered  her  testimony  against  slavery  with  a shriek  ever  since  the 
monster  was  begotten  ; and  till  it  perishes  amidst  the  execration*  of 
the  Universe,  she  will  traverse  the  world  on  its  track,  dealing  hei 
bolts  upon  its  head,  and  dashing  against  it  her  condemning  brand. 
We  repeat  it,  every  man  knows  that  slavery  is  a curse.  Whoever 
denies  this,  his  lips  libel  bis  heart.  Try  him  ; clank  the  chains  in 
his  ears,  and  tell  him  they  are  for  him  ; give  him  an  hour  to  prepare 
his  wife  and  children  for  a life  of  slavery;  bid  him  make  haste  and 
get  ready  their  necks  for  the  yoke,  and  their  wrists  for  the  cofflt 
chains,  then  look  at  his  pale  lips  and  trembling  knees,  and  you  have 
Nature’s  testimony  against  slavery. 

We  will  prove  that  the  s'aves  in  the  United  Slates  are  treated  with 
barbarous  inhumanity  ; that  they  are  overworked,  underfed,  wretch- 
edly clad  and  lodged,  and  have  insufficient  sleep;  that  tliay  are  often 
made  to  wear  round  their  necks  iron  collars  armed  with  prongs,  to 
drag  heavy  chains  and  weights  at  their  feet  while  working  in  the  field, 
and  to  wear  yoks,  and  bells,  and  iron  horns ; that  they  are  often 
kept  confined  in  the  stocks  day  and  night  for  weeks  together,  made 
to  wear  gags  in  their  mouths  for  hours  or  days,  have  some  of  their 
front  teeth  torn  out  or  broken  off,  that  they  may  he  easily  detected 
when  they  run  away  ; that  they  are  frequently  flogged  with  terrible 
severity,  have  red  pepper  rubbed  into  their  lacerated  flesh,  and  hot 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  13 


brine,  spirits  of  turpentine,  &c.  poured  over  the  gashes  to  increase 
the  torture  ; that  they  are  often  stripped  naked,  their  backs  and  limbs 
cut  with  knives,  bruised  and  mangled  by  scores  and  hundreds  of 
blows  with  the  paddle,  and  terribly  torn  by  the  claws  of  cats,  drawn 
over  them  by  their  tormentors ; that  they  are  often  hunted  with  blood 
hounds  and  shot  down  like  beasts,  or  torn  in  pieces  by  dogs  ; that 
thev  are  often  suspended  by  the  arms  and  whipped  and  beaten  till 
they  faint,  and  when  revived  by  restoratives,  beaten  again  till  they 
faint,  .and  sometimes  till  they  die  ; that  their  ears  are  often  cut  off, 
their  eyes  knocked  out,  their  bones  broken,  them  flesh  branded  with 
red  hot  irons;  that  they  are  maimed,  mutilated  and  burned  to  death 
over  slow  fires.  All  these  tilings,  and  more,  and  worse,  we  shall 
prove,  by  the  testimony  of  scores  and  hundreds  of  eye  witnesses,  by 
the  testimony  of  slave-holders  in  all  parts  of  the  slave  states,  by  slave- 
holding members  of  congress  and  of  state  legislatures,  by  ambassa- 
dors to  foreign  courts,  by  judges,  by  doctors  of  divinity,  and  clergy- 
men of  all  denominations,  by  merchants,  mechanics,  lawyers  and 
physicians,  by  presidents  and  professors  in  colleges  and  professional 
seminaries,  by  planters,  overseers  and  drivers.  We  shall  show,  not 
merely  that  such  deeds  are  committed,  but  that  they  are  frequent ; 
not  done  in  corners,  but  before  the  sun  ; not  in  one  of  the  slave  states, 
but  in  all  of  them  ; not  perpetrated  by  brutal  overseers  and  drivers 
merely,  but  by  magistrates,  by  legislators,  by  professors  of  reli- 
gion, by  preachers  of  the  gospel,  by  governors  of  states,  by  “gen- 
tlemen of  property  and  standing,”  and  by  delicate  females  moving  in 
the  “ highest  circles  of  society.” 

Tiberius,  Claudius,  and  Caligula,  began  the  exercise  of  their 
power  with  singular  forbearance,  and  each  grew  into  a prodigy  of 
cruelty.  So  averse  was  Caligula  to  bloodshed,  that  he  refused  to 
look  at  a list  of  conspirators  against  his  own  life,  which  was  handed 
to  him  ; yet  afterwards,  a more  cruel  wretch  never  wielded  a sceptre. 
In  his  thirst  for  slaughter,  he  wished  all  the  necks  in  Rome  one,  that 
he  might  cut  them  off  at  a blow. 

Domitian,  at  the  commencement  of  his  reign,  carried  his  abhor- 
rence of  cruelty  to  such  lengths,  that  he  forbad  the  sacrificing  of 
oxen,  and  would  sit  whole  days  on  the  judgment-seat,  reversing  the 
the  unjust  decisions  of  corrupt  judges  ; yet  afterwards,  lie  surpassed 
■ even  Nero  in  cruelty.  Commodus  began  with  gentleness  and  conde- 
scension, but  soon  became  a terror  and  a scourge,  outstripping  in  his 
atrocities  most  of  his  predecessors.  Maximinus  too,  was  just  and  gener- 
ous when  first  invested  with  power,  but  afterwards  rioted  in  slaughter 
with  the  relish  of  a fiend.  History  has  well  said  of  this  monarch, 
‘the  change  in  his  disposition  may*readiiy  serve  to  show  how  dan- 
gerous a thing  is  power,  that  could  transform  a person  of  such  rigid 
virtues  into  such  a monster.’ 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


HORACE  MOULTON. 

One  slave,  who  was  under  my  care,  was  whipped,  I think  one  hun- 
dred lashes,  for  getting  a small  handful  of  wood  from  his  master’s 
yard  without  leave.  I heard  an  overseer  boasting  to  his  master  that 
he  gave  one  of  the  boys  seventy  lashes,  for  not  doing  a job  of  work 
just  as  he  thought  it  ought  to  be  done.  The  owner  of  the  slave  ap- 
peared to  be  pleased  that  the  overseer  had  been  so  faithful.  The 
apology  they  make  for  whipping  so  cruelly  is,  that  it  is  to  frighten 
the  rest  of  the  gang.  The  masters  say,  that  what  we  call  an  ordi- 
nary flogging  will  not  subdue  the  slaves  ; hence  the  most  cruel  and 
barbarous  scourgings  ever  witnessed  by  man  are  daily  and  hourly  in. 
flicted  upon  the  naked  bodies  of  these  miserable  bondmen  ; not  by 
masters  and  negro-drivers  only,  but  by  the  constables  in  the  common 
markets  and  jailors  in  their  yards. 

It  is  very  com.-  m for  masters  to  say  to  the  overseers  or  drivers, 
“ put  it  on  to  then;,”  ■■  don’t  spare  that  fellow,”  “ give  that  scoundrel 
one  hundred  lasb.es,”  &c.  Whipping  the  women  when  in  delicate 
circumstances,  as  i!kv  sometimes  do.  wi'hout  any  regard  to  their  en- 
treaties or  the  entreaties  of  their  nearest  friends,  is  truly  barbarous. 
If  negroes  could  testily,  they  would  tell  you  of  instances  of  women 
being  whipped  until  they  have  miscarried  at  the  whipping-post.  I 
heard  of  such  things  at  the  south — they  are  undoubtedly  facts.  Chil- 
dren are  whipped  unmercifully  for  the  smallest  offences,  and  that  be- 
fore their  mothers.  A large  proportion  of  the  blacks  have  their  shoul- 
ders, backs,  and  arms  all  scarred  up,  and  not  a few  of  them  have 
had  their  heads  laid  open  with  clubs,  stones,  and  brick-bats,  and 
with  the  butt-end  of  whips  and  canes — some  have  had  their  jaws 
broken,  others  their  teeth  knocked  in  or  out ; while  others  have  had 
their  ei#s  cropped  and  the  sides  of  their  cheeks  gashed  out.  Some 
of  the  poor  creatures  have  lost  the  sight  of  one  of  their  eyes  by  the 
careless  blows  of  the  wliipper,  or  by  some  other  violence. 

But  punishing  slaves  as  above  described,  is  not  the  only  mode  of 
torture.  Some  tie  them  up  in  a very  uneasy  posl.ure,  where  they 
must  stand  all  night,  and  they  will  then  work  them  hard  all  da}r — 
that  is,  work  them  hard  all  day  and  torment  them  all  night.  Others 
punish  by  fastening  them  down  on  a log,  or  something  else,  and 
strike  them  on  the  hare  skin  with  a board  paddle  full  of  holes.  This 
breaks  the  skin,  I should  presume,  at  every  hole  where  it  comes  in 
contact  with  it.  Others,  when  other  modes  of  punishment  will  not 
subdue  them,  cat-haul  them — that  is,  take  a cat  by  the  nape  of  the 
neck  and  tail,  or  by  the  hind  legs,  and  drag  the  claws  across  the  back 
until  satisfied.  This  kind  of  punishment  poisons  the  flesh  much 
worse  than  the  whip,  and  is  more  dreaded  by  the  slave.  Some  are 
branded  by  a hot  iron,  olhers  have  their  flesh  cut  out  in  large  gashes, 
to  mark  them.  Some  who  are  prone  to  run  away,  have  iron  fetters 
riveted  around  their  ancles,  sometimes  they  are  put  only  on  one  foot, 
and  are  dragged  on  the  ground.  Others  have  on  large  iron  collars 
or  yokes  upon  their  necks,  or  clogs  riveted  upon  their  wrists  or  an- 
cles. Some  have  bells  put  upon  them,  hung  upon  a sort  of  frame  to 
an  iron  collar. 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


Another  dark  side  of  slavery  is  the  neglect  of  the  aged  and  sick. 
Many  when  sick,  are  suspected  by  their  masters  of  feigning  sickness, 
and  are  therefore  w'hipped  out  to  work  after  disease  lias  got  fast  hold 
of  them  ; when  the  masters  learn,  that  they  are  really  sick,  they  are 
in  many  instances  left  alone  in  their  cabins  during  work  hours  ; not 
a few  of  the  slaves  are  left  to  die  without  having  one  friend  to  wipe 
off  the  sweat  of  death.  When  the  slaves  are  sick,  the  masters  do 
not,  as  a general  thing,  employ  physicians,  but  “ doctor”  them  them- 
selves, and  their  mode  of  practice  in  almost  all  cases  is  to  bleed  and 
give  salts. 


SARAH  M.  GRIMKE. 

A highly  intelligent  slave,  who  panted  after  freedom  with  cease- 
less longings,  made  many  attempts  to  get  possession  of  himself.  For 
every  offence  he  was  punished  with  extreme  severity.  At  one  time 
he  was  tied  up  by  his  hands  to  a tree,  and  whipped  until  his  back 
was  one  gore  of  blood.  To  this  terrible  infliction  ho  was  subjected 
at  intervals  for  several  weeks,  and  kept  heavily  ironed  while  at  Ilia 
work.  His  master  one  day  accused  him  of  a fault,  in  the  usual 
terms  dictated  by  passion  and  arbitrary  power  ; the  man  protested 
his  innocence,  but  was  not  credited.  He  again  repelled  the  charge 
with  honest  indignation.  His  master’s  temper  rose  almost  to  frenzy; 
and  seizing  a fork,  he  made  a deadly  plunge  at  the  breast  of  his  slave. 
The  man  being  far  his  superior  in  strength,  caught  his  arm,  and 
dashed  the  weapon  on  the  floor.  His  master  grasped  at  his  throat, 
but  the  slave  disengaged  himself,  and  rushed  from  the  apartment. 
Having  made  his  escape,  he  fled  to  the  woods  ; and  after  wandering 
about  for  many  months,  living  on  roots  and  berries,  and  enduring 
every  hardship,  he  was  arrested  and  committed  to  jail.  Here  he  lay 
for  a considerable  time,  allowed  scarcely  food  enough  to  sustain  life, 
whipped  in  the  most  shocking  manner,  and  confined  in  a cell  so  loath- 
some, that  when  his  master  visited  him,  he  said  the  stench  was 
enongh  to  knock  a man  down.  The  filth  had  never  been  removed 
from  the  apartment  since  the  poor  creature  had  been  immured  in  it. 
Although  a black  man,  such  had  been  the  effect  of  starvation  and 
-suffering,  that  his  master  declared  he  hardly  recognized  him — his 
complexion  was  so  yellow,  and  his  hair,  naturally  thick  and  black, 
had  become  red  and  scanty  ; an  infallible  sign  of  long  continued  liv- 
ing on  bad  and  insufficient  food.  Stripes,  imprisonment,  and  the 
gnawings  of  hunger,  had  broken  his  lofty  spirit  for  a season ; and, 
to  use  his  master’s  own  exulting  expression,  he  was  “ as  humble  as 
a dog.”  After  a time  he  made  another  attempt  to  escape,  and  was 
absent  so  long,  that  a reward  was  offered  for  him,  dead  or  alive.  He 
eluded  every  attempt  to  take  him,  and  his  master,  despairing  of  ever 
getting  him  again,  offered  to  pardon  him  if  he  would  return  home. 
It  is  always  understood  that  such  intelligence  will  reach  the  runaway  ; 
and  accordingly,  at  the  entreaties  of  his  wife  and  mother,  the  fugi- 
tive once  more  consented  to  return  to  his  bitter  bondage.  I believe 
this  was  the  last  effort  to  obtain  his  liberty.  His  heart  become 
fouebed  with  the  power  of  the  gospel ; and  the  spirit  which  no  in- 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


flictioris  could  subdue,  bowed  at  the  cross  of  Jesus,  and  with  the 
language  on  his  lips — “ the  cup  that  my  father  hath  given  me,  shall 
I not  drink  it  ?”  submitted  to  the  yoke  of  the  oppressor,  and  wore 
his  chains  in  unmurmuring  patience  till  death  released  him.  The 
master  who  perpetrated  these  wrongs  upon  his  slave,  was  one  of  the 
most  influential  and  honored  citizens  of  South  Carolina,  and  to  his 
equals  was  bland,  and  courteous,  and  benevolent  even  to  a proverb. 


JOHN  GRAHAM. 

After  the  blessing  was  asked  at  the  breakfast  table,  one  of  the  ser- 
vants, a woman  grown,  in  giving  one  of  the  children  some  mo- 
lasses, happened  to  pour  out  a little  more  than  usual,  though  not 
more  than  the  child  usually  eats.  Her  master  was  angry  at  the  pet- 
ty and  indifferent  mistake,  or  slip  of  the  hand.  He  rose  from  the 
table,  took  both  of  her  hands  in  one  of  his,  and  with  the  other  be- 
gan to  beat  her,  first  on  one  side  of  her  head  and  then  on  the  other, 
and  repeating  this,  till,  as  he  said  on  sitting  down  at  table,  it  hurt 
his  hand  too  much  to  continue  it  longer.  He  then  took  off  his  shoe, 
and  with  the  heel  began  in  the  same  manner  as  with  his  hand,  till 
the  poor  creature  could  no  longer  endure  it  without  screeches  and 
raising  her  elbow  as  it  is  natural  to  ward  off  the  blows.  He  then 
called  a great  overgrown  negro  to  hold  her  hands  behind  her  while 
he  should  wreak  his  vengeance  upon  the  poor  servant.  In  this  posi- 
tion he  began  again  to  beat  the  poor  suffering  wretch.  It  now  be- 
came intolerable  to  bear  ; she  fell,  screaming  to  me  for  help.  After 
she  fell,  he  beat  her  until  I thought  she  would  have  died  in  his  hands. 
She  got  up,  however,  went  out  and  washed  off'  the  blood  and  came 
in  Joefore  we  rose  from  table,  one  of  the  most  pitiable  objects  I ever 
saw  till  I came  to  the  south.  Her  ears  were  almost  as  thick  as  my 
thand,  her  eyes  awfully  blood-shotten,  her  lips,  nose,  cheeks,  chin, 
and  whole  head  swollen  so  that  no  one  would  have  known  it  was  Etta 
-—and  for  all  this,  she  had  to  turn,  round  as  she  was  going  out  and 
thank  her  master! 

WILLIAM  POE. 

Beniamin  James  Harris,  a wealthy  tobacconist  of  Richmond,  Vir. 
o-inia, "whipped  a slave  girl  fifteen  years  old  to  death.  While  he  was 
whi  'ping  her,  his  wife  heated  a smoothing  iron,  put  it  on  her  body 
in  various  places,  and  burned  her  severely.  The  verdict  of  the  coro. 
ner’s  inquest  was,  “ Died  of  excessive  whipping.”  He  was  tried  in 
Richmond,  and  acquitted.  I attended  the  trial.  Some  years  after, 
this  same  Harris  whipped  another  slave  to  death.  The  man  had  not 
done  so  much  work  as  was  required  of  him.  After  a numbei  of  pio 
trailed  and  violent  scourgings,  with  short  intervals  between,  the  slave 
died  under  the  lash.  Harris  was  tried,  and  again  acquitted,  because 
none  but  blacks  saw  it  done.  The  same  man  afterwards  whipped 
another  slave  severely,  for  not  doing1  work  to  please  him.  Af^ei  ie- 
pealed"  and  severe  floggings  in  quick  succession,  for  the  same  cause, 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


the  slave,  in  despair  of  pleasing  him,  cut  off  his  own  hand.  Harris 
soon  after  became  a bankrupt,  went  to  New-Orleans  to  recruit  his 
finances,  failed,  removed  to  Kentucky,  became  a maniac,  and  died. 


PRIVATIONS  OF  SLAVES. 

By  confining  the  slaves  to  the  southern  states,  where  crops  are 
raised  for  exportation,  and  bread  and  meat  are  purchased,  you  doom 
them  to  scarcity  and  hunger.  It  is  proposed  to  hem  in  the  blacks 
where  they  are  ill  fed. — Alexander  Smyth. 

Speaking  of  the  condition  of  slaves,  in  the  eastern  part  of  that 
state,  the  report  says, — The  master  puts  the  unfortunate  wretches 
upon  short  allowances,  scarcely  sufficient  for  their  sustenance,  so  that 
a great  part  of  them  go  half  starved  much  of  the  time. — Gradual 
Emancipation  Soc.  N.  Carolina. 

The  slaves  down  the  Mississippi,  are  half-starved,  the  boats  when 
they  stop  at  night,  are  constantly  boarded  by  slaves,  begging  for 
something  to  eat. — Tobias  Boudinot. 

A few  years  since,  he  was  at  a brick  yard  in  the  environs  of  New- 
Orleans,  in  which  one  hundred  hands  were  employed  ; among  them 
were  from  twenty  to  thirty  young  women,  in  the  prime  of  life.  He 
was  told  by  the  proprietor,  that  there  had  nut  been  a child  born  among 
them  for  the  last  two  or  three  years,  although  they  all  had  husbands. 
— Hon.  H.  Clay. 


JOHN  WOOLMAN. 

Many  of  the  white  people  in  these  provinces,  take  little  or  no  care 
of  negro  marriages ; and  when  negroes  marry,  after  their  own  way, 
some  make  so  little  account  of  those  marriages,  that,  with  views  of 
outward  interest,  they  often  part  men  from  their  wives,  by  selling 
them  far  asunder ; which  is  common  when  estates  are  sold  By  execu- 
tors at  vendue. 

Many  whose  labor  is  heavy,  being  followed  at  their  business  in  the 
field  b}'  a man  with  a whip,  hired  for  that  purpose, — have,  in  com- 
mon, little  else  allowed  them  but  one  peck  of  Indian  corn  and  sotne 
salt  for  one  week,  with  a few  potatoes.  (The  potatoes  they  common- 
ly raise  by  their  labor  on  the  first  day  of  the  week.)  The  correction 
ensuing  on  then  disobedience  to  overseers,  or  slothfulness  in  business, 
is  often  very  severe,  and  sometimes  desperate.  Men  and  women  have 
many  times  scarce  clothes  enough  to  hide  their  nakedness — and  boys 
and  girls,  ten  and  twelve  years  old,  are  often  quite  naked  among 
their  masters’  children.  Some  use  endeavors  to  instruct  those  (ne- 
gro children)  they  have  in  reading  ; but  in  common,  this  is  not  only 
neglected,  but  disapproved.  # 


JAMES  K.  PAULDING. 

The  sun  was  shining  out  very  hot — and  in  turning  the  angle  of 
the  road,  we  encountered  the  following  group : first,  a little  cart 
drawn  by  one  horse,  in  which  five  or  six  half  naked  black  children 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


were  tumbled  like  pigs  together.  The  cart  had  no  covering,  and  they 
seemed  to  have  been  broiled  tosleep.Behind  the  cart  marched  three  black 
women,  with  head,  neck  and  breasts  uncovered,  and  without  shoes 
or  stockings  : next  came  three  men,  bare-headed,  and  chained  together 
with  an  ox-chain.  Last  of  all,  came  a white  man  on  horse  back, 
carrying  his  pistols  in  his  belt,  and  who,  as  we  passed  him,  had  the 
impudence  to  look  us  in  the  face  without  blushing.  At  a house 
where  we  stopped  a little  further  on,  we  learned  that  he  had  bought 
these  miserable  beings  in  Maryland,  and  was  marching  them  in  this 
manner  to  one  of  the  more  southern  states.  Shame  on  the  state  of 
Maryland  ! and  I say,  shame  on  the  stale  of  Virginia  ! and  every 
state  through  which  this  wretched  cavalcade  was  permitted  to  pass! 
I do  say,  that  when  they  (the  slave-holders)  permit  such  flagrant  and 
indecent  outrages  upon  humanity  as  that  I have  described  ; when 
they  sanction  a villain,  in  thus  marching  half  naked  women  and 
men,  loaded  with  chains,  without  being  charged  with  any  crime  but 
that  of  being  black,  from  one  section  of  the  United  States  to  another, 
hundreds  of  miles  in  the  face  of  day,  they  disgrace  themselves,  and 
the  country  to  which  they  belong. — Letters  from  the  South,  First 
Edition. 


STEPHEN  SEWALL. 

I was  witness  to  such  cruelties  by  an  overseer  to  a slave,  that  he 
twice  attempted  to  drown  himself,  to  get  out  of  his  power:  this  was 
on  a raft  of  staves,  in  the  Mobile  river.  I saw  an  owner  take  his 
runaway  slave,  tie  a rope  round  him,  then  get  on  his  horse,  give  the 
slave  and  horse  a cut  with  the  whip,  and  run  the  poor  creature  bare- 
footed, very  fast,  over  rough  ground,  where  small  black  jack  oaks 
had  been  cut  up,  leaving  the  sharp  stumps,  on  which  the  slave  would 
frequently  fall ; then  the  master  would  drag  him  as  long  as  he  could 
himself  hold  out;  then  stop,  and  whip  him  up  on  his  feet  again — then 
proceed  as  before.  This  continued  until  he  got  out  of  my  sight,  which 
was  about  half  a mile.  But  what  further  cruelties  this  wretched  man, 
(whose  passion  was  so  excited  that  he  could  scarcely  utter  a word 
when  he  took  the  slave  into  his  own  power,)  inflicted  upon  his  poor 
victim,  the  day  of  judgment  will  unfold. 

I have  seen  slaves  severely  whipped  on  plantations,  but  this  is  an 
every  day  occurrence,  and  comes  under  the  head  of  general  treat- 
ment. 

I have  known  the  case  of  a husband  compelled  to  whip  his  wife. 
This  I did  not  witness,  though  not  two  rods  from  the  cabin  at  the 
time. 

I will  now  mention  the  case  of  cruelty  before  referred  to.  In  1820 
or  21,  while  the  public  works  were  going  forward  on  Dauphin  Is- 
land, Mobile  Bay,  a contractor,  engaged  on  the  works,  beat  one  of 
his  slaves  so  severely  that  the  poor  creature  had  no  longer  power  to 
writhe  under  his  suffering  : he  took  out  his  knife,  and  began  to  cut 
his  flesh  in  strips,  from  his  hips  down.  At  this  moment  the  gentle- 
man referred  to,  who  was  also  a contractor,  shocked  at  such  inhu- 
manity, stepped  forward,  between  the  wretch  and  his  victim,  and  ex- 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS, 


claimed,  ‘ If  you  touch  that  slave  again  you  do  it  at  the  pent  of  your 
life.’  The  slave-holder  raved  at  him  for  interfering  between  him  and 
his  slave  ; but  he  was  obliged  to  drop  his  victim,  fearing  the  arm  of 
rj^-  friend — whose  stature  and  physical  powers  were  extraordinary. 


COLMAN  S.  HODGES. 


I have  frequently  seen  the  mistress  of  a family  in  Virginia,  -with 
whom  I was  well  acquainted,  beat  the  woman  who  performed  the 
kiteheti  work,  with  a stick  two  feet  and  a half  long,  and  nearly  as 
thick  as  my  wrist ; striking  her  over  the  head,  and  across  the  small 
of  the  back,  as  she  was  bent  over  at  her  work,  with  as  much  spite 
as  you  would  a snake,  and  for  what  I should  consider  no  offence  at 
all  There  lived  in  this  same  family  a young  man,  a slave,  who  was 
in  the  habit  of  running  away.  He  returned  one  time  after  a week’s 
absence.  The  master  took  him  into  the  barn,  stripped  him  entirely 
naked,  tied  him  up  by  his  hands  so  high  that  he  could  not  reach  the 
floor,  tied  his  feet  together,  and  put  a small  rail  between  his  legs,  so 
that  he  could  not  avoid  the  blows,  and  commenced  whipping  him. 
He  told  me  that  he  gave  him  five  hundred  lashes.  At  any  rate,  he 
was  covered  with  wounds  from  head  to  foot.  Not  a place  as  big  as 
my  hand  but  what  was  cut.  Such  things  as  these  are  perfectly  com- 
mon all  over  Virginia  ; at  least  so  far  as  I am  acquainted.  General- 
ly, planters  avoid  punishing  their  slaves  before  strangers. 


JOSEPH  IDE. 

I have  never  actually  witnessed  a whipping  scene,  for  they  are 
usually  taken  into  some  back  place  for  that  purpose  ; but  I have  often 
heard  their  groans  and  screams  while  writhing  under  the  lash  ; and 
have  seen  the.blood  flow  from  their  torn  and  lacerated  skins  after  the 
vengeance  of  the  inhuman  master  or  mistress  had  been  glutted.  Mrs. 

T , had  a female  slave  whom  she  used  to  whip  unmercifully,  and 

on  one  occasion,  she  whipped  her  as  long  as  she  had  strength,  and 
after  the  poor  creature  was  suffered  to  go,  she  crawled  off  into  a cel- 
lar. As  she  did  not  immediately  return,  search  was  made,  and  she 
was  found  dead  in  the  cellar,  and  the  horrid  deed  was  kept  a secret 
in  the  family,  and  it  was  reported  that  she  died  of  sickness.  This 
wretch  at  the  same  time  was  a member  of  a Presbyterian  church. 
Towards  her  slaves  she  was  certainly  the  most  cruel  wretch  of  any 
woman  with  whom  I was  ever  acquainted — yet  she  was  nothing  more 
than  a slaveholder.  She  would  deplore  slavery  as  much  as  I did,  and 
ofien  told  me  she  was  much  of  an  abolitionist  as  I was.  She  was 
constant  in  the  declaration  that  her  kind  treatment  to  her  slaves  was 
proverbial.  Thought  I,  then  the  Lord  have  mercy  on  the  rest.  She 
has  often  told  me  of  the  cruel  treatment  of  the  slaves  on  a plantation 
adjoining  her  father’s  in  the  low  country  of  South  Carolina.  She 
says  she  has  often  seen  them  driven  to  the  necessity  of  eating  frogs 
and  lizards  to  sustain  life. 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


PHINEAS  SMITH. 

Avarice  and  cruelty  constitute  the  very  gist  of  the  whole  slave  sys. 
tern.  Many  of  the  enormities  committed  upon  the  plantations  will 
not  be  described  till  God  brings  to  light  the  hidden  things  of  darknesas 
then  the  tears  and  groans  and  blood  of  innocent  men,  women  ana 
children  will  be  revealed,  and  the  oppressor’s  spirit  must  confront 
that  of  his  victim. 

An  overseer  by  the  name  of  Alexander,  notorious  for  his  cruelty, 
was  found  dead  in  the  timbered  lands  of  the  Brassos.  It  was  sup- 
posed that  he  was  murdered,  but  who  perpetrated  the  act  was  un- 
known. Two  black  men  were  however  seized,  taken  into  the  Prai- 
rie and  put  to  the  torture.  A physician  by  the  name  of  Parro  t fr<  m 
Tennessee,  and  another  from  New-England  by  the  name  of  Anson 
Jones,  were  present  on  this  occasion.  The  latter  gentleman  is  now 
the  Texan  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  Unit  d States,  and  resides 
at  Washington.  The  unfortunate  slaves  bc:,.g  stripped,  and  all 
things  arranged,  the  torture  commenced  by  whipping  upon  their  bare 
backs.  Six  athletic  men  were  employed  in  this  scene  of  inhumanity, 
the  names  of  some  of  whom  I well  remember.  There  was  one  of  the 
name  of  Brown,  and  one  or  two  of  the  name  of  Patton.  Those  six 
executioners  were  successively  employed  in  cutting  up  the  bodies  of 
these  defenceless  slaves,  who  persisted  to  the  last  in  the  avowal  of 
their  innocence.  The  bloody  whip  was  however  kept  in  motion  till 
savage  barbarity  itself  was  glutted.  When  this  was  accomplished, 
tRe  bleeding  victims  were  re-conveyed  to  the  inclosure  of  the  mansion 
house  where  they  were  deposited  for  a few  moments.  ‘ The  dying 
groans  however  incommoding  the  ladies,  they  were  taken  to  a back 
shed  where  one  of  them  soon  expired.’  The  life  of  the  other  slave  | 
was  for  a time  despaired  of,  but  after  hanging  over  the  grave  for 
months,  he  at  length  so  far  recovered  as  to  walk  about  and  labor  at 
light  work.  These  facts  cannot  be  controverted.  They  were  dis- 
closed under  the  solemnity  of  an  oath,  at  Columbia,  in  a court  of 
justice.  I was  present,  and  shall  never  forget  them.  The  testimony 
of  Drs.  Parrott  and  Jones  was  most  appalling.  I seem  to  hear  the 
death-groans  of  that  murdered  man.  His  cries  for  mercy  and  pio- 
testations  of  innocence  fell  upon  adamantine  hearts.  The  facts  above 
stated,  and  others  in  relation  to  this  scene  of  cruelty  came  to  light  in 
the  following  manner.  The  master  of  the  murdered  man  commenc- 
ed legal  process  against  the  actors  in  this  tragedy  for  the  recovery  of 
the  value  of  the  chattel,  as  one  would  institute  a suit  for  a horse  or 
an  ox  that  had  been  unlawfully  killed.  It  was  a suit  for  the  recove- 
ry of  damages  merely.  No  indictment  was  ever  dreamed  of.  Among 
the  witnesses  brought  upon  the  stand  in  the  progress  of  this  cause  were 
the  physicians,  Parrott  and  Jones  above  named.  The  part  which 
they  were  called  to  act  in  this  affair  was,  it  is  said,  to  examine  the 
pulse  of  the  victims  during  the  process  of  torture.  But  they  were 
mistaken  as  to  the  quantum  of  torture  which  a human  bejiirr  n?n 
undergo  and  not  die  under  it. 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


PHILEMON  BLISS. 

I hare  seen  a woman,  a mother,  compelled,  in  the  presence  of  her 
master  and  mistress,  to  hold  up  her  clothes,  and  endure  the  whip  of 
the  driver  on  the  naked  body  for  more  than  twenty  minutes,  and 
while  her  cries  would  have  rent  the  heart  of  any  one,  who  had  not 
hardened  himself  to  human  suffering,  her  master  and  mistress  were 
conversing  with  apparent  indifference.  What  was  her  crime  ? She 
had  a task  given  her  of  sewing  which  she  must  finish  that  day.  Late 
at  night  she  finished  it ; but  the  stiches  were  too  long,  and  she  must 
be  whipped.  The  same  was  repeated  three  or  four  nights  for  the 
same  offence.  I have  seen  a man  tied  to  a tree,  hands  and  feet,  and 
receive  305  blows  with  the  paddle  on  the  fleshy  parts  of  the  body. 
Two  others  received  the  same  kind  of  punishment  at  the  time,  though 
I did  not  count  the  blows.  One  received  230  lashes.  Their  crime 
was  stealing  mutton.  I have  frequently  heard  the  shrieks  of  the 
slaves,  male  and  female,  accompanied  by  the  strokes  of  the  paddle 
or  whip,  when  I have  not  gone  near  the  scene  of  horror.  I knew 
not  their  crimes,  excepting  of  one  woman,  which  was  stealing  four 
potatoes  to  eat  with  her  bread  ! The  more  common  number  of  lashes 
inflicted  was  fifty  or  eighty  ; and  this  I saw  not  once  or  twice,  but 
so  frequently  that  I can  not  tell  the  number  of  times  I have  seen  it. 
So  frequently,  that  my  own  heart  was  becoming  so  hardened  that  I 
could  witness  with  comparative  indifference,  the  female  writhe  under 
the  lash,  and  her  shrieks  and  cries  for  mercy  ceased  to  pierce  my 
heart  with  that  keenness,  or  give  me  that  anguish  which  they  first 
caused.  It  was  not  always  that  I could  learn  their  crimes  ; but  of 
those  I did  learn,  the  most  common  was  non-performance  of  tasks. 
I have  seen  men  strip  and  receive  from  one  to  three  hundred  strokes 
of  the  whip  and  paddle.  My  studies  and  meditations  were  almost 
nightly  interrupted  by  the  cries  of  the  victims  of  cruelty  and  avarice. 


JAMES  A.  TIIOME. 

In  December  of  1833,  I landed  at  New-Orleans,  in  the  steamer 

W . It  was  after  night,  dark  amWainy.  The  passengers  were 

called  out  of  the  cabin,  from  the  enjoyment  of  a fire,  which  the  cold, 
damp  atmosphere  rendered  very  comfortable,  by  a sudden  shout  of, 
‘ catch  him — catch  him — catch,  the  negro.’  The  cry  was  answered 
by  a hundred  voices — • Catch  him — kill  him  ! 

After  standing  in  the  cold  water  for  an  hour,  the  miserable  being 
began  to  fail.  We  observed  him  gradually  sulking — his  voice  grew 
weak  and  tremulous — yet  he  continued  to  curse  ! In  the  midst  of  his 
oaths  he  uttered  broken  sentences. — ‘ I did’nt  steal  the  meat — I did’nt 
steal — my  master  lives — master — master  lives  up  the  river — (his  voice 
began  to  gurgle  in  his  throat,  and  he  was  so  chilled  that  his  teeth 
chattered  audibly) — I did’nt — steal — I did’nt  steal — my — my  master 
— my — I want  to  see  my  master — I did’nt — no — my  mas — you  want 
— you  want  to  kill  me — I did’nt  steal  the’ — His  last  words  could  just 
be  heard  as  he  sunk  under  the  water. 

During  this  indescribable  scene,  not  one  of  the  hundred  that  stood 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


around  made  any  effort  to  save  the  man  until  he  was  apparently 
drowned.  He  was  then  dragged  out  and  stretched  on  the  bow  of  the 
boat,  and  soon  sufficient  means  were  used  for  his  recovery.  The 
brutal  captain  ordered  him  to  be  taken  off  his  boat — declaring,  with 
an  oath,  that  he  would  throw  him  into  the  river  again,  if  he  was  not 
immediately  removed.  I withdrew,  sick  and  horrified  with  this  ap. 
palling  exhibition  of  wickedness. 

Upon  inquiry,  I learned  that  the  colored  man  lived  some  fifty  miles 
up  the  Mississippi ; that  he  had  been  charged  with  stealing  some  ar- 
ticle from  the  wharf ; was  fired  upon  with  a pistol,  and  pursued  by 
the  mob. 

In  reflecting  upon  this  unmingled  cruelty — this  insensibility  to  suf. 
fering  and  disregard  of  life — I exclaimed,  1 Is  there  no  flesh  in  man's 
obdurate  heart  V One  poor  man,  chased  like  a wolf  by  a hundred 
blood  hounds,  yelling,  howling,  and  gnashing  their  teeth  upon  him 
■ — plunges  into  the  cold  river  to  seek  protection  ! A crowd  of  spec, 
tators  witness  the  scene,  with  all  the  composure  with  which  a Ro. 
man  populace  would  look  upon  a gladiatorial  show.  Not  a voice 
heard  in  the  sufferer’s  behalf.  At  length  the  powers  of  nature  give 
way ; the  blood  flows  back  to  the  heart — the  teeth  chatter — the  voice 
trembles  and  dies,  while  the  victim  drops  down  into  his  grave 

What  an  atrocious  system  is  that  which  leaves  two  millions  of  souls, 
friendless  and  powerless — hunted  and  chased — afflicted  and  tortured 
and  driven  to  death,  without  the  means  of  redress.  Yet  such  is  the 
system  of  slavery  ! 


JOSEPH  JOHN  GURNEY. 

Comforts  of  the  negroes.  Nothing  can  be  farther  from  my  wish, 
than  to  heap  abuse  on  the  slave-holders  of  the  southern  states.  Those 
with  whom  I have  become  acquainted,  are  amiable  and  benevolent 
men,  and  I give  them  full  credit  for  kindness  and  consideration  in  the 
treatment  of  their  slaves. 

I am  very  much  mistaken,  if,  under  the  circumstances,  happiness 
is  not  the  exception — discomfort  the  general  rule.  Ignorance  of  his 
own  nature  and  destiny,  is  the  only  condition,  as  I believe,  in  which 
a slave  can  he  permanently  comfortable.  But  the  infractions  of  com- 
fort, to  which  the  slaves  of  North  America  are  liable,  are  too  noto. 
rious  to  be  disputed.  The  treatment  of  them,  as  it  regards  food  and 
raiment,  must  and  will  depend,  not  merely  on  the  dispositions,  but 
on  the  means  of  their  masters.  The  want  of  ready  money,  in  the 
slave-holder,  often  bears  more  severely  on  the  slave  than  the  want  of 
kindness.  Again,  we  well  know  that  masters  are  sometimes  driven 
for  many  months  from  their  properties,  by  the  insalubrity  of  the  lo- 
cation, and  that  the  slaves  are  left  under  the  care  of  overseers — per- 
sons of  sufficiently  low  grade,  to  be  induced  to  risk  their  lives,  for  a 
pecuniary  compensation.  This  must  he  a fruitful  source  of  suf- 
fering. 

In  order  to  form  a correct  view,  however,  on  the  present  subject, 
it  is  enough  for  me  to  recur  to  scenes  which  I have  myself  witnessed. 
Although,  in  travelling  through  some  of  your  slave  states,  I have 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


often  observed  the  negroes  well  clad,  and  in  good  bodily  condition, 
their  general  aspect  has  not  appeared  to  me  to  be  that  of  happiness. 
Seldom  have  I seen  anything  among  them,  like  the  cheerful  smile  of 
tire  peasant  of  Jamaica  ; and  sometimes,  they  have  been  half-naked, 
and  wretched  in  their  demeanor.  When  I saw  large  companies  of 
black  people  following  either  the  masters  who  owned  them,  or  the 
merchants  who  had  bought  them,  to  some  distant  state,  the  lame 
ones  compelled  to  keep  up  with  their  associates,  and  yet  limping  be- 
hind from  very  weakness — when,  in  one  of  the  sea  islands  of  South 
Carolina,  I look  on  a gang  of  them,  ginning  cotton,  working  as  if 
they  were  on  the  tread  wheel,  their  sweat  falling  from  them  like  rain, 
and  the  overseer  sitting  by,  with  his  cow-hide  alongside  of  him — when, 
in  the  negro  jail  at  Charleston,  I was  surrounded  by  a large  number 
of  negroes,  who  had  been  sent  thither,  without  any  intervention  of 
law  or  magistracy,  but  at  the  sole  will  of  their  holders,  to  be  punished 
on  the  tread  wheel,  or  with  whipping  (not  exceeding  fifteen  lashes,) 
according  to  directions  on  an  accompanying  ticket — u'hen,  lastly,  in 
the  iron-grated  depot  at  Baltimore,  I visited  the  poor  creatures  who 
had  been  sold  away  from  their  families  and  friends,  and  were  about 
to  be  transmitted,  on  speculation,  like  so  many  bales  of  cotton  or 
worsted,  to  the  far-distant  South — when  these  scenes  passed,  one  af- 
ter another,  in  review  before  me,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  think 
highly  of  the  comforts  of  your  enslaved  negroes. 


DAVID  WALKER. 

The  Pagan,  Jews  and  Mahometans  try  to  make  proselytes  to  their 
religions  and  whatever  human  beings  adopt  their  religions  they  ex- 
tend to  them  their  protection.  But  Christian  Americans,  not  only 
hinder  their  fellow  creatures,  the  Africans,  but  thousands  of  them 
will  absolutely  beat  a colored  person  nearly  to  death,  if  they  catch 
him  on  his  knees,  supplicating  the  throne  of  grace.  This  barbarous 
cruelly  was  by  all  the  heathen  nations  of  antiquity,  and  is  by  the 
Pagans,  Jews,  and  Mahometans  of  the  present  day,  left  entirely  to 
Christian  Americans  to  inflict  on  the  Africans  and  their  descendants, 
that  their  cup  which  is  nearly  full  may  be  completed,  I have  known 
tyrants  or  usurpers  of  human  liberty  in  different  parts  of  this  coun- 
try to  lake  their  fellow  creatures,  the  colored  people,  and  beat  them 
until  they  would  scarcely  leave  life  in  them  ; what  for  ? Why  they 
say  “ The  black  devils  had  the  audacity  to  be  found  making  prayers 
and  supplications  to  the  God  who  made  them  ! ! !”  Yes,  I have 
known  small  collections  of  colored  people  to  have  convened  together, 
fur  no  other  purpose  than  to  worship  God  Almighty,  in  spirit  and  in 
truth,  to  the  best  of  their  knowledge  ; when  tyrants,  calling  them- 
selves patrols,  would  also  convene  and  wait  almost  in  breathless  si- 
lence for  the  poor  colored  people  to  commence  singing  and  praying 
to  the  Lord  our  God;  as  soon  as  they  had  commenced,  the  wretches 
would  burst  in  upon  them  and  drag  them  out  and  commence  beating 
them  as  they  would  rattle-snakes — many  of  whom,  they  would  beat 
so  unmercifully,  that  they  would  hardly  be  able  to  crawl  for  weeks 
and  sometimes  for  months. — Appeal. 

17 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


“ AMALGAMATION  !” 

What  is  slavery?  It  is  a system  of  general  licentiousness  ! whole- 
sale amalgamation  ! The  Western  Luminary,  a Kentucky  paper, 
says,  “ universal  licentiousness  prevails  among  the  slaves.  Chastity 
is  no  virtue  among  them  ; its  violation  neither  injures  female  charac- 
ter in  their  own  estimation,  or  that  of  their  master  or  mistress  : no 
instruction  is  ever  given,  no  censure  pronounced.  I speak  not  of  the  | 
world  : I speak  of  Christian  families  generally.”  James  A.  Thome 
of  Kentucky,  says,  “ It  is  a well  known  fact  that  the  slave  lodgings,  (in 
villages)  are  exposed  to  the  entrance  of  strangers  every  hour  of  the 
night,  and  that  the  sleeping  apartment  of  both  sexes  are  common." 
The  Synod  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  in  their  Report,  Dec. 
1833,  stated  as  follows : “ Chastity  in  either  sex,  is  a rare  virtue. 
Such  is  the  universality  and  greatness  of  the  vice  of  lewdness,  that 
to  those  who  are  acquainted  with  slave  countries,  not  a word  need 
be  said  ; all  the  consequences  of  this  vice  are  to  be  seen,  not  except, 
ing  infanticide  itself.”  The  Rev.  J.  D.  Paxton,  of  Virginia,  (now 
missionary  in  Palestine,)  says,  “ The  condition  of  the  females  is  such 
(under  irresponsible  absolute  power  of  their  owners)  that  promises, 
and  threatening.?,  and  management  can  hardly  fail  to  conquer  them. 
They  are  entirely  dependent  on  their  master.”  Hear,  hear,  ye 
northern  mothers,  who  have  slave-holding  sons!  “And  that  licen- 
tiousness prevails  to  a most  shameful  extent,  is  proved  from  the  ra- 
pid increase  of  mulattoes  !”  The  law  is  all  on  the  side  of  the  mas- 
ter or  white,  for  “ any  slave,  male  or  female,  or  any  negro,  bond  or 
free,  to  resist  or  strike  a white  person  in  Georgia,  he  or  she  shall 
have  their  ears  cropt.”  (Stroud’s  Law,  page  97.)  In  Kentucky  they 
shall  have  30  lashes  on  their  bare  back.  In  Georgia,  for  the  first  of. 
fence  any  punishment  not  extending  to  life  or  limb,  and  death  for  the 
second  offence.  (Prince’s  Digest,  450.) 

Public  opinion  at  the  south  favors  licentiousness  and  amalgamation. 
Mr.  Madison  avowed  that  “the  licentiousness  of  Virginia  planta- 
tions, stopped  just  short  of  destruction  ; and  that  it  was  understood 
that  the  female  slaves  were  to  become  mothers  at  fifteen.”  Thomas 
Jefferson  Randolph  declared  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates,  that 
“ Virginia  was  one  grand  menagerie,  where  men  are  to  be  reared  for 
market,  like  oxen  for  the  shambles;”  “ and  that  some  of  the  best 
blood  of  Virginia  runs  in  the  veins  of  their  slaves.” 

Miss  Martineau,  in  her  “ Views  of  Society  in  America”  says,  a 
southern  clergyman  declared  “ that  the  very  general  connexion  of 
white  gentlemen  with  their  female  slaves,  introduced  a mulatto  race 
whose  numbers  would  become  dangerous,  if  the  affections  of  their 
white  parents  were  permitted  to  render  them  free  ; and  many  were 
waiting  until  the  amalgamation  of  the  races  should  involve  a suffi- 
cient number  to  put  an  end  to  slavery”  ! ! — Furthermore,  “ the  wife 
of  a planter  in  the  bitterness  of  her  heart  declared,  that  a planter’s 
wife  was  only  “ the  chief  slave  of  the  harem,”  Hear,  hear  ! ye  mo- 
thers, who  think  it  would  be  a pretty  thing  for  your  daughters  to 
marry  slave-holders,  and  have  slaves  to  wait  upon  them  : “ Every 
young  man  in  New-Orleans,  early  selects  a beautiful  quadroon  girl 


AMALGAMATION. 


for  his  mistress,  and  establishes  her  in  one  of  those  pretty  peculiar 
houses,  whole  rows  of  which  may  be  seen  in  the  ramparts  !”  How 
is  it  with  northern  young  men  who  go  to  the  south,  and  “ buy  them- 
selves female  domestics,  as  is  of  every  day’s  occurrence.”  This  ia 
one  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  southern  institutions.  It  is  a very  con- 
venient, fashionable,  and  profitable  way  of  increasing  their  stock  of 
human  chatties  ! Hear  Mr.  Gholson  of  Virginia,  in  the  Legislature 
of  that  State,  Jan.  18,  1831,  reported  in  the  Richmond  Whig.  “It 
has  always  been  considered  by  steady,  old  fashioned  people,  that  the 
owners  of  land  had  a reasonable  right  to  its  annual  profits  ; the  owner 
of  orchards  to  their  annual  fruits;  the  owner  of  brood  mares  to  their 
product ; and  the  owner  of  females  slaves  to  their  increase  ! and  I do  not 
hesitate  to  say  that  in  their  increase  consists  much  of  our  wealth  1” 
Henry  Clay,  before  the  Colonization  Society,  in  1829,  says,  “ It  is 
believed  that  nowhere  in  the  farming  portion  of  the  United  States, 
would  slave  labor  be  generally  employed,  if  the  proprietor  were  not 
tempted  to  raise  slaves  by  the  high  price  of  the  southern  mar- 
ket, WHICH  KEEPS  IT  UP  IN  HIS  OWN.” 

In  1836,  40,000  slaves  were  sold  out  of  Virginia  at  an  average 
price  of  §600.  Rev.  J.  W.  Douglass,  of  Fayetteville,  N.  C.  says, 
upwards  of  60,000  passed  through  a little  western  town  for  southern 
market,  in  1835.  What  a speculation  for  slave  breeders  ! and  temp- 
tation for  Yankees  who  go  to  the  south  to  get  money,  and  buy  fe- 
male domestics!  1 S,  A.  Forral,  Esq.  says  “ negresses  when  young 
and  likely,  are  often  a matter  of  speculation,  800  or  1000  dollars  be- 
ing obtained  for  them.  It  is  an  occurrence  of  no  uncommon  nature 
to  see  a Christian  (?)  father  sell  his  own  daughter  and  the  brother  his 
own  sister  by  the  same  father  1”  A northern  merchant,  while  on  a 
business  tour  at  the  south,  lately  wrote  a letter  to  his  partners  saying 
“ he  had  seen  a young  woman  sold  at  public  auction  for  seven  thou- 
sand and  five  hundred  dollars  1”  The  purchaser,  a young  man,  de- 
clared he  would  give  ten  thousand  dollars  rather  than  lose  her ! 
Whether  the  sale  was  made  “ on  northern  account”  wc  are  not  in- 
formed. 

Perhaps  wives,  mothers  and  daughters  at  the  north  may  try  to  be- 
lieve that  their  husbands,  sons  and  lovers,  are  proof  against  the  en- 
ticements and  destructive  influences  of  the  “peculiar  institutions  of 
the  south  ?”  How  is  it  ? do  we  not  hear  them  pleading  for  them  ; 
telling  what  a good  institution  slavery  is  ; sanctioned  by  the  Bible  : 
a good  old,  oriental  patriarchal  system  of  concubinage  ? And  if 
decency  would  permit,  facts  might  be  adduced  to  show  how 
northern  men  are  implicated  in  the  slave-holding  licentiousness  of  the 
south,  that  would  make  the  ears  of  northern  mothers  and  wives  tin- 
gle. Thomas  Jefferson  says,  “ that  man  must  be  a prodigy,  who, 
surrounded  by  such  circumstances,  can  retain  his  manners  and  morals 
undepraved.”  Would  not  northern  churches,  wives,  mothers  and  daugh- 
ters, do  well  to  be  jealous  of  those  who  go  from  the  north  into  the 
“ den  of  sorrows,”  the  slave-holding  states  ? Can  a man  go  upon  hot 
coals  and  his  feet  be  not  burned  ? — Charter  Oak. 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS, 


The  tender  mercies  of  the  vnclccd  are  cruel. 


Customs  of  the  modem  “ Patriarchs”  and  “ Chiyai.ry”  of 
“ the  Land  of  the  Free,  and  the  Home  of  the  Brave  !” 


■ COLUMBIA ! COLUMBIA! 


GLORY  ARISE  ! !» 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AS  IT  IS. 


The  officer  of  Justice  ! arresting  a helpless  female  fugitive  in  N.  Y. 
What  has  the  North  to  do  with  Slavery  l 


17* 


The  custom  m Washington,  Capitcl  of  U.  S 


Southern  Court  of  Law  and  Equity. 


Cruel  and  unusual  punishments  shall  not  be 


. S.  Con. 


SOUTH'  TN  PATRIARCHS  AND  CHIVALRY. 


Letting  the 


THE  LEGION  OP  LIBEBTY, 


Take  them  lack  ; 1 am  faithful  to  my  brethren  and  my  God. 

With  the  scenes  of  Anglo-Saxon  tyranny  and  baseness,  contrasts 
as  an  Oasis,  this  of  Afric-American  magnanimity.  While  the  name 
and  memory  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  will  be  execrated,  ever  venerated 
will  be  those  of  TOUSSAINT  L’OUVERTURE. 

The  George  Washington  of  St.  Domingo,  gave  union,  energy, 
and  a wise  constitution,  to  his  countrymen.  By  his  bravery  he  re- 
pelled every  foe,  and  put  an  end  to  civil  and  insurrectionary  wars. 
When  Bonaparte  sent  an  immense  armament,  in  1802,  to  bring  the 
people  back  to  the  old  yoke,  he  was  firmly  seated  in  their  affections, 
and  relying  in  him,  they  bid  defiance  to  their  invaders. 

Seven  years  previous  to  this,  Toussaint  sent  his  sons,  to  Paris  for 
education.  They  were  put  under  the  care  of  a tutor,  named  Coisnon. 
Bonaparte  used  this  man  as  a tool  to  prepare  the  boys  for  his  purpose. 
The  tutor  and  his  charge  having  been  sent  out  with  Le  Clerc,  Cois- 
non  wrote  saying,  “the  first  Consul  sends  by  me  your  two  sons,  and 
certain  important  despatches.  Your  sons  will  be  with  you  to-morrow, 
provided  you  will  give  me  your  word  that  in  the  result  of  your  not 
complying  with  the  wishes  of  the  first  Consul,  they  shall  be  safely 
returned  with  me  to  the  Cape.”  Toussaint  gave  his  word,  and,  on 
the  morrow,  the  boys,  accompanied  by  Coisnon,  were  with  their  fond 
parents.  Toussaint  had  now  a choice  of  three  things.  He  might 
break  his  word  and  keep  his  sons  ; he  might  comply  with  the  wishes 
of  Bonaparte  and  keep  them ; or  he  might  send  them  back.  He 
would  neither  break  his  word,  nor  sell  his  country,  and  therefore 
chose  to  send  them  back. 


THE  AFRICAN  CHARACTER. 


MUNGO  PARK. 

1 was  fully  convinced,  that  whatever  difference  there  is  between  the 
ue^ro  and  the  European,  in  the  conformation  of  the  nose,  and  the  color 
of  the  skin,  there  is  none  in  the  genuine  sympathies  and  characteristic 
feelings  of  our  common  nature. 

At  Sego  I should  have  been  under  the  necessity  of  resting  among 
the  branches  of  the  tree.  About  sunset,  however,  as  I was  preparing 
to  pass  the  night  in  this  manner,  and  had  turned  my  horse  loose,  that 
he  might  graze  at  liberty,  a woman,  returning  from  the  labors  of  the 
field,  stopped  to  observe  me.  Perceiving  that  I was  weary  and  de- 
jected, she  inquired  into  my  situation,  which  I briefly  explained  to  her ; 
whereupon,  with  looks  of  great  compassion,  she  took  up  my  saddle 
ami  bri.!'  _•  and  told  me  to  follow  her.  Having  conducted  me  into  her  hut, 
she  lighted  a lamp,  spread  a mat  on  the  floor,  and  told  me  I might 
remain  there  for  the  night.  Finding  that  I was  hungry,  she  went  out, 
and  soon  returned  with  a very  tine  lish,  which  being  broiled  upon  some 
embers,  she  gave  me  for  supper.  The  women  then  resumed  their 
task  of  spinning  cotton,  and  lightened  their  labor  with  songs,  one  of 
which  must  have  been  composed  extempore,  for  I myself  was  the  sub- 
ject of  it.  tt  was  sung  by  one  of  the  young  women,  the  rest  joining  in 
a kind  of  chorus.  The  air  was  sweet  and  plaintive,  and  the  words 
.iterally  translated,  were  these: 

“ The  winds  roar'd,  and  the  rains  fell , 

Tiie  poor  white  man,  faint  and  weary, 

Came  and  sat  under  our  tree. — 

He  has  no  mother  to  bring  him  milk  ; 

No  wife  to  grind  his  corn. 

CHor.cs. 

“ Let  us  pity  the  white  man  ; 

X o mother  has  he  to  bring  him  milk. 

No  wife  to  gTind  iiis  com.” 

Trifling  as  this  recital  may  appear,  the  circumstance  was  highly 
affecting  to  a person  in  my  situation.  I was  oppressed  with  such 
unexpected  kindness,  and  sleep  fled  from  my  eyes. 

Mr.  Pa^  k having  travelled  in  company  with  a eoffle  of  thirty-five 
slaves,  thus  describes  Iris  feelings  as  he  came  near  the  coast. : “Al- 
though I was  now  approaching  the  end  of  my  tedious  and  toilsome 
journey,  and  expected  in  another  day  to  meet  with  countrymen  and 
friends,  1 could  not  part  with  my  unfortunate  fellow-travellers, — 
doomed  as  I knew  most  of  them  to  be,  to  a life  of  slaver}'  in  a foreign 


MUNGO  PARK. 


land, — without  great  emotion.  During  a peregrination  of  more  than 
five  hundred  miles,  exposed  to  the  burning  rays  of  a tropical  sun,  these 
poor  slaves,  amidst  their  own  infinitely  greater  sufferings,  would  com- 
miserate mine,  and  frequently,  of  their  own  accord,  bring  water  to 
quench  my  thirst,  and  at  night  collect  branches  and  leaves  to  prepare 
me  a bed  in  the  wilderness.  We  parted  with  mutual  regret  and  bless- 
ings. My  good  vvishes  and  prayers  were  all  I could  bestow  upon 
them,  and  it  afforded  me  some  consolation  to  be  told  that  they  were 
sensible  I had  no  more  to  give. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  forget  the  disinterested 
charity,  and  tender  solicitude,  with  which  many  of  these  poor  heathens, 
from  die  sovereign  of  Sego,  to  the  poor  women  who  at  different  times 
received  me  into  their  cottages,  sympathized  with  my  sufferings,  re- 
lieved my  distress,  and  contributed  to  my  safety.  Perhaps  this 
acknowledgement  is  more  particularly  due  to  the  female  part  of  the 
nation.  Among  the  men,  as  the  reader  must  have  seen,  my  reception 
though  generally  kind,  was  sometimes  otherwise.  It  varied  according 
to  the  tempers  of  those  to  whom  I made  application.  Avarice  in 
some,  and  bigotry  in  others,  had  closed  up  the  avenues  to  compassion  ; 
but  I do  not  recollect  a single  instance  of  hard-heartedness  towards 
me  in  the  women.  In  all  my  wanderings  and  wretchedness,  I found 
them  uniformily  kind  and  compassionate;  and  I can  truly  say,  as 
Mr.  Ledyard  has  eloquently  said  before  me  : — 

“ To  a woman  I never  addressed  myself  in  the  language  of  decency 
and  friendship,  without  receiving  a decent  and  friendly  answer.  If  I 
was  hungry  or  thirsty,  wet  or  ill,  they  did  not  hesitate,  like  the  men, 
to  perform  a generous  action.  In  so  free  and  so  kind  a manner  did 
they  contribute  to  my  relief,  that  if  I was  thirsty,  I drank  the  sweeter 
draught ; and  if  I were  hungry,  I ate  the  coarsest  meal  with  a double 
relish.” 

Adanson,  who  visited  Senegal,  in  1754,  describes  the  negroes  as 
sociable,  obliging,  humane,  hospitable.  “Their  amiable  simplicity,” 
says  he,  “ in  this  enchanting  country,  recalled  to  me  the  idea  of  the 
primitive  race  of  man  ; I thought  1 saw  the  world  in  its  infancy.  They 
are  distinguished  by  tenderness  for  their  parents,  and  a great  respect 
for  the  aged.”  Robin  speaks  of  a slave  at  Martinico,  who  having 
gained  money  sufficient  for  his  own  ransom,  preferred  to  purchase  his 
mother’s  freedom. 

Protart,  in  his  history  of  Loango,  acknowledges  that  the  negroes 
on  the  coast,  who  associate  with  Europeans,  are  inclined  to  licentious- 
ness and  fraud  ; but  he  says  those  of  the  interior  are  humane,  obliging, 
and  hospitable.  Golberry  repeats  the  same  praise,  and  rebukes  the 
presumption  of  white  men  in  despising  “nations  improperly  called 
savage,  among  whom  we  find  men  of  integrity,  models  of  filial,  con- 
jugal, and  paternal  affection,  who  know  all  the  energies  and  refine- 
ments of  virtue  ; among  whom  sentimental  impressions  are  more  deep 
because  they  observe,  more  than  we,  the  dictates  of  nature,  and  know 
how  to  sacrifice  personal  interest  to  the  t-ies  of  friendship.” 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


HERODOTUS. 

Of  the  fame  of  Egypt’s  wisdom  all  have  heard — of  the  gigantic 
size  of  her  eternal  pyramids — the  splendor  of  her  twenty  thousand 
cities — of  Thebes  with  her  hundred  gates  and  superb  palaces  and 
temples — of  the  wisdom  of  her  laws  and  policy — of  her  mighty  con 
queror  Sesostris,  who  drew  Kings  at  his  chariot  wheels  and  left 
monumental  inscriptions  of  his  prowess  from  Ethiopia  to  India  ; all 
this  is  well  known,  but  many  will  be  startled  to  be  told  that  Egypt- 
ancient,  renowned,  victorious  Egypt,  the  mother  of  science  and  arts, 
both  ancient  and  modern,  was  inhabited  by  negroes  ; that  the  Egyp- 
tians were  in  fact  black,  curly  headed  negroes  ! Startle  not,  gentle 
reader,  you  shall  have  the  best  of  testimony — that  of  an  eye  witness 
— no  other  than  the  father  of  history,  HERODOTUS. 

“ The  priestesses  of  Dodona  assert,  says  he,  “ that  two  black  pi- 
geons flew  from  Thebes,  in  Egypt,  one  of  which  settled  in  Africa, 
the  other  among  themselves,  which  latter  resting  on  the  branch  of 
a dead  tree  declared  with  a human  voice,  that  here,  by  divine  ap- 
pointinent,  was  to  be  an  oracle  of  love.”  Herodotus  accounts  for 
this  fable,  by  supposing  that  the  fabled  pigeons  were  two  Egyptian 
priestesses  carried  away  from  Egypt  as  he  had  been  told  at  another 
temple,  by  the  Phenicians.  “ The  name  of  doves  was  probably  given 
them  because,  being  strangers,  the  sound  of  their  voices  might  to  the 
people  of  Dodona  seem  to  resemble  the  tone  of  those  birds,  and  the 
circumstances  of  their  being  black  explains  to  us  their  Egyptian 
origin.  Herod,  2 book. 

Again,  in  speaking  of  the  Colchians,  a people  of  Asia,  he  says, 
“ The  Colchians  certainly  appear  to  be  of  Egyptian  origin.”  Having 
interrogated  both  nations  on  this  point,  the  Egyptians  were  of  opinion 
that  the  Colchians  were  descended  of  part  of  the  troops  of  Sesostris, 
(their  ancient  conqueror  and  King.)  To  this  I am  also  inclined,  be- 
cause they  are  black  and  have  hair  short  and  curling." 

In  remarking  on  the  second  quotation  from  Herodotus,  Volney 
says,  “ It  shows  that  the  ancient  Egyptians  were  real  Negroes,  of 
the  same  species  with  all  the  natives  of  Africa  ; and  though,  as  might 
be  expected,  after  mixing  for  so  many  ages  with  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans, they  have  lost  the  intensity  of  their  first  color,  yet  they  still 
retain  strong  marks  of  their  original  conformation.” — Journal  and 
Luminary. 


ALEXANDER  H.  EVERETT. 


ALEXANDER  H.  EVERETT. 

Sir,  we  are  sometimes  told  that  all  these  efforts  will  be  unavailing- 
that  the  African  is  a degraded  member  of  the  human  family — that  ; 
man  with  a dark  skin  and  curled  hair,  is  necessarily,  as  such,  inca 
pable  of  improvement  and  civilization,  and  condemned  by  the  vice  o' 
nis  physical  conformation,  to  vegetate  for  ever  in  a state  of  hopeles. 
barbarism.  Mr.  President,  I reject,  witli  contempt  and  indignation 
this  miserable  heresy.  In  replying  to  it,  the  friends  of  truth  and  hu 
manity  have  not  hitherto  done  justice  to  the  argument.  In  order  ti 
prove  that  the  blacks  were  capable  of  intellectual  efforts,  they  havi 
painfully  collected  a few  imperfect  specimens  of  what  some  of  then 
have  done  in  this  way,  even  in  the  degraded  condition  which  the] 
occupy  at  present  in  Christendom.  Sir,  this  is  not  the  way  to  trea 
the  subject.  Go  back  to  an  earlier  period  in  the  history  of  our  race 
See  what  the  blacks  were  and  what  they  did  three  thousand  years 
ago,  in  the  period  of  their  greatness  and  glory,  when  they  occupied 
the  fore  front  in  the  march  of  civilization — when  they  constituted  ir 
fact  the  whole  civilized  world  of  their  time.  Trace  this  very  civiliza 
tioa,  of  which  we  are  so  proud,  to  its  origin,  and  see  where  you  wil 
find  it.  We  received  it  from  our  European  ancestors:  they'  had  i'1 
from  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  and  the  Jews.  But,  Sir,  where  die 
the  Greeks  and  the  Romans  and  the  Jews  get  it?  They  derived  ilj 
from  Ethiopia  and  Egypt, — in  one  word,  from  Africa.  Moses,  vvt 
are  told,  was  instructed  in  all  the  learning  of  the  Egyptians.  The 
founders  of  the  principal  Grecian  cities,  such  as  Athens,  Thebes,  and! 
Delphi,  came  from  Egypt,  and  for  centuries  afterwards,  their  descend- 
ants returned  to  that  country,  as  the  source  and  centre  of  civilization.; 
There  it  was  that  the  generous  and  stirring  spirits  of  the  time — Hero- 
dotus, Homer,  Plato,  Pythagoras,  and  the  rest,  made  their  noble  voy- 
ages of  intellectual  and  moral  discovery,  as  ours  now  make  them  in 
England,  France,  Germany,  and  Italy.  Sir,  the  Egyptians  were  the 
masters  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Jews,  and  consequently  of  all  the 
modern  nations  in  civilization,  and  they  had  carried  it  very  nearly  as 
far — -in  some  respects,  perhaps,  a good  deal  further  than  any  subse-1 
quent  people.  The  ruins  of  the  Egyptian  temples  laugh  to  scorn  the 
architectural  monuments  of  any  other  part  of  the  world.  They  will 
be  what  they  are  now,  the  delight  and  admiration  of  travellers  from  ail 
quarters,  when  the  grass  is  growing  on  the  sites  of  St.  Peter’s  and 
St.  Paul’s, — the  present  pride  of  Rome  and  London. 

Well,  Sir,  who  were  the  Egyptians?  They  were  Africans  : — and 
of  what  race? — It  is  sometimes  pretended,  that  though  Africans,  and 
of  Ethiopian  extraction,  they  were  not  black.  But  what  says  the 
father  of  history,  who  had  travelled  among  them,  and  knew  their 
appearance,  as  well  as  we  know  that  of  our  neighbors  in  Canada? 
Sir.  Herodotus  tells  you  that  the  Egyptians  were  blacks,  with  curled 
hair.  Some  writers  have  undertaken  to  dispute  his  authority,  but  I 
cannot  bring  myself  to  believe  that  the  father  of  history  did  not  know 
black  from  white.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  for  this  very  civilization  I 
of  which  we  are  so  proud,  and  which  is  the  only  ground  of  our  present 


SHARP A CITIZEN  OF  THE  WORLD L’OUVERTURE. 

claim  of  superiority,  we  are  indebted  to  the  ancestors  of  these  very 
blacks,  whom  we  are  pleased  to  consider  as  naturally  incapable  of 
civilization. — Speech  at  Massachusetts  Colonization  Society,  Feb.  7,  1833. 

ARCHBISHOP  SHARP. 

That  Africa,  which  is  now  more  fruitful  of  monsters,  than  it  was 
once  for  excellently  wise  and  learned  men, — that  Africa,  which  formerly 
afforded  us  our  Clemens,  our  Origen,  our  Terlullian,  our  Cyprian,  our 
Augustin,  and  many  other  extraordinary  lights  in  the  Church  of  God, — 
that  famous  Africa,  in  whose  soil,  Christianity  did  thrive  so  prodigiously, 
and  could  boast  of  so  many  flourishing  churches, — alas ! is  now  a wilder- 
ness. “The  wild  boars  have  broken  into  the  vineyard,  and  ate  it  up, 
and  it  brings  forth  nothing  but  briers  and  thorns,”  to  use  the  words  of 
the  prophet.  And  who  knows  but  God  may  suddenly  make  this 
church  and  nation,  this  our  England,  which,  Jeshurun-like,  is  waxed 
fat  and  grown  proud,  and  has  kicked  against  God,  such  another  example 
of  vengeance  of  this  kind. — Speech  in  House  of  Commons. 

A CITIZEN  OF  THE  WORLD. 

The  sum  of  five  thousand  pounds  sterling,  stands  invested  for  the 
mutual  benefit  of  two  very  excellent  institutions  in  London — the 
Magdalen  Asylum  and  the  Foundling  Hospital.  It  was  bequeathed 
to  them  by  one  OMICHAND,  a black  merchant  in  Calcutta,  who  left 
many  equally  liberal  donations  to  other  charitable  institutions  in  all 
parts  of  the  world. 

Another. — A poor  negro  walking  towards  Deptford,  Eng.,  saw 
by  the  road  side  an  old  sailor  of  a different  complexion,  with  but  one 
arm  and  two  wooden  legs.  The  worthy  African  immediately  took 
three  halfpence  and  a farthing,  his  little  all,  from  the  side-pocket  of  his 
tattered  trowsers,  and  forced  them  into  the  sailor’s  hand,  while  he  wiped 
the  tears  from  his  eye  with  the  corner  of  his  blue  patched  jacket,  and 
then  walked  away  quite  happy. — Shollo  and  Reuben  Percy's  Anecdotes. 

TOUSSAINT  L’OUVERTURE. 

Citizen  Consul, — Your  letter,  of  the  27th  Brumaire,  has  been 
transmitted  to  me  by  Citizen  Le  Clerc,  your  brother-in-law,  whom  you 
have  appointed  Captain  General  of  this  island,  a title  not  recognised 
by  the  Constitution  of  St.  Domingo.  The  same  messenger  has  restored 
two  innocent  children  to  the  fond  embraces  of  a doting  father.  What 
a noble  instance  of  European  humanity!  But,  dear  as  those  pledges 
are  to  me,  and  painful  as  our  separation  is,  I will  owe  no  obligations  to 
my  enemies,  and  I therefore  return  them  to  the  custody  of  their  jailers. 

Y ou  ask  me,  do  1 desire  consideration,  honors,  and  fortune  ? Most 
certainly  I do,  but  not  of  thy  giving.  My  consideration  is  placed  in 
the  respect  of  my  countrymen,  my  honors  in  their  attachment,  my 
fortune  in  their  disinterested  fidelity.  Has  this  mean  idea  of  personal 
aggrandizement  been  held  out  in  the  hope  that  I would  be  induced 
thereby  to  betray  the  cause  I have  undertaken  ? The  power  I possess 
has  been  as  legitimately  acquired  as  your  own,  and  nought  but  the 


18 


PHILLIS  WHEATLY. 


decided  voice  of  the  people  of  St.  Domingo  shall  compel  me  to  relin- 
quish it. 

It  is  not  cemented  by  blood,  or  maintained  by  tbe  artifices  of  Euro- 
pean policy.  “ The  ferocious  men  whose  persecutions  I put  a stop  to,” 
have  confessed  my  clemency,  and  I have  pardoned  the  wretch  whose 
dagger  has  been  aimed  at  my  life.  If  I have  removed  from  this  island 
certain  turbulent  spirits,  who  strove  to  feed  the' flames  of  civil  war, 
their  guilt  has  been  first  established  before  a competent  tribunal,  and 
finally  confessed  by  themselves.  Is  there  one  of  them  who  can  say 
that  he  has  been  condemned  unheard  or  untried  ? And  yet  these  mon- 
sters are  to  be  brought  back  once  more,  and,  aided  by  the  bloodhounds 
of  Cuba,  are  to  be  uncoupled  and  hallooed  to  hunt  us  down  and  devour 
us ; and  this  by  men  who  dare  to  call  themselves  Christians. — Letter 
to  Bonaparte,  1803. 

“He  was  born  a slave  in  St.  Domingo,  1745.  In  his  youth  he  was 
noted  for  his  benevolence  and  tender  feeling  towards  brutes,  and  his 
stability  of  temper.  By  assiduity  he  leamt  to  read,  write  and  cipher, 
this,  and  his  regular  and  amiable  deportment,  gained  the  esteem  of 
his  master,  whom  he  saved  in  the  revolution  of  1791.  That  he  never 
broke  his  word  was  proverbial.  His  unlimited  power  he  n-ever  abused. 
The  French  general,  being  unable  to  corrupt,  abducted  him  to  a 
dungeon  in  France,  where  he  perished  in  1803.” — History  of  Hayli. 

Godwin,  in  his  admirable  Lectures  on  Colonial  Slavery,  says : “ Can 
the  West  India  Islands,  since  their  first  discovery  by  Columbus,  boast 
a single  name  which  deserves  comparison  with  that  of  Toussaint 
L’Ouverture?”  He  is  thus  spoken  of  by  Vincent  in  his  Reflections  on 
the  State  of  St.  Domingo:  “Toussaint  L’Ouverture  is  the  most  active 
and  indefatigable  man,  of  whom  it  is  possible  to  form  an  idea.  He  is 
always  present  wherever  difficulty  or  danger  makes  his  presence 
necessary.  His  great  sobriety, — the  power  of  living  without  repose, — 
the  facility  with  which  he  resumes  the  affairs  of  the  cabinet,  after  the 
most  tiresome  excursions, — of  answering  daily  a hundred  letters, — 
and  of  habitually  tiring  five  secretaries — render  him  so  superior  to 
all  around  him,  that  their  respect  and  submission  almost  amount  to 
fanaticism.  It  is  certain  no  man  in  modern  times  has  obtained  such 
an  influence  over  a mass  of  ignorant  people,  as  General  Toussaint 
possesses  over  Iris  brethren  of  St  Domingo.  He  is  endowed  with  a 
prodigious  memory.  He  is  a good  father  and  a good  husband.” 

Toussaint,  Thou  hast  left  behind 

Powers  thfit  will  work  for  thee  ; air,  earth  and  skies  ; 

There’s  not  a breathing  of  the  common  wind 
That  will  forget  thee  ; thou  hast  great  allies. 

Thy  friends  are  exultations,  agonies, 

And  love,  and  man’s  unconquerable  mind. 

Wordsworth. 

PHILLIS  WHEATLY. 

No  more  America,  in  mournful  strain, 

Of  wrongs  and  grievance  unredressed  complain ; 

No  longer  shalt  thou  dread  the  iron  chain 
Which  wanton  Tyranny,  with  lawless  hand, 

Has  made,  and  with  it  meant  t’  enslave  the  land. 


HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE. 


Should  yon,  my  lord,  while  you  peruse  my  song, 

Wonder  from  whence  my  love  of  Freedom  sprung, 

Whence  flow  these  wishes  for  the  common  good, 

By  feeling  hearts  alone  best  understood, 

I,  young  in  life,  by  seeming  cruel  fate 

Was  snatched  t'rom  AfriC’s  fancied  happy  seat : 

What  pangs  excrutiating  must  molest, 

What  sorrows  labor  in  my  parent’s  breast ! 

Steeled  was  that  soul,  and  by  no  misery  moved. 

That  from  a father  seized  his  bate  beloved. 

CINQUEZ  AND  THE  AMISTAD  CAPTIVES. 

Thirty-eight  fellow-men  from  Africa,  after  having  been  piratically 
kidnapped  from  their  native  land,  transported  across  the  seas,  and 
subjected  to  atrocious  cruelties,  have  been  thrown  upon  our  shores, 
and  are  now  incarcerated  in  jail  to  await  their  trial  for  crimes  al- 
leged by  their  oppressors  to  have  been  committed  by  them.  They  are 
ignorant  of  our  language,  of  the  usages  of  civilized  society,  and  the 
obligations  of  Christianity.  Under  these  circumstances,  several 
friends  of  human  rights  have  met  to  consult  upon  the  case  of  these 
unfortunate  men,  and  have  appointed  the  undersigned  a committee 
to  employ  interpreters  and  able  counsel,  and  take  all  the  necessary 
means  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  accused.  It  is  intended  to  employ 
three  legal  gentlemen  of  distinguished  abilities,  and  to  incur  other 
needful  expenses. 

Simeon  S.  Jocelyn, 

Joshua  Leavitt, 

Lewis  Tam>an. 

“ The  Africans  had  just  arrived  at  Havana,  probably  under  Amer  * 
can  colors.  But  whether  they  came  under  American  or  Spanish 
colors,  it  was  piracy  to  bring  them  there.  It  was  in  violation  of  the 
laws  both  of  this  country  and  of  Spain.  Violation  of  law  and  the 
rights  of  the  Africans  was  continued  in  another  vessel,  by  their  ille- 
gal imprisonment.  Don  Euez  became  another  jailor  and  received  the 
robbed  or  stolen  property,  even  by  the  Spanish  laws,  knowing  it  to 
be  such,  with  an  intention  to  work  them  for  life.  They  rise  for  free- 
dom and  for  Africa  ; not  for  blood,  nor  for  booty.” 

“ Those  blacks,  when  they  left  Havana,  and  were  sailing  on  God’s 
broad,  free  ocean,  where  in  a state  of  involuntary  durance  and  forced 
servitude  ; while  the  elements  and  every  thing  around  them  were  re- 
dolent of  freedom,  they  alone  were  prisoners  and  slaves.  They  were 
bound  by  no  parole  of  honor,  they  had  made  no  compact,  and  they 
were  morally  and  by  the  laws  of  action  usually  recognized  by  chris. 
tian  natives,  justified  in  setting  themselves  free.  They  were  forcibly 
and  wrongfully  restrained  of  their  libeity,  and  under  such  circum- 
stances, had  a right  to  regain  it  even  by  the  destruction  of  their  en- 
slavers. These  blacks  nobly  resolved  to  achieve  their  freedom  ; they 
gained  it  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives.  They  obtained  it,  and  it  is 
theirs  ; and  we  have  no  right  to  take  it  away  from  them.  By  the 
common  opinion  of  patriots  in  all  times  and  in  all  countries,  those 
who  make  a generous  and  successful  struggle  to  throw  off  the  chain 
of  slavery  are  noble  and  great,  and  entitled  to  admiration  ; and  we 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Bee  not  why  Joseph  Cinquez,  who  conceived  and  executed  the  design 
of  liberating  himself  and  fellow  prisoners  from  their  captivity,  and 
who  aroused  and  stimulated  them  to  regain  their  liberty,  and  steer 
their  bark  for  the  shores  of  their  native  Africa,  is  not  as  much  enti- 
tled to  the  appellation  of  a great,  generous  and  patriotic  man,  as 
was  William  Tell,  whose  praises  have  been  the  theme  of  every  pen 
and  tongue.  They  both  strove  for  the  same  noble  end,  for  the  same 
noble  reason.” 

“ On  the  fifih  night,  the  captain  being  asleep  on  a matrass  on  deck, 
with  his  mulatto  slave  by  his  side,  was  attacked  by  this  chief,  with  a 
sugar  knife.  The  first  blow  did  not  inflict  great  injury,  for  after  re. 
ceiving  it,  he  called  to  Antonio,  also  his  own  slave,  and  a cabin  boy, 
to  get  some  bread  and  throw  it  among  the  negroes,  hoping  thereby  to 
pacify  them.  He  was  overpowered  and  slain  by  Joseph. 

“ About  two  days  after  the  rising  they  had  a heavy  gale,  which 
drifted  them  into  the  Bahama  channel.  Here  they  boxed  about  again, 
but  saw  no  vessels  ; at  last,  being  out  of  water,  the  negroes  ordered 
Montcz  to  make  the  nearest  land,  which  proved  to  be  the  island  of 
St.  Andrews.  Here  the  negroes  met  no  one.  After  this  Montez 
steered  for  New-Providence,  but  the  negroes  were  not  disposed  lo 
land.  By  this  time  Joseph  had  learned  to  steer,  and  he  took  the 
helm  in  the  day,  leaving  one  of  the  white  men  to  steer  at  night. 
Every  night  Joseph  slept  near  the  helm,  and  had  two  of  the  most 
trusty  negroes  by  his  side  watching,  and  ready  to  awake  him  on  the 
least  alarm.  Joseph  lived  abstemiously  during  the  whole  trouble,  and 
insisted  on  the  most  perfect  obedience  to  his  orders.  The  only  food 
eaten  was  portioned  out  by  his  hand,  and  not  a box  of  the  cargo 
opened  but  under  his  direction.  He  divided  the  spoil,  taking  the 
smallest  portion  for  himself.  He  was  the  master  spirit  on  board; 
every  thing  felt  his  influence.” 

The  marshal  committed  Joseph  Cinquez,  the  leader,  and  38  others, 
as  named  in  the  indictment,  for  trial  before  the  circuit  court  at  Hart, 
ford,  holden  on  the  17th  Sept.  1833. — IV.  Y.  Papers. 

Washington,  March  9,  1841. 

The  captives  are  free  ! The  part  of  the  decree  of  the  district  court, 
which  placed  them  at  the  disposal  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  be  sent  to  Africa  is  reversed.  They  are  to  be  discharged  ; 
from  the  custody  of  the  marshal — free.  The  rest  of  the  decision  of 
the  courts  below,  is  affirmed. 

“Not  unto  us — not  unto  us,  &c.” — J.  Q.  ADAMS. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBEKTY. 


NATHANIEL  SOUTHARD. 

The  great  work  of  abolishing  slavery  in  Ncw-York  is  finished. 
The  legislature  closed  ils  session  on  Wednesday  of  last  week,  May 
26th,  1841.  In  the  midst  of  the  hurrv  at  the  close  of  the  session, 
they  found  time  to  wipe  off  the  last  stain  of  slavery  from  our  statute- 
books.  The  law,  as  it  was  before,  made  southern  despotism  a travel- 
ling institution,  and  not  “peculiar”  to  those  states  in  which  one-half 
the  inhabitants  are  made  free  plunder  for  those  who  are  “ nursed, 
educated,  and  daily-  exercised  in  tyranny.”  The  home  citizen  of  New- 
York  was  not  permitted  to  force  his  neighbor  to  work  without  wages, 
to  turn  woman  into  a beast  of  burden,  and  rear  her  teller  infants  for 
the  flesh-market.  But  let  the  New-Yorker  buy  a Georgia  plantation, 
and  suck  wealth  from  the  blood  of  plundered  laborers,  he  could  pol- 
lute our  soil,  insult  our  citizens,  and  disgrace  our  state,  by  openly 
scourging  his  human-cattle  in  our  streets,  and  our  laws  would  pro- 
tect him  in  it,  provided  he  lived  part  of  the  year  in  a slave  state. 

While  we  rejoice  at  this  triumph  of  truth  and  humanity,  let  us  re- 
new our  efforts  to  scatter  light,  in  the  joyful  hope  that  the  darkness 
of  slavery  will  flee  before  it,  and  the  sun,  as  it  shines  across  our 
broad  country,  from  ocean  to  ocean,  shall  cease  to  look  on  a slave. 

More  Slaves  Fighting  for  Liberty. 

The  public  mind  is  again  excited  by  a case  somewhat  like  that  of 
the  Amistad.  The  slaves  are  free,  but  not  on  American  soil.  This 
republic  was  the  house  of  their  bondage,  and  they  were  victims  of 
the  American  slave  trade,  which  a distinguished  Virginian  law-ma- 
ker, once  declared  was  worse  than  the  foreign. 

On  the  27th  of  October,  the  brig  Create,  of  Richmond,  left  Vir- 
ginia, with  135  slaves  for  New- York.  They  had  been  out  11  days, 
when  they  made  a desperate  effort  to  gain  their  freedom,  their  leader 
was  a slave  named  WASHINGTON  MADISON.  They  first  shot 
tlie  mate,  about  9 o’clock,  at  night.  He  alarmed  the  captain,  who 
had  “ turned  in.”  Both  escaped  up  the  rigging,  and  concealed  them- 
selves at  the  main-top.  Mr.  Hewell,  the  man  who  dared  to  claim 
these  men  as  property,  was  on  board.  He  shot  one  of  them  dead, 
and  ‘ fought  afterwards  like  a tiger,”  as  the  Ncw-Orleans  Picayune 
expresses  it,  till  lie  was  himself  killed.  The  mate  was  discovered  the 
next  day  in  his  hiding  place,  and  compelled  to  navigate  the  vessel  to 
the  British  island  of  New-Providence,  where  one  or  two  cargoes  of 
slaves  have  been  previously  liberated.  Nineteen  of  them,  who  had 
taken  part  in  the  rebellion,  were  confined  as  criminals,  but  the  go- 
vernor would  not  send  them  to  America  at  present.  The  rest  were 
set  free,  and  most  of  them  went  directly  to  Jamaica.  May  the  Lord 
make  their  liberty,  thus  violently  taken,  a blessing  to  them. 

Truly,  all  friends  of  the  slave-holders,  should  labor  to  overthrow 
the  horrid  system  which  hurrid  Mr.  Hewell  to  such  a terrible  death. 
This  case  will  excite  much  wrath  towards  Great  Britain,  but  we 
think  it  will  not  lead  to  war. 

Youth’s  Cabinet , 


18* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


WILLIAM  EUSTIS. 

The  colored  soldiers  in  Rhode  Island  formed  an  entire  regiment, 
and  they  discharged  their  duly  with  zeal  and  fidelity.  The  gallant 
defence  of  Red  Bank,  in  which  the  Black  Regiment  bore  a part,  is 
among  the  proofs  of  their  valor.  Among  the  traits  which  distin- 
guished this  regiment  was  then  devotion  to  their  officers.  When  their 
brave  Colonel  Green  was  afterwads  cut  down  and  mortally  wounded, 
the  sabres  of  the  enemy  only  reached  him  through  the  bodies  of  his 
faithful  guard  of  blacks,  whom  he  was  not  ashamed  to  call  his  chil- 
dren. They  hovered  over  him  to  protect  him — every  one  of  them 
was  killed.  The  venerable  Dr.  Harris,  of  New-Hampshire,  adds; 
there  was,  a regiment  of  blacks  in  the  same  situation — a regiment  of 
negroes  fighting  for  our  liberty  and  independence — not  a white  man 
among  them  but  the  officers — in  the  most  dangerous  and  responsible 
position.  “ Had  they  been  unfaithful,  or  given  way  before  the  enemy, 
all  would  have  been  lo.-t.  Three  times  in  succession  were  they  at. 
tacked  with  most  desperate  fury  by  well  disciplined  and  veteran  troops, 
and  three  times  did  they  successfully  repel  the  assault,  and  thus  pre- 
serve an  army.  They  fought  thus  through  the  war.  They  were  brave 
and  hardy  troops. 


JOHN  T.  NORTON. 

There  are  not  many  colored  people  in  England,  but  I see  one  or 
more  every  day.  And  where  do  you  think  I see  them  ? The  first 
that  I saw  was  a mulatto  woman  walking  arm  in  arm  with  a gentle- 
man in  Hyde  Park.  The  next  was  an  African  man,  entirely  at  home 
in  an  omnibus  filled  with  white  gentlemen  and  ladies.  The  next 
was  an  elegantly  dressed  and  beautiful  young  lady,  sitting  by  the  side 
of  a white  lady,  on  terms  of  perfect  equality,  in  one  of  the  most 
splendid  coaches  in  Hyde  Park,  with  liveried  servants.  Yesterday, 
whilst  riding  in  an  omnibus  in  Regent-street,  a colored  young  woman 
beckoned  to  the  driver,  and  he  stopped  and  opened  the  door  at  once. 
She  did  not  get  in,  as  she  found  it  was  not  going  where  she  wished 
to  go.  This  afternoon  I attended  the  church  in  Blackfriars,  former- 
ly Rowland  Hill’s.  The  largest  and  most  respectable  and  solemn  au- 
dience was  present  that  I ever  witnessed — the  sexton  told  me  four 
thousand.  On  looking  around,  I saw  a head  and  face  that  marked 
the  purest  African  descent.  Was  he  perched  up  in  a corner?  No: 
he  was  in  a pew,  near  the  middle  of  the  church.  On  my  walk  home, 

I saw  a black  man  with  an  elegantly  dressed  white  lady  leaning  on 
his  arm,  and  immediately  following  them,  a white  and  black  gentle, 
man  arm  in  arm.  I followed  them  a little,  and  soon,  on  coming  to 
another  street,  the  lady  shook  hands  cordially  with  the  two  black 
gentlemen,  (for  they  had  every  appearance  of  such,)  and  they  both 
put  their  arms  into  the  white  gentleman’s  and  walked  on.  What  I , 
noticed  most  particularly  in  all  these  cases  was,  that  not  the  least  at- 
tention was  attracted.  I could  not  perceive  that  an  individual  besides 
myself,  knew  that  there  was  any  difference  in  the  colors.  So  it  ought 
to  be.  The  character,  the  character  alone,  should  be  the  test. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


NATHANIEL  PAUL. 

We  are  bold  to  affirm  that  the  Christian,  the  patriot,  and  the  gen 
tleman  will  esteem  others  according  to  their  moral  worth.  If  so- 
briety, industry  and  prudence  characterizes  their  conduct,  it  follows 
as  a necessary  consequence,  that  they  will  be  respected  by  men  pos- 
sessing like  virtues. 

I cannot  therefore  believe,  that  our  cause  is  altogether  so  hopeless 
in  this  country,  as  is  pretended,  nor  will  I yet  despair  of  our  ulti- 
mate success,  in  obtaining  the  object  of  our  desire,  an  equal  stand- 
ing with  the  rest  of  community.  And  with  an  eye  to  this  mark,  as 
long  as  the  vital  fluid  courses  through  the  channels,  that  nature’s 
God  has  provided,  and  I have  a voice  that  can  be  heard,  feeble  as 
that  voice  may  be,  it  shall  be  raised  to  encourage  every  descendant 
of  Africa,  to  press  his  way  through  every  obstacle,  until  this  object 
is  obtained,  and  he  finds  his  standing  firmly  established  upon  this 
hallowed  ground.  The  time  has  been,  when  the  sight  of  a Quaker 
or  a Baptist,  was  more  obnoxious  to  a New-England  Puritan,  than 
a black  face  is  now  to  a Southern  Nabob,  and  yet  they  have  out- 
lived the  storm  and  now  are  quite  as  respectable  as  their  neighbors. 

Permit  me  to  urge  upon  your  attention,  by  every  consideration  that 
is  connected  with  the  present  and  eternal  welfare  of  your  offspring, 
the  importance  of  their  education.  I do  not  mean  to  insist  on  their  be- 
ing instructed  in  the  higher  branches  of  classical  literature,  except 
in  certain  cases,  where  a child  manifests  a genius  and  taste  for  science, 
but  I mean  in  its  elementary  branches — I mean  that  education, 
which  shall  enable  your  children  to  transact  with  accuracy,  the  com- 
mon business  of  life  ; and  of  such  importance  do  I view  this  subject, 
that  had  I children,  and  found  it  necessary,  I would  rise  before  the 
dawn  of  the  morning,  and  the  midnight  watches  should  find  my 
hands  employed  ; I would  eat  but  a scanty  allowance  of  bread  and 
water,  and  wear  the  coarsest  attire,  rather  than  fail  of  accomplish- 
ing so  desirable  an  object;  I would  break  through  every  obstacle,  and 
place  my  children  as  soon  as  they  were  capable  of  receiving  instruc- 
tion, at  some  hallowed  fountain,  from  which  issues  forth  the  streams 
of  useful  learning. 

The  law  of  custom  has  hitherto  confined  us  to  a narrow  sphere  of 
action  ; and  many  even  now  seem  unwilling  that  we  should  arise 
above  it,  but  as  long  as  the  agricultural  and  mechanical  branches  of 
business  are  within  our  reach,  why  should  we  not  avail  ourselves  of 
their  benefits.  No  branches  of  business  are  more  respectable;  and 
no  class  of  citizens  are  more  useful  and  independent,  we  would  there- 
fore urge  on  you  the  importance  of  placing  your  sons,  at  a proper 
age,  in  a situation  where  they  may  obtain  a knowledge  of  some  one 
of  the  various  branches  of  mechanical  art ; or  with  the  agriculturist 
to  learn  to  till  the  earth,  and  gather  its  precious  fruits  ; and  let  your 
daughters  learn  to  use  the  needle,  and  to  lay  their  hands  to  the  spin- 
dle, and  their  hands  hold  of  the  distaff,  to  make  fine  linen  for  their 
covering,  and  girdles  for  the  merchant. — Address  on  the  Abolition  of 
Slavery  in  New-York. 

Mr.  Paul  was  of  respectable  parentage  so  far  as  exemplary  con 


NATHANIEL  PAUL. 


duct  and  moral  worth  may  be  said  to  constitute  genuine  respecta. 
bility.  His  father  partook  of  the  hardships  of  the  revolution  of  ’76, 
but  not  of  all  the  blessings  of  liberty  secured  to  his  white  country, 
men.  He  came  to  Albany  in  1820,  and  to  the  latest  period  of  his 
mortal  existence,  he  never  lost  sight  of  the  interests  of  the  colored 
people.  He  promoted  their  moral  and  religious  instruction,  inculcated 
habits  of  industry,  order,  and  sobriety,  and  taught  them  to  respect 
themselves.  He  travelled  not  less  than  five  thousand  miles  in  collect- 
ing funds  to  pay  off  the  debt  incurred  by  the  erection  of  the  Hamil- 
ton street  (Baptist)  Church,  in  which  he  officiated  as  pastor. 

Many  of  the  free  colored  people  of  Ohio,  who  were  in  1829,  ex- 
pelled by  the  cruel  and  oppressive  laws  of  that  state,  had  effected  a 
promising  settlement  in  Upper  Canada.  Mr.  Paul  repaired  to  this 
new  colony,  to  aid  in  the  early  establishment  of  moral  and  religious 
institutions.  Sir  John  Colburn  strongly  urged  him  to  visit  England, 
and  make  known  the  situation  of  his  people,  and  secure  the  interest 
of  the  home  government  on  their  behalf.  This  mission  to  England 
promised  favorably  ; the  society  of  friends  at  Bristol,  agreed  at  once 
to  raise  one  thousand  pounds,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Wilberforce 
colon}',  but  news  arriving  that  the  settlers  were  in  a disorderly  stale, 
the  subscription  was  discontinued.  Though  he  experienced  a pecu- 
niary loss  by  this  mission,  philanthropy  gained.  During  his  sojourn 
in  England,  he  assiduously  opposed  the  enormous  pretensions  of  the 
American  colonization  society,  until  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Garrison,  by 
whom  the  triumph  was  consummated,  and  the  monster  colonization 
prostrated  in  G.  Britain.  In  1832,  Mr.  Paul  was  summoned  to  give 
evidence  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  before  a select  committee  of  the 
House  of  Commons ; his  evidence  was  regarded  by  that  honorable 
body  as  highly  satisfactory  and  important,  and  contributed  to  the  abo- 
lition of  West  India  slavery. — Life , by  Mrs.  Anne  Paul. 


CHARLES  LENOX  REMOND. 

What  does  the  American  Union  mean  ? Nothing  more  than  this, 
that  the  twenty-six  states  of  America  are  joined  together  in  govern 
ment  and  civil  rights.  The  union  is  but  a parchment  document,  and 
as  there  is  no  hill  so  lofty  that  it  may  not  be  surmounted,  no  space 
of  ocean  so  boundless  that  it  may  not  be  traversed,  there  is  nothing 
more  possible  than  that  the  union  might  be  dissolved.  But  is  it  pro- 
bable ? Suppose  that  the  union  were  dissolved  to-morrow,  by  what 
power  or  agency,  let  me  ask,  would  it  be  possible  for  the  holders  to 
retain  their  slaves  greater  in  number  than  themselves  ? [Loud  cries 
of  ‘ hear,  hear.’]  To  whom  should  the  slave-holders  look  for  sympa- 
thy, co-operation,  and  support,  in  their  endeavors  to  keep  these 
wretches  in  bondage  ? Mill  they  look  to  the  free  states  ? Certainly 
not,  for  the  very  deed  of  dissolution  precludes  the  possibility  of  that. 
"Will  they  look  to  Mexico  ? No;  for  the  Mexicans  regard  them  with 
an  eye  of  the  rankest  jealousy.  Will  they  look  to  Canada  ? The 
thought  is  absurd.  "Will  they  look  to  the  West  Indies  ? What ! ask 
men  who  are  themselves  but  just  liberated  to  aid  in  forging  chains  for 


C.  L.  EEMOND. 


other  wretches  ! Who  will  believe  it  ? Spain  is  the  only  land  to 
which  they  can  torn  their  eyes  ; but  Spain  has  her  own  foes  to  trou- 
ble her,  and  the  demon  of  slavery  lurks  within  her  own  confines. 
Where,  then,  will  they  look  for  sympathy,  and  whither  will  they  fly 
for  aid?  (Hear.)  The  moment  when  the  American  union  is  dis- 
solved, that  instant  the  power  of  the  slave-holder  is  prostrated  in  the 
dust.  Hopeless,  helpless,  friendless,  they  become  an  isolated  class 
of  beings,  having  nothing  to  depend  on  but  their  own  strength,  and 
that  is  weakness  indeed.  Then  will  rouse  the  crushed  worm,  turning 
on  its  torturer,  and,  in  the  fierce  indignation  of  outraged  men,  the 
slaves  will  demand  the  right  of  measuring  arms  with  their  masters. 
[Immense  cheering.] 

I do  not  think  I shall  myself  live  to  see  that  day,  but  that  such 
would  be  the  effect  of  a dissolution  of  the  American  union  1 feel  con- 
fidently assured,  (hear.)  Where  is  the  man,  who,  if  asked  to  become 
a slave,  would  not  hurl  back  the  offer  indignantly  in  the  teeth  of  the 
oppressor  ? Nay,  where  is  the  woman — where  the  child  ? The 
slaves  of  the  United  States  are  men,  women,  and  children  ; and  that 
they  are  as  worthy  this  appellation,  nay,  worthier,  perhaps,  than  the 
denizens  of  more  favored  lands,  is  amply  testified  by  their  patient  and 
enduring  conduct  under  contumely  and  outrage,  for  they,  like  your- 
selves, have  preferred  rather  to  suffer  wrong,  than  to  do  wrong. — 
Speech  at  Dublin. 


SAMUEL  E.  CORNISH, 

AND 

THEODORE  S.  WRIGHT. 

The  Colonization  society  was  scarcely  known  to  have  been  or- 
ganized, before  its  object  was  protested  against,  in  a public  meeting 
of  the  free  colored  people  of  Richmond,  Va.  Not  long  after,  (in 
August,  1817,)  the  largest  meeting  ever  yet  held  of  the  colored  peo- 
ple of  the  free  states — the  number  being  computed  at  3000 — came 
together  m Philadelphia,  to  consider  the  colonization  scheme.  Mr. 
James  Forten,  a man  distinguished  not  only  for  his  wealth  and  suc- 
cessful industry,  but  for  his  sufferings  in  the  revolutionary  war,  pre- 
sided at  its  deliberations.  After  ample  time  allowed  for  duly  consi- 
dering every  benefit  which  colonization  held  out  to  the  colored  people, 
there  was  not  a single  voice  in  that  vast  assembly  which  was  not 
raised  for  its  decisive,  thorough  condemnation. 

Meetings  of  a similar  kind  were  held  in  Washington  city,  in  Bal- 
timore, New-York,  Providence,  Boston, — indeed,  in  all  the  cities, 
and  in  most  of  the  large  towns,  throughout  the  free  states.  The  ab- 
horrence which  was  generally  expressed  of  the  whole  scheme  proved, 
that  those  to  whose  acceptance  it  was  offered  regarded  it  but  as  little 
more  merciful  than  death.  From  the  earliest  period  of  those  public 
meetings  up  to  this  tune,  we  fearlessly  assert,  that  no  credible  testi- 
mony can  be  adduced,  showing,  that  there  has  been  any  abatement 
in  the  repugnance  of  the  colored  people  to  colonization.  In  January, 
1839,  a large  public  meeting  was  held  in  this  city,  at  which  the  fol- 
lowing expression  of  sentiment  was  unanimously  given  : 


S.  E.  CORNISH  AND  T.  S.  WRIGHT. 


“Whereas,  we,  the  people  of  color,  citizens  of  New.  York,  fee 
and  know  that  the  American  ‘ Colonization  society’  is  the  source 
whence  proceed  most  of  the  various  proscriptions  and  oppressions  un 
der  which  we  groan  and  suffer  ; — and  believing,  that  the  most  efficient 
remedy  we  can  apply,  is,  to  reiterate  the  sentiments  which  we  have,  at 
all  timesand  places, heretofore  entertained  and  expressed — thereby  show- 
ing, that  our  present  opposition  is  not  of  late  origin,  but  of  as  long  stand- 
ing as  the  existence  of  the  scheme  itself ; and  believing  also,  that 
when  our  opinions  are  known,  the  blighting  influences  of  that  un- 
hallowed offspring  of  slavery  cannot  so  successfully  be  exercised 
against  us  : — we  therefore,  in  solemn  meeting  assembled,  do  delibe. 
rately  and  unanimously  enter  our  protest  against  the  whole  scheme.” 

The  colonization  scheme  was  set  on  foot,  and  is  yet  maintained  by 
slave-holders,  with  the  view,  as  they  have  not  been  backward  to  de-  i 
clare,  of  perpetuating  their  system  of  slavery,  undisturbed.  From 
the  first,  no  very  high  expectations  seem  to  have  been  entertained, 
that  an  enterprise,  so  unnecessary,  so  unnatural,  so  condemned  by 
the  most  elemental  truths  of  political  economy,  so  profitless,  so  peril- 
ous, bearing  about  it  so  little  of  hope,  so  much  of  despair,  would 
commend  itself  strongly  to  that  class  of  the  community  to  which  it 
purported  solely  to  be  addressed.  But  little  reliance  appears  to  have 
been  placed  on  obtaining  their  voluntary  consent  to  exchange  for  the 
fens  and  morasses  of  barbarous  and  heathen  Africa,  this,  the  country 
of  their  fathers  for  generations,  and  of  their  own  nativity — where 
land  was  abundant  and  cheap — where  labor  was  in  demand  and  its 
rewards  sure — where  education  could  be  obtained,  albeit,  for  the 
most  part,  with  difficulty — where  the  common  ordinances  of  religion, 
as  well  as  its  higher  institutions  were  established — where  every  in- 
terest had  the  promise  of  advancement — and  where,  notwithstanding 
they  were  called  to  suffer  many  ills  brought  on  them  by  others,  they 
might  yet  live  in  hope,  that  the  dark  cloud  of  slavery  which  had  so  - 
long  obscured  the  free  principles  asserted  by  our  governments,  would 
one  day  pass  away  and  permit  these  principles  to  shine  in  all  their 
warmth  and  effulgence,  if  not  on  themselves,  on  no  very  distant 
generation  of  their  descendants. 

Whatever  individual  exceptions  there  may  exist  among  slave-holders 
on  the  score  of  goodness  and  gentleness,  yet  as  an  embodied  interest, 
they  know  no  retiring  ebb  when  moving  upon  objects  connected  with 
their  atrocious  system.  The  political  history  of  the  country,  from 
the  time  when  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  refused  to  enter  the  union, 
unless  the  traffic  in  human  flesh  should  be  secured  to  them  for  twenty 
years,  proves  this.  Their  struggle  and  their  triumph  on  the  Missouri 
question  proves  this.  Their  fierce  onset — guilefully  laid  aside,  not 
abandoned — to  add  Texas  to  our  territory,  with  the  audaciously  1 
avowed  purpose  of  strengthening  and  perpetuating  the  slave-system, 
proves  this. 

Prejudice  1 What  is  it  ? Lexicographers  tells  us,  it  is  a decision 
of  the  mind  formed  without  due  examination  of  the  facts  or  argu- 
ments which  are  necessary  to  a just  and  impartial  determination. 
And  prejudice  against  color  ! What  does  this  mean  ? You  who  are 
sensible — learned  men.  Pray,  instruct  us  in  this  mystery  of  slave. 


S.  E.  CORNISH  AND  T.  S.  WRICHT. 


lolding  pliilosophy — scarcely  spoken  of  in  Britain,  wholly  unknown 
md  unfelt  among  the  learned,  the  wise,  the  refined  of  France  and 
he  other  nations  of  Europe.  Can  prejudice  exist  against  that  which 
las  in  it  nothing  of  the  moral  or  the  intellectual  ? Is  it  a down  right 
ibsurdity  to  say  of  men,  that  they  are  prejudiced  against  sound  or 
jght — against  the  earth,  or  the  sea,  or  the  air,  or  light  ? And  is  it 

less  one  to  say,  that  they  are  prejudiced  against  color  ? 

But  an  existing  state  of  things  does  not  imply,  that  it  is  to  be  per- 
nanent,  much  less  perpetual.  Not  very  long  ago,  throughout  Eu- 
ope,  there  was  a strong  prejudice  existing  against  the  Jews.  In 
flany  respects,  they  were  as  evil-entreated  as  we  are.  They  were 
lot  unfrequently  banished  from  the  countries  in  which  they  were  born 
nd  brought  up.  Then-  persecutors  had  all  the  advantage  of  the  ar- 
;ument  based  on  ‘‘  existing”  prejudice  : and  it  is  no  means  unlikely, 
hat  the  most  religious  of  them  may  have  advanced  it,  out  of  pure 
ompassion  to  these  unhappy  people,  and  in  order  to  reconcile  to  their 
wn  consciences  what,  without  some  pretext  of  good,  would  have 
ppeared  an  act  of  injustice  and  cruelty.  But  this  prejudice  against 
be  Jews  shows  no  signs  of  perpetuating  itself.  It  is  rapidly  giving 
,'ay  before  the  influence  of  a religious  and  philosophical  age  ; the 
ews  are  fast  acquiring  civil  privileges ; are  aspiring  to  a higher  tone 
f character  and  morals,  and  beginning  to  be  esteemed,  as  other  men 
re,  according  to  their  merits.  But  in  what  light  are  their  persecu- 
ors  viewed  ? Either  as  exceedingly  wicked  or  foolish,  and  often 
oth. 

Besides,  where  are  the  proofs  of  warm  regard  for  our  happiness  on 
be  part  of  colonizationists  ? Have  they  aided  and  encouraged  us  in 
ae  education  of  our  children  ? No  ! They  say  we  ought  not  to  be 
ncouraged  to  this,  because  it  would  induce  us  to  remain  here.  Have 
hey  sought  to  secure  to  us  those  political  and  civil  privileges  and 
ights,  without  which,  in  their  own  case,  they  would  look  on  them- 
elves  as  grievously  oppressed  ? No  1 They  say  our  prdsent  disa. 
ilities  “ ought  to  be  maintained  in  all  their  rigor.”  Have  they  pe- 
iled  for  us  then-  fives,  or  their  persons,  or  their  reputations,  or  their 
roperty  ? If  so,  say  when, — where.  Have  they  protected  and  com- 
arted  us  when  assailed  by  the  most  brutal  persecutions  ? Tell  us  the 
ccasions  ; we  can  recall  none  such.  Have  they  once  rebuked  the 
Ave-holder,  our  envenomed  enemy,  for  his  pitiless  oppression  of  our 
rethren  ? No ! But  they  have  made  of  him  an  ally  in  the  work  of 
snevolence  projected  for  us, — and  to  show  him  with  what  entire  good 
rith  they  intend  to  perform  their  part  of  the  covenant,  they  have 
nited  with  him  in  proclaiming  to  the  world,  that  we  are  “ of  all 
escriptions  of  our  population  the  most  corrupt,  depraved  and  aban- 
oned.” — Colonization  considered. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  FORTEN. 

Our  venerable  and  beloved  James  Forten  died  on  (he  4th  March 
1842.  The  vast  concourse  of  people,  of  all  classes  and  complexions 
numbering  from  three  to  live  thousand,  that  followed  his  remains  t< 
the  grave,  bore  testimony  to  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  univer 
sally  held.  Our  wealthiest  and  most  influential  citizens  joined  in  th( 
procession  ; and  complexional  distinctions  and  prejudices  seemed,  fo: 
the  time,  to  be  forgotten,  in  the  desire  to  pay  the  last  tribute  of  re 
spect  to  the  memory  of  departed  worth.  The  minister,  Mr.  Doug 
lass,  a well  educated  man  of  color,  dwelt  very  appropriately  upoi 
the  solemn  occasion  of  their  assembly. 

In  estimating  some  of  the  most  sinking  features  of  his  character 
his  wide-reaching  benevolence  was  first  mentioned.  Every  effort  ti 
meliorate  man’s  condition,  found  in  James  Forten  a warm  supporter 
If  he  felt  a deeper  interest  in  the  anti-slavery  and  temperance  efforts 
than  in  others,  it  was  because  they  involved  the  interests  and  desti  I 
nics  of  our  unoffending,  but  persecuted  class,  with  which  he  wai  i 
particularly  identified.  IJis  opposition  to  slavery,  and  zeal  in  the 
cause  of  human  liberty,  never  tired  or  diminished.  He  felt  it  to  bi 
a duty  and  a pleasure  to  give  his  warm  and  liberal  support  to  thai 
band  of  self-sacrificing  men,  that  had  organized  to  labor  for  the  re 
demption  of  his  brethren  in  bonds.  Just  before  speech  failed  him,  hi 
desired  his  love  to  be  given  to  Mr.  Garrison,  and  all  his  abolitior 
friend's.  He  sustained  the  temperance  reform,  not  only  for  the  vas 
good  it  was  accomplishing  to  all,  but  because  it  promised  to  lift  u; 
many  of  his  own  brethren  from  their  degradation,  and  take  out  of 
the  mouths  of  the  enemies  of  liberty  their  objections  to  the  colorei 
man’s  freedom. — J.  MILLER  McKIM. 


JACOB  OSON. 

I would  have  those  propagators  to  suppose  themselves  in  foreigr 
lands,  of  strange  tongues,  without  a record  of  their  forefathers,  stoler 
away  when  young  and  never  knew  even  their  father.  Put  to  hare 
labor  with  scanty  meals  and  a driver  over  them  with  his  lash,  am  ] 
nothing  for  their  labor,  and  taught  tlr=.v  they  were  nothing,  nor  evet 
could  be  any  thing  but  vagabond  slaves,  and  kept  in  this  state  fron 
generation  to  generation.  How  would  they  appear  in  four  hundrec 
years? — perhaps  as  tarnished  as  we  are,  perhaps  their  craniumf  i 
might  somewhat  be  resembling  the  ape.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  they 
would  be  as  rough  as  marble  before  it  came  to  the  polishers’  hands 
Now  what  can  such  arguers  think  ? Would  they  not  say  if  thej 
were  oppressed  and  made  tributary  that  all  men  were  created  equa 
and  by  their  Creator  were  endowed  with  certain  unalienable  rights 
life  and  liberty;  would  they  not  say  that  God  made  of  one  blood  al 
nations  to  dwell  on  the  earth,  and  that  he  was  no  respecter  of  persons' 


THE  LEGIOX  OF  LIBERTY. 


REMONSTRANCE 

OF  SOME  FREE  MEN,  STATES,  AND  PRESSES, 
TO  THE  TEXAS  REBELLION,  AGAINST 
THE  LAWS  OF  NATURE  AND  OF  NATIONS. 


Ruthfess  Rapine,  Righteous  Hope  defies. 


“Ye  serpents  ! ye  generation  of  vipers!  ! 

How  can  ye  escape  the  damnation  of  hell! ! !” 


1843. 

Sold  at  the  Patriot  Office,  No.  9 Exchange  st.  Albany. 

Six  cts.  single;  50  per  dozen ; $3  per  hundred  ; $25  per  thousand. 


19 


LIST  OF  THIS  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 
Delenda  est  Texas. 


Benjamin  Lundy, 

(Gen.  Gaines’  trespass.) 

Mexican  Decrees  for 
Universal  Freedom, 

Texas  Constitution 
against  Freedom, 

President  Guerero, 

John  Quincy  Adams, 

The  Mexican  Arms, 

The  London  Patriot, 

William  B.  Reed, 

National  Intelligencer, 

Edward  J.  Wilson, 

G.  L.  Pos  lelhwaite, 

New-York  Sun, 

N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser, 
Wilkinson's  and  Burr’s  trial, 
African  Slave  Trade  and  Texas, 
British  Commissioners  Report, 
(Bartow’s  Case,) 

Detroit  Spectator, 

American  Citizen, 

Liberia  Herald, 

Daniel  Webster, 

William  Jajr, 

The  British  Parliament, 

Barlow  Hoy, 

Daniel  O’Connell, 

Col.  Thompson, 

Fowell  Buxton, 

Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna, 
Robert  Owen, 

Thomas  Branagan, 

Joseph  Sturge, 

William  E.  Charming, 
Commonwealth  of  Mass., 
Nathaniel  P,  Rogers, 

David  Lee  Child, 

Edwin  W.  Goodwin, 

Joshua  R.  Giddings, 

John  Maynard, 

Zebina  Eastman, 

Gamaliel  Bailey, 

A.  S.  Standard, 

William  L.  McKenzie, 

La  Roy  Sunderland, 

J.  B.  Lamar, 

Archibald  L.  Linn, 

William  Slade, 


British  Emancipator, 

G.  W.  Alexander, 

George  Bradburn, 

Edmund  Quincy, 

Pawtucket  Chronicle, 

Cleveland  Journal, 

Legislature  of  Vermont, 

Gen.  Assembly  of  Ohio  State, 

A.  S.  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
A.  S.  Convention  of  N.  Y.  State, 
Philadelphia  Gazette, 

Friend  of  Man, 

Pres.  Jackson’s  Inconsistency, 
William  B.  Tappan, 

Southport  American, 

Edward  Everett, 

Mass.  Legislature,  1843. 

The  Free  American, 

The  Liberator, 

I The  Liberty  Press, 

New-York  American, 

Mexican  Side, 

New-York  Tribune, 

Pittsburg  Gazette, 

Lynn  Record, 

Richmond  Whig, 

Hoonsocket  Patriot, 

Ham  pshire  Republican, 

William  H.  Burleigh, 

Louisville  Journal, 

State  of  Rhode  Island, 
Legislature  of  Michigan, 

John  Quincy  Adams, 

Seth  M.  Gates, 

William  Slade, 

William  B.  Calhoun, 

Joshua  R.  Giddings, 

Sherlock  J.  Andrews, 

Nathaniel  B.  Borden, 

Thomas  C.  Chittenden, 

John  Mattocks, 

Christopher  Morgan, 

J.  C.  Howard,  Victor  Birdseye, 
Hilandliall,  Thos.  A.  Tomlinson, 
Stanley  A.  Clark,  Chas.  Hudson, 
Archibald  L.  Linn, 

Thos.  W.  Williams,  Tru.  Smith, 
Dav.  Bronson,  Geo.  N.  Briggs, 
Petition  to  Congress. 


TEXAS  AND  MEXICO. 


But  the  prime  cause,  and  the  real  object  of  this  war,  a-e  not  dis- 
tinctly understood  by  a large  portion  of  the  honest,  disinterested,  and 
well-meaning  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Their  means  of  obtain- 
ing correct  information  upon  the  subject  have  been  necessarily  limited ; 
and  many  of  them  have  been  deceived  and  misled  by  the  misrepresen- 
tations of  those  concerned  in  it,  and  especially  by  hireling  writers  of  the 
newspaper  press.  They  have  been  induced  to  believe  that  the  in- 
habitants of  Texas  were  engaged  in  a legitimate  contest  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  sacred  principles  of  liberty,  and  the  natural,  inalienable 
rights  of  man  : — whereas,  the  motives  of  its  instigators,  and  their  chief 
incentives  to  action,  have  been,  from  the  commencement,  of  a directly 
opposite  character  and  tendency.  It  is  susceptible  of  the  clearest  demon- 
stration, that  the  immediate  cause,  and  the  leading  object  of  lliis  contest, 
originated  in  a settled  design,  among  the  slaveholders  of  this  country, 
( with  land  specidators  and  slave-traders,)  to  wrest  the  large  and  valuable 
territory  of  Texas  from  the  Mexican  Republic,  in  order  to  re-establish  the 
SYSTEM  OP  SLAVERY ; to  open  a vast  and  profitable  SLAVE 
MARKET  therein ; and  ultimately  to  annex  it  to  the  United  States. 
And  further,  it  is  evident— nay,  it  is  very  generally  acknowledged — 
that  the  insurrectionists  are  principally  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
who  have  proceeded  thither  for  the  purpose  of  revolutionizing  the 
country  ; and  that  they  are  dependant  upon  this  nation,  for  both  the 
physical  and  pecuniary  means,  to  carry  the  design  into  effect.  Whether 
the  national  legislature  will  lend  its  aid  to  this  most  unwarrantable, 
aggressive  attempt,  will  depend  on  tl-e  VOICE  OF  THE  PEOPLE, 
expressed  in  their  primary  assemblies,  by  their  petitions  and  through 
the  ballot  boxes. 

The  land  speculations,  aforesaid,  have  extended  to  most  of  the  cities 
and  villages  of  the  United  States,  the  British  colonies  in  America,  and 
the  settlements  of  foreigners  in  all  the  eastern  parts  of  Mexico.  All 
concerned  in  them  are  aware  that,  a change  in  the  government  of  the 
country  must  take  place,  if  their  claims  should  ever  be  legalized. 

The  advocates  of  slavery,  in  our  southern  states  and  elsewhere, 
want  more  land  on  this  continent  suitable  for  the  culture  of  sugar  and 
cotton  : and  if  Texas,  with  the  adjoining  portions  of  Tamaulipas, 
Coahuila,  Chihuahua,  and  Santa  Fe,  east  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte, 
can  be  wrested  from  the  Mexican  government,  room  will  be  afforded 
for  the  redundant  slave  population  in  the  United  States,  even  to  a 
remote  period  of  time. 

Such  are  the  motives  for  action — such  the  combination  of  interests 
— such  the  organization,  sources  of  influence,  and  foundation  of 
authority,  upon  which  the  present  Texas  Insurrection  rests.  The  resi- 
dent colonists  compose  but  a small  fraction  of  the  party  concerned  in 
it.  The  standard  of  revolt  was  raised  as  soon  as  it  was  clearly  ascer- 
tained that  slavery  could  not  be  perpetuated,  nor  the  illegal  specula 
tionsin  land  continued,  under  the  government  of  the  Mexican  Republic. 
The  Mexican  authorities  were  charged  with  acts  of  oppression,  while 
the  true  causes  of  the  revolt — the  motives  and  designs  of  the  insurgents 


BENJAMIN  LUNDY. 


j 

— were  studiously  concealed  from  the  public  view.  Influential  slave- 
holders are  contributing  money,  equipping  troops,  and  marching  to 
the  scene  of  conflict.  The  land  speculators  are  fitting  out  expeditions 
from  New  York  and  New  Orleans,  with  men,  munitions  of  war,  pro- 
visions, See.,  to  promote  the  object.  The  Independence  of  Texas  is 
declared,  and . the  system  of  slavery,  as  well  as  the  slave-trade  (with 
the  United  States,)  is  fully  recognized  by  the  government  they  have 
set  up.  Commissioners  are  sent  from  the  colonies  and  agents  are 
appointed  here,  to  make  formal  application,  enlist  the  sympathies  of 
our  citizens,  and  solicit  aid  in  every  way  that  it  can  be  furnisbc  d.  The 
hireling  presses  are  actively  engaged  in  promoting  the  success  of  their 
efforts,  by  misrepresenting  the  character  of  the  Mexicans,  issuing 
inflammatory  appeals,  and  urging  forward  the  ignorant,  the  unsus- 
pecting, the  adventurous,  and  the  unprincipled,  to  a participation  in 
the  struggle. 

Under  the  erroneous  construction  of  the  treaty  with  Mexico,  General 
Gaines  was  authorized  to  cross  the  boundary  line  with  his  army  ; to 
march  seventy  miles  into  the  Mexican  territory  ; and  to  occupy  the 
military  post  of  Nacogdoches,  in  case  he  should  judge  it  expedient  in 
order  to  guard  against  Indian  depredations  ! And  further : he  was 
likewise  authorized  to  call  upon  the  governors  of  several  of  the  south- 
western states  for  an  additional  number  of  troops,  should  he  consider  it 
necessary. 

From  the  Pensacolo  Gazette. 

“ About  the  middle  of  last  month,  General  Gaines  sent  an  officer  of  the 
United  States  arrr.v  into  Texas  to  reclaim  some  deserters.  lie  found  them 
already  enlisted  in  the  Texian  service  to  the  number  of  two  ho  ndred.  They  still 
wore  the  uniform  of  our  army,  but  refused,  of  course,  to  return.  The  com- 
mander of  tite  Texian  forces  was  applied  to,  to  enforce  their  return  ; hut  his 
onlv  reply  was,  that  the  soldiers  might  go,  but  he  had  no  authority  to  send 
them  back.  This  is  a new  view  of  our  Texian  relations.” 

The  following  decrees  and  ordinances  are  translated  from  an  official 
compilation  by  authority  of  the  government  of  Mexico. 

Extract  from  the  Law  of  October  14th,  1323. 

Article  21.  Foreigners  who  bring  slaves  with  them,  shall  obey  the 
Laws  established  upon  the  matter,  or  which  shall  hereafter  be  estab- 
lished. 

Decree  of  july  13,  1824. 

Prohibition  of  the  Commerce  and  Traffic  in  Slaves. 

The  Sovereign  General  Constituent  Congress  of  the  United  Mcxi 
can  States  has  held  it  right  to  decree  the  following: 

1.  The  commerce  and  traffic  in  slaves,  proceeding  from  whatever 
power,  and  under  whatever  flag,  is  forever  prohibited,  within  the  terri- 
tories of  the  United  Mexican  States. 

2.  The  slaves,  who  may  be  introduced  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  the 
preceding  article,  shall  remain  free  in  consequence  of  treading  the 
Mexican  soil. 


BENJAMIN  LUNDY. 


3.  Every  vessel,  whether  national  or  foreign,  in  which  slaves  mar 
be  transported  and  introduced  into  the  Mexican  territories,  shall  be 
confiscated  with  the  rest  of  its  cargo — and  the  owner,  purchaser,  cap- 
tain, master,  and  pilot,  shall  suffer  the  punishment  of  ten  years’  con- 
finement. 

The  Constitution  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  promulgated  on  the  11th 
of  March,  1S27,  also  contains  this  important  article  : 

“ 13.  In  this  state  no  person  shall  be  born  a slave  after  this  Consti- 
tution is  published  in  the  capital  of  each  district,  and  six  months  there- 
after, neither  will  the  introduction  of  slaves  be  permitted  under  any 
pretext.” 

[Translated  from  page  149,  Vol.  Y,  Mexican  Laws.] 

Decree  of  President  Guerrero. 

Abolition  of  Slavery. 

The  President  of  the  United  Mexican  States,  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Republic — 

Be  it  known:  That  in  the  year  IS29,  being  desirous  of  signalizing 
tire  anniversary  of  our  Independence  by  an  act  of  national  Justice  and 
Beneficence,  which  may  contribute  to  the  strength  and  support  of  such 
inestimable  welfare,  as  to  secure  more  and  more  the  public  tranquility, 
and  reinstate  an  unfortunate  portion  of  our  inhabitants  in  the  sacred 
rights  granted  them  by  nature,  and  may  be  protected  by  the  nation, 
under  wise  and  just  laws,  according  to  the  provision  in  article  30  of  the 
Constitutive  act ; availing  myself  of  the  extraordinary  faculties  granted 
me,  I have  thought  proper  to  decree : 

1.  That  slavery  be  exterminated  in  the  republic. 

2.  Consequently  those  are  free,  who,  up  to  this  day,  have  been 
looked  upon  as  slaves. 

3.  Whenever  the  circumstances  of  the  public  treasury  will  allow  it, 
the  owners  of  slaves  shall  be  indemnified,  in  the  manner  which  the 
laws  shall  provide. 

Mexico,  loth  Sept.  1S29,  A.  D. 

JOSE  MARIA  de  EOCANEGRA. 

[Translation  of  part  of  the  law  of  April  6th,  1S30,  prohibiting  the 
migration  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  Texas.] 

Art.  9.  On  the  northern  frontier,  the  entrance  of  foreigners  shall  be 
prohibited,  under  all  pretexts  whatever,  unless  they  be  furnished  with 
passports,  signed  by  the  agents  of  the  republic,  at  the  places  whence 
they  proceed. 

Art.  10.  There  shall  be  no  variation  with  regard  to  the  colonies 
already  established,  nor  with  regard  to  the  slaves  that  may  be  in  them  : 
but  the  general  government,  or  the  particular  state  government,  shall 
take  care,  under  the  strictest  responsibility,  that  the  colonization  laws  be 
obeyed,  and  that  no  more  slaves  be  introduced. 


19* 


BENJAMIN  LUNDY. 


Colonization  Laws  of  Coahuila  and  Texas. 

Art.  3J.  The  new  settlers,  in  regard  to  the  introduction  of  slaves, 
shall  be  subject  to  laws  which  now  exist,  and  xohicli  shall  hereafter  be 
made  on  the  subject. 

Art.  36.  The  servants  and  laborers  which,  in  future,  foreign  colonists 
shall  introduce,  shall  not,  by  force  of  any  contract  whatever,  remain  bound 
to  their  service  a longer  space  of  time  than  ten  years. 

Given  in  the  city  ofLeona  Vicario,  28th  April,  1832. 

JOSE  JESUS  GRANDE,  President. 

In  the  course  of  my  observations,  I have  several  times  asserted,  that 
it  was  the  intention  of  the  insurrectionists  to  establish  and  perpetuate 
the  system  of  slavery,  by  “constitutional”  provision.  In  proof  of  this, 

I now  quote  several  paragraphs  from  the  “constitution”  which  they 
lately  adopted.  This  extract  is  taken  from  that  part  under  the  head 
of  “ General  Provisions,”  and  embraces  all  that  relates  to  slavery. 

Texas  Constitution. 

Sec.  8.  All  persons  who  shall  leave  the  country  for  the  purpose  of 
evading  a participation  in  the  present  struggle,  or  shall  refuse  to  partici- 
pate in  it,  or  shall  give  aid  or  assistance  to  the  present  enemy,  shall 
forfeit  all  rights  to  citizenship,  atid  such  lands  as  they  may  hold,  in  the 
republic. 

Sec.  9.  All  persons  of  color,  who  were  slaves  for  life  previous  to 
their  emigration  to  Texas,  and  who  are  now  held  in  bondage,  shall 
remain  in  the  like  state  of  servitude,  provided  the  said  slave  shall  be  the 
bona  fide  property  of  the  person  so  holding  said  slave  as  aforesaid. 
Congress  shall  pass  no  laws  to  prohibit  emigrants  from  the  United  States 
of  Jlmerica  from  bringing  their  slaves  into  the  republic  with  them,  and 
holding  them  by  the  same  tenure  by  which  such  slaves  were  held  in 
the  United  States  ; nor  shall  congress  have  the  power  to  emancipate 
slaves;  nor  shall  any  slaveholder  be  allowed  lo  emancipate  his  or  her  slave 
or  slaves,  without  the  consent  of  congress,  unless  he  or  she  shall  send  his 
or  her  slave  or  slaves  without  the  limits  of  the  republic.  No  free 
person  of  African  descent,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  shall  be  permitted  i 
to  reside  permanently  in  the  republic,  without  the  consent  of  con  gress ; 
and  the  importation  or  admission  of  Africans  or  negroes  inio  this 
republic,  excepting  from  the  United  States  of  America,  is  for  ever 
prohibited  and  declared  to  be  piracy. 

Sec.  10.  All  persons,  {Africans,  and  the  descendants  of  Africans,  and 
Indians  excepted,)  who  were  residing  in  Texas  on  the  day  of  the  Decla- 
ration  of  Independence,  [a  great  portion  of  the  native  Mexican  citizens 
are,  of  course,  excluded,]  shall  be  considered  citizens  of  the  republic, 
and  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  of  such.  All  citizens  now  living  in 
Texas,  who  have  not  received  their  portion  of  land  in  like  manner  as 
colonists,  shall  be  entitled  to  their  land  in  the  following  proportion  and 
manner : Every  head  of  a family  shall  be  entitled  to  one  league  and 
“labor”  of  land,  and  every  single  man  of  the  age  of  seventeen  and 
upwards,  shall  be  entitled  to  one  third  part  of  one  league  of  land. 


BENJAMIN  LUNDY. 


The  period  has  indeed  arrived — THE  CRISIS  IS  NOW — when 
the  wise,  the  virtuous,  the  patriotic,  the  philanthropic  of  this  nation, 
must  examine,  and  reflect,  and  deeply  ponder  the  momentous  subject 
under  consideration.  Already  we  see  the  newspaper  press  in  some 
of  the  free  states,  openly  advocating  the  system  of  slavery,  with  all  its 
outrages  and  abominations.  Individuals  occupying  influential  stations 
in  the  community  at  large,  also  countenance  and  encourage  it,  and 
even  instigate  the  vile  rabble  to  oppose,  maltreat,  and  trample  on  the 
necks  of  those  who  dare  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  oppressed.  At  the 
ensuing  session  of  our  national  congress,  the  great  battle  is  to  be  fought, 
that  must  decide  the  question  now  at  issue,  and  perhaps  even  seal  the 
fate  of  this  republic.  The  senators  and  representatives  of  the  people 
will  then  be  called  on  to  sanction  the  independence  of  Texas,  and  also, 
to  provide  for  its  admission,  as  a SLAVEHOLDING  STATE,  into 
this  Union.  These  measures  will  positively  be  proposed,  in  case  the 
Mexican  government  fails  to  suppress  the  insurrection  very  soon,  and 
to  recover  the  actual  possession  of  the  territory.  A few  of  our  most 
eminent  statesmen  will  resist  the  proposition  with  energy  and  zeal ; 
but  unless  the  PUBLIC  VOICE  be  raised  against  the  unhallowed 
proceeding;,  and  the  sentiments  of  the  people  be  most  unequivocally 
expressed  in  the  loudest  tones  of  disapprobation,  they  will  be  unable 
to  withstand  the  influence  and  power  of  their  antagonists.  Arouse, 
then ! and  let  your  voice  be  heard  through  your  primary  assemblies, 
your  legislative  halls,  and  the  columns  of  the  periodical  press,  in  every 
section  of  your  country! 

Citizens  of  the  United  States! — Sons  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  disciples 
of  Wesley  and  Penn  ! — Coadjutors  and  pupils  of  Washington,  Jeffer- 
son, and  Franklin! — Advocates  of  freedom  and  the  sacred  “ rights  of 
man  /” — Will  you  longer  shut  your  eyes,  and  slumber  in  apathy,  while 
the  demon  of  oppression  is  thus  stalking  over  the  plains  consecrated 
to  the  genius  of  liberty,  and  fertilized  by  the  blood  of  her  numerous 
martyrs  ? — Will  you  permit  the  authors  of  this  gigantic  project  of 
national  aggression,  interminable  slavery,  and  Heaven-daring  injustice, 
to  perfect  their  diabolical  schemes  through  your  supineness,  or  with 
the  sanction  of  your  acquiescence  ? If  they  succeed  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  their  object,  where  will  be  your  guarantee  for  the  liberty  which 
you,  yourselves  enjoy?  When  the  advocates  of  slavery  shall  obtain 
the  balance  of  power  in  this  confederation  ; when  they  shall  have 
corrupted  a few  more  of  the  aspirants  to  office  among  you,  and  opened 
an  illimitable  field  for  the  operations  of  your  heartless  land-jobbers  and 
slave-merchants,  (to  secure  their  influence  in  effecting  the  unholy 
purposes  of  their  ambition,)  how  long  will  you  be  able  ta  resist  the 
encroachments  of  their  tyrannical  influence,  or  prevent  them  from 
usurping  and  exercising  authority  over  you  ? ARISE  IN  THE 
MAJESTY  OF  MORAL  POWER,  and  place  the  seal  of  condem- 
nation upon  this  flagrant  violation  of  national  laws,  of  human  rights, 
and  the  eternal,  immutable  principles  of  justice. — National  Enquirer 
of  Philadelphia. 


JOHN  Q,.  ADAMS. 


JOHN  Q.  ADAMS. 

During  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain,  the  military  and  naval  com- 
manders of  that  nation,  issued  proclamations  inviting  the  slaves  to 
repair  to  their  standards,  with  promises  of  freedom  and  of  settlement 
in  some  of  the  British  colonial  establishments.  This,  surely,  was  an 
interference  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  states.  By  the  treaty 
of  peace,  Great  Britain  stipulated  to  evacuate  all  the  forts  and  places 
in  the  United  States,  without  carrying  away  any  slaves.  If  the 
government  of  the  United  States  had  no  authority  to  interfere,  in  any 
way,  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  states,  they  would  not  have 
had  the  authority  to  require  this  stipulation.  It  is  well  known  that  i1 
this  engagement  was  not  fulfilled  by  the  British  naval  and  military 
commanders ; that,  on  the  contrary,  they  did  carry  away  all  the  slaves 
whom  they  had  induced  to  join  them,  and  that  the  British  government 
inflexibily  refused  to  restore  any  of  them  to  their  masters ; that  a claim 
of  indemnity  was  consequently  instituted  in  behalf  of  the  owners  of  the 
slaves,  and  was  successfully  maintained.  All  that  series  of  transactions 
was  an  interference  by  congress  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
states  in  one  way — in  the  way  of  protection  and  support.  It  was  by 
the  institution  of  slavery  alone,  that  the  restitution  of  slaves  enticed  by 
proclamations  into  the  British  service  could  be  claimed  as  property. 

But  for  the  institution  of  slavery,  the  British  commanders  could  neither 
have  allured  them  to  their  standard,  nor  restored  them  otherwise  than  > 
as  liberated  prisoners  of  war.  But  for  the  institution  of  slavery,  there 
could  have  been  no  stipulation  that  they  should  not  be  carried  away 
as  property,  nor  any  claim  of  indemnity  for  the  violation  of  that 
engagement. 

But  the  war  power  of  congress  over  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
states  is  yet  far  more  extensive.  Suppose  the  case  of  a servile  war, 
complicated,  as  to  some  extent  it  is  even  now,  with  an  Indian  war; 
suppose  congress  were  called  to  raise  armies  ; to  supply  money  from 
the  whole  Union  to  suppress  a servile  insurrection : would  they  have 
no  authority  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery?  The  issue  of 
a servile  war  may  be  disastrous.  By  war,  the  slave  may  emancipate 
himself ; it  may  become  necessary  for  the  master  to  recognise  his  , 
emancipation,  by  a treaty  of  peace ; can  it,  for  an  instant,  be  pretended 
that  congress,  in  such  a contingency,  would  have  no  authority  to  • 
interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery,  in  any  way,  in  the  states  ? 
Why,  it  would  be  equivalent  to  saying,  that  congress  have  no  consti- 
tutional authority  to  make  peace. 

I suppose  a more  portentous  case,  certainly  within  the  bounds  of 
possibility. — I would  to  God  I could  say  not  within  the  bounds  of 
probability.  You  have  been,  if  you  are  not  now,  at  the  very  point  of 
a war  with  Mexico — a war,  I am  sorry  to  say,  so  far  as  public  rumor 
is  credited,  stimulated  by  provocations  on  our  part  from  the  very  com- 
mencement of  this  Administration  down  to  the  recent  authority  given 
to  General  Gaines  to  invade  the  Mexican  territory.  It  is  said,  that 
one  of  the  earliest  acts  of  this  Administration,  was  a proposal  made  at 
a time  when  there  was  already  much  ill-humor  in  Mexico  against  tire 


JOHN  Q.  ADAMS. 


United  States,  that  she  should  cede  to  the  United  States  a very  large 
portion  of  her  territory — large  enough  to  constitute  nine  states  equal 
in  extent  to  Kentucky.  It  must  be  confessed,  that,  a device  better 
calculated  to  produce  jealousy,  suspicion,  ill-will,  and  hatred,  could 
not  have  been  contrived.  It  is  further  affirmed,  that  this  overture, 
offensive  in  itself,  was  made  precisely  at  the  tune  when  a swarm  of 
colonists  from  these  United  States  were  covering  the  Mexican  border 
with  land-jobbing,  and  with  slaves,  introduced  in  defiance  of  the 
Mexican  laws,  by  which  slavery  had  been  abolished  throughout  that 
republic.  The  war  now  raging  in  Texas  is  a Mexican  civil  war,  and 
a war  for  the  re-establishment  of  slavery  where  it  was  abolished.  It 
is  not  a servile  war,  but  a war  between  slavery  and  emancipation,  and 
.every  possible  effort  has  been  made  to  drive  us  into  the  war,  on  the 
side  of  slavery. 

And  again  I ask,  w’hat  will  be  your  cause  in  such  a war?  Aggres- 
sion, conquest,  and  the  re-establishment  of  slavery,  where  it  has  been 
abolished.  In  that  war,  sir,  the  banners  of  freedom  will  be  the  banners 
of  Mexico ; and  your  banners,  I blush  to  speak  the  word,  will  be  the 
banners  of  slavery. 

And  how  complicated?  Your  Seminole  war  is  already  spreading 
to  the  Creeks,  and.  in  their  inarch  of  desolation,  they  sweep  along  with 
them  your  negro  slaves,  and  put  arms  into  their  hands  to  make  common 
cause  with  them  against  you,  and  how  far  will  it  spread,  sir,  should  a 
Mexican  invader,  with  the  torch  of  liberty  in  his  hand,  and  the  standard 
of  freedom  floating  over  his  head,  proclaiming  emancipation  to  the  slave, 
and  revenge  to  the  native  Indian,  as  he  goes,  invade  your  soil?  What 
will  be  the  condition  of  your  states  of  Louisiana,  of  Mississippi,  of 
Alabama,  of  Arkansas,  of  Missouri,  and  of  Georgia?  Where  will  be 
your  negroes  ? Where  will  be  that  combined  and  concentrated  mass 
of  Indian  tribes,  whom,  by  an  inconsiderate  policy,  you  have  expelled 
from  their  widely  distant  habitations,  to  embody  them  within  a small 
compass  on  the  very  borders  of  Mexico,  as  if  on  purpose  to  give  that 
country  a nation  of  natural  allies  in  their  hostilities  against  you?  Sir, 
you  have  a Mexican,  an  Indian,  and  a negro  war  upon  your  hands, 
and  you  are  plunging  yourself  into  it  blindfold  ; yon  are  talking  about 
acknowledging  the  independence  of  the  republic  of  Texas,  and  you  are 
thirsting  to  annex  Texas,  ay,  Coahuila,  and  Tamaulipas,  and  Santa 
Fe,  from  the  source  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Bravo,  to  your  already 
over-distented  dominions.  Five  hundred  thousand  square  miles  of  the 
territory  of  Mexico  would  not  even  now  quench  your  burning  thirst  for 
aggrandizement. 

Great  Britain  may  have  no  serious  objection  to  the  independence  of 
Texas,  and  may  be  willing  enough  to  take  her  under  her  protection,  as 
a barrier  both  against  Mexico  and  against  you.  But,  as  aggrandize- 
ment to  you  she  will  not  readily  suffer  it ; and,  above  all,  she  will  not 
suffer  you  to  acquire  it  by  conquest  and  the  re-establishment  of  slavery. 
Urged  on  b}T  the  irresistible,  overwhelming  torrent  of  public  opinion, 
Great  Britain  has  recently,  at  a cost  of  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars, 
which  her  people  have  joyfully  paid,  abolished  slavery  throughout  all 
her  colonies  in  the  W est  Indies.  After  setting  such  an  example,  she  will 


JOHN  Q..  ADAMS. 


not — it  is  impossible  that  she  should — stand  by  and  witness  a war  for  the 
re-establishment  of  slavery ; where  it  had  been  for  years  abolished,  and 
situated  thus  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  her  islands.  She  will 
tell  you,  that  if  you  must  have  Texas  as  a member  of  your  confederacy, 
it  must  be  without  the  trammels  of  slavery,  and  if  you  will  wage  a 
war  to  handcuff  and  fetter  your  fellow-man,  she  will  wage  the  war 
against  you  to  break  his  chains.  Sir,  what  a figure,  in  the  eyes  of 
mankind,  would  you  make,  in  deadly  conflict  with  Great  Britain : she 
fighting  the  battles  of  emancipation,  and  you  the  battles  of  slavery; 
she  the  benefactress,  and  you  the  oppressor  of  human  kind  1 In  such 
a war,  the  enthusiasm  of  emancipation,  too,  would  unite  vast  numbers 
of  her  people  in  aid  of  the  national  rivalry,  and  all  her  natural  jealousy 
against  our  aggrandizement  JNTo  war  was  ever  so  popular  in  England, . 
as  that  war  would  be  against  slavery,  the  slave-trade,  and  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  descendant  from  her  own  loins. 

As  to  the  annexion  of  Texas  to  your  confederation,  for  what  do  you 
want  it  ? Are  you  not  large  and  unwieldy  enough  already  ? Do  not 
two  millions  of  square  miles  cover  enough  for  the  insatiate  rapacity  of 
your  land-jobbers  ? I hope  there  are  none  of  them  within  the  sound 
of  my  voice.  Have  you  not  Indians  enough  to  expel  from  the  land  of 
their  fathers’  sepulchres,  and  to  exterminate?  What,  in  a prudential 
and  military  point  of  view,  would  be  the  addition  of  Texas  to  your 
domain  ? it  would  be  weakness  and  not  power.  Is  your  southern 
and  southwestern  frontier  not  sufficiently  extensive  ? not  sufficiently 
feeble?  not  sufficiently  defenceless ? Why  are  you  adding  regiment 
after  regiment  of  dragoons  to  your  standing  army?  Why  are  you 
struggling,  by  direction  and  by  indirection,  to  raise  per  siiltum  that 
army  from  less  than  six  to  more  than  twenty  thousand  men  ? 

A"  war  for  the  restoration  of  slavery,  where  it  has  been  abolished,  if 
successful  in  Texas,  must  extend  overall  Mexico;  and  the  example 
will  threaten  Great  Britain  with  imminent  danger  of  a war  of  colors 
in  her  own  islands.  She  will  take  possession  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico, 
by  cession  from  Spain,  or  by  the  batteries  from  her  wooden  walls  ; 
and  if  you  ask  her  by  what  authority  she  has  done  it,  she  will  ask  you, 
in  return,  by  what  authority  you  have  extended  your  seacoast  from  , < 
the  Sabine  to  the  Rio  Bravo.  She  will  ask  you  a question  more  per- 
plexing namely — by  what  authority  you,  with  freedom,  independence, 
and  democracy  upon  your  lips,  are  waging  a war  of  extermination  to 
forge  new  manacles  and  fetters,  instead  of  those  which  are  falling 
from  the  hands  and  feet  of  man.  She  will  carry  emancipation  and 
abolition  with  her  in  every  fold  of  her  flag  ; while  your  stars,  as  they 
increase  in  numbers,  will  be  overcast  with  the  murky  vapors  of  op- 
pression, and  the  only  portion  of  your  banners  visible  to  the  eye,  will 
be  the  blood-stained  stripes  of  the  task-master  ? 

Little  reason  have  the  inhabitants  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  to  com- 
plain that  the  government  of  the  United  States  has  been  remiss  or 
neglectful  in  protecting  them  from  Indian  hostilities;  the  fact  i3 
directly  the  reverse.  The  people  of  Alabama  and  Georgia  are  now 
suffering  the  recoil  of  their  own  unlawful  weapons.  Georgia,  sir, 
Georgia,  by  trampling  upon  the  faith  of  our  national  treaties  with  the 


JOHN  Q.  ADAMS. 


Indian  tribes,  and  by  subjecting  them  to  her  state  laws,  first  set  the 
example  of  that  policy  which  is  now  in  the  process  of  consummation 
by  this  Indian  war,  In  setting  this  example,  she  bade  defiance  to  the 
authority  of  the  government  of  the  nation  ; she  nullified  your  laws; 
she  set  at  naught  your  executive  guardians  of  the  common  constitu- 
tion of  the  land.  To  what  extent  she  carried  this  policy,  the  dungeons 
of  her  prisons  and  the  records  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  the 
United  States  can  tell.  To  those  prisons  she  committed  inoffensive, 
innocent,  pious  ministers  of  the  gospel  of  truth,  for  carrying  the  light, 
the  comforts,  and  the  consolations  of  that  gospel  to  the  hearts  and 
minds  of  these  unhappy  Indians.  A solemn  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  pronounced  that  act  a violation  of  your 
treaties  and  your  laws.  Georgia  defied  that  decision  ; your  executive 
government  never  carried  it  into  execution  ; the  imprisoned  mission- 
aries of  the  gospel  were  compelled  to  purchase  their  ransom  from  per- 
petual captivity,  by  sacrificing  their  rights  as  freemen  to  the  meekness 
of  their  principles  as  Christians  ; and  you  have  sanctioned  all  these 
outrages  upon  justice,  law,  and  humanity,  by  succumbing  to  the 
power  and  the  policy  of  Georgia,  by  accommodating  your  legislation  to 
her  arbitrary  will ; by  tearing  to  tatters  your  old  treaties  with  the 
Indians,  and  by  constraining  them,  under  peine  forte  et  dure,  to  the 
mockery  of  signing  other  treaties  with  you,  which,  at  the  first  moment 
when  it  shall  suit  your  purpose,  you  will  again  tear  to  tatters  and 
scatter  to  the  four  winds  of  heaven,  till  the  Indian  race  shall  be  extinct 
upon  this  continent,  and  it  shall  become  a problem,  beyond  the  solution 
of  antiquaries  and  historical  societies,  i chat  the  red  man  of  the  forest 
was. 


[The  Arms  on  the  coin  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  are  Freedom's  Eagle 
destroying  the  Serpent — Tyranny  ; and  its  reverse  bears  the  Cap  of  Libeiitv, 
diffusing  its  radiance  universally .] 


LONDON  PATRIOT WILLIAM  D.  REED. 


THE  LONDON  PATRIOT. 

The  British  public  ought  to  be  made  aware  of  what  is  going  on  ? 
present  in  Texas  ; of  the  true  cause  and  the  true  nature  of  the  contes  « 
between  the  Mexican  authorities  and  the  American  slave-jobbers. 

Texas  has  long  been  the  Naboth’s  vineyard  of  brother  Jonathar 
For  twenty  years  or  more,  an  anxiety  has  been  manifested  to  push  bao 
the  boundary  of  the  United  States’  territory,  of  which  the  Sabine  rive 
is  the  agreed  line,  so  as  to  include  the  rich  alluvial  lands  of  the  delt  i 
of  the  Colorado,  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  There  are  strongc  (j 
passions  at  work,  however,  than  the  mere  lust  of  territory — deepe 
interests  at  stake.  Texas  belongs  to  a republic  which  has  abolishei 
slavery  ; the  object  of  the  Americans  is  to  convert  it  into  a slaveholdin; 
state ; not  only  to  make  it.  a field  of  slave  cultivation,  and  a marke 
for  the  Maryland  slave-trade,  but,  by  annexing  it  to  the  Federal  Unioi 
to  strengthen  in  congress  the  preponderating  influence  of  the  southerf  ' 
slaveholding  states. 

This  atrocious  project  is  the  real  origin  and  cause  of  the  pretender  ' 
contest  for  Texian  independence — a war,  on  the  part  of  tire  Unitec 
States,  of  unprovoked  aggression  for  the  vilest  of  all  purposes.— 
July  6, 1836. 

WILLIAM  B.  REED. 

One  of  the  complaints  made  by  the  Texians  is  that  the  Mexican  t 
government  will  not  permit  the  introduction  of  slaves,  and  one  of  the  | 
first  fruits  of  independence  and  secure  liberty  (unnatural  as  is  the  1 
paradox)  will  be  the  extension  of  slavery,  and  both  the  domestic  and  i 
foreign  slave-trade,  over  the  limits  of  a territory  large  enough  to  form 
five  states  as  largo  as  Pennsylvania.  Such  being  the  result  what 
becomes  of  any  real  or  imaginary  balance  between  the  South  and 
the  North — the  slaveholding  and  non-alaveholding  interests?  Five  ! 
or  moro  slaveholding  states,  with  their  additional  representation,  i 
thoroughly  imbued  with  southern  feeling,  thoroughly  attached  to  what  l 
the  South  Carolina  resolutions  now  before  us,  call  “the  patriarchal 
institution  of  domestic  slavery,”  added  to  the  Union,  and  where  is 
the  security  of  the  North,  and  of  the  interests  of  free  labor  ?• — These  1 
are  questions  worth  considering — the  more  so,  as  the  war  fever  which! 
is  now  burning  in  the  veins  of  this  community,  and  exhibiting  itself 
in  all  the  usual  unreflecting  expressions  of  sympathy  and  resentment, 
has  disturbed  the  judgment  of  the  nation,  and  distorted  every  notion  1 
of  right  and  wrong.  Let  the  Texians  win  independence  as  they  can.1  • 
That  is  their  affair,  not  ours.  But  let  no  statesman  that  loves  his 
country  think  of  admitting  such  an  increment  of  slaveholding  popula- 
tion into  this  Union.  Pie  (Mr.  R.)  could  not  but  fear  that  there  was 
a deep  laid  plan  to  admit  Texas  into  the  Union,  with  a view  to  an 
increase  of  slaveholding  representation  in  congress;  and  while  he 
viewed  it  in  connexion  with  the  growing  indifference  perceptible  in 
some  quarters,  he  could  not  but  feel  melancholy  forebodings. — Speech 
in  the  Pennsylvania  House  of  Representatives,  June  11th,  1836. 


TEXAS. 


The  following  document,  considering  the  avouched  character  of 
the  gentlemen  v^hose  names  are  signed  to  it,  and  attest  its  truth,  is 
entitled  to  a place  in  our  columns  : — National  Intelligencer. 

TO  THE  PUBLIC. 

We  will  not  dwell  upon  the  false  assurances  made  to  us  by  men 
professing  to  be  the  accredited  agents  of  Texas  in  this  country.  At  a 
time  when  the  cause  of  Texas  was  dark  and  gloomy,  when  Santa 
Anna  seemed  designed  to  carry  desolation  over  the  whole  country, 
those  men  were  prodigal  of  promises,  and  professing  to  be  authorized 
to  speak  in  the  name  of  the  Texian  Government,  made  assurances  of 
ultimate  remuneration,  which  they  knew  at  the  time  to  be  false,  and 
which  time  proved  to  be  so. 

We  now  state  that  our  personal  observation  and  undoubted  infor- 
mation enabled  us  fully  to  perceive,  1st.  That  the  present  population 
of  Texas  seemed  wholly  incapable  of  a just  idea  of  civil  and  political 
liberty,  and  that,  so  far  as  the  extension  of  liberal  principles  is  con- 
cerned, it  is  of  but  little  moment  whether  Mexico  or  Texas  succeed  in 
the  struggle. 

2d.  That  the  mass  of  the  people,  from  the  highest  functionary  of 
their  pretended  government  to  the  humblest  citizen  (with  but  few  ex- 
ceptions,) are  animated  alone  by  a desire  of  plunder,  and  appear 
totally  indifferent  whom  they  plunder,  friends  or  foes. 

3d.  That  even  now  there  is  really  no  organized  government  in  the 
country,  no  laws  administered,  no  judiciary,  a perpetual  struggle  going 
on  between  the  civil  and  military  departments,  and  neither  having  the 
confidence  of  the  people,  or  being  worthy  of  it. 

These  facts  and  others  sufficiently  demonstrate  to  us  that  the  cabinet 
was  deficient  in  all  the  requisites  of  a good  government,  and  that  no 
one  in  his  senses  would  trust  himself,  his  reputation,  or  his  fortunes, 
to  their  charge  or  control.  Charged  with  treason,  bribery,  and  usur- 
pations, weak  in  their  councils,  and  still  weaker  in  power  to  enforce 
their  orders,  we  perceived  at  once  that  we  must  look  for  safety  and 
proper  inducements  elsewhere.  W e then  turned  our  eyes  to  the  army, 
and  a scene  still  more  disheartening  presented  itself ; undisciplined, 
and  without  an  effort  to  become  so ; not  a roll  called,  nor  a drill ; no 
regular  encampment ; no  authority  nor  obedience  ; with  plundering 
parties  for  self-emolument,  robbing  private  individuals  of  their  property. 
We  could  see  nothing  to  induce  us  to  embark  our  fortunes  and  destinies 
with  them.  With  these  views  and  facts,  we  could  but  sicken  and 
wonder  at  the  vile  deceptions  which  had  been  practised  upon  us  ; yet 
we  are  told  that  this  people  had  risen  up  in  their  might  to  vindicate  the 
cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  It  is  a mockery  of  the  very  name 
of  liberty.  They  are  stimulated  by  that  motive  which  such  men  can 
only  appreciate — the  hope  of  plunder.  They  are  careless  of  the  form 
of  government  under  which  they  live,  if  that  government  will  tolerate 
licentiousness  and  disorder.  Such  is  a brief,  but  we  sincerely  be- 
lieve, a faithful  picture  of  a country  to  which  we  were  invited  with 
so  much  assiduity,  and  -such  the  manner  in  which  we  were  received 
and  treated. 


20 


NEW-YORK  SUN. 


We  might  multiply  facts  in  support  of  each  proposition  here  laid 
down,  to  show  the  miserable  condition  of  things  i%  Texas,  and  the 
utter  impossibility  that  a man  of  honor  could  embark  in  such  a cause 
with  such  men.  Should  it  be  rendered  necessary,  we  may  yet  do  so ; 
but  for  the  present  we  will  pause  with  this  remark,  that  if  there  be  any, 
now,  in  Kentucky,  whose  hearts  are  animated  with  the  desire  of  an 
honorable  fame,  or  to  secure  a competent  settlement  for  themselves  or 
families,  they  must  look  to  some  other  theatre  than  the  plains  of  Texas, 
We  would  say  to  them,  Listen  not  to  the  deceitful  and  hypocritical 
allurements  of  land  speculators,  w ho  wish  you  to  fight  for  their 
benefit, -and  i oho  are  as  liberal  of  promises  us  they  are  faithless  in  perform- 
ance. We  are  aware  of  the  responsibility  which  we  incur  by  this 
course.  We  are  aware  that  we  subject  ourselves  to  the  misrepresen- 
tations of  lured  agents  and  unprincipled  landmongers  ; but  we  are 
willing  to  meet  it  all,  relying  upon  the  integrity  of  our  motives  and  the 
correctness  of  our  course. 

EDWARD  J.  WILSON, 

G.  L.  POSTLETH WAITE. 

Lexington,  Sept.  10,  1830. 

NEW-YORK  SUN. 

Extract  from  General  Houston’s  letter  to  General  Dunlap  of  Nash- 
ville— 


“ For  a portion  of  this  force  toe  must  look  to  the  United  Stales.  It 
cannot  teach  us  too  soon.  There  is  but  one  feeling  in  Texas,  in  my 
opinion,  and  that  is  to  establish  the  independence  of  Texas,  and  to  be 
attached  to  the  United  States .” 

Here,  then,  is  an  open  avowal  by  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  ' 
Texian  army,  that  American  troops  will  be  required  to  seize  and  sever 
this  province  of  the  Mexican  republic,  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  it  to 
ours  ; and  this  avowal  is  made  by  a distinguished  American  citizen, 
in  the  very  face  of  that  glorious  constitution  of  his  country,  which  wisely 
gives  no  power  to  its  citizens  for  acquiring  foreign  territory  by  conquest, 
their  own  territory  being  more  than  amply  sufficient  to  gratify  any  safe  I 
ambition  ; and  in  the  face,  too,  of  the  following  solemn  and  sacred  1 
contract  of  bis  country  with  the  sister  republic  which  he  would  cis-  ! I 
member : 

“There  shall  be  a firm,  inviolable,  and  universal  peace,  and  a true  ; I 
and  sincere  friendship  between  the  United  States  of  America,  and  the 
United  Mexican  States,  in  all  the  extent  of  their  possessions  and  terri- 
tories, between  their  people  and  citizens  respectively,  without  distinction 
of  persons  or  places.” 

In  the  earlier  days  of  our  republic,  when  a high-minded  and  honor-  j 
able  fidelity  to  its  constitution  was  an  object  proudly  paramount  to 
every  mercenary  consideration  that  might  contravene  it,  an  avowed 
design  of  this  kind  against  the  possessions  of  a nation  with  whom  the  j 
United  States  were  at.  peace,  would  have  subjected  its  author,  if  a 
citizen,  to  tire  charge  of  high  treason,  and  to  its  consequences.  When 
Aaron  Burr  and  his  associates  were  supposed  to  meditate  the  conauest 


NEUTRALITY. 


of  Mexico,  and  attempted  to  raise  troops  in  the  southern  states  to 
achieve  it.  the}'  were  arrested  for  treason,  and  Burr,  their  chief,  was 
tried  for  his  life.  But  now,  behold  ! the  conquest  of  a part  of  the  same 
country  is  an  object  openly  proclaimed,  not  in  the  letters  of  Genera! 
Houston  alone,  but  by  many  of  our  wealthiest  citizens  at  public  ban- 
quets, and  by  the  hireling  presses  in  the  chief  cities  of  our  Union.  The 
annexation  of  a foreign  territory  to  our  own  by  foreign  conquest,  being 
thus  unblushingly  avowed,  and  our  citizens,  who  are  integral  portions  of 
our  national  sovereignty,  being  openly  invited  and  incited  to  join  the 
crusade  with  weapons  of  war,  it  becomes  an  interesting  moral  inquiry 
— what  is  there  in  the  public  mind  to  excuse  or  even  to  palliate  so 
flagrant  a prostitution  of  national  faith  and  honor  in  these  days,  any 
more  than  in  the  days  that  are  past  ? The  answer  is  ready  at  hand, 
and  is  irrefutable.  An  extensive  and  well  organized  gang  of  swindlers 
in  Texas  lands,  have  raised  the  cry,  and  the  standard  of  “Liberty!” 
and  to  the  thrilling  charm  of  this  glorious  word,  which  stirs  the  blood 
of  a free  people,  as  the  blast  of  the  bugle  arouses  every  nerve  of  the 
warhorse,  have  the  generous  feelings  of  our  citizens  responded  in  ardent 
delusion.  But,  as  the  Commercial  Advertiser  truly  declares,  “Never 
was  the  Goddess  of  American  liberty  invoked  more  unrighteously;” 
and  we  cannot  but  believe  that  the  natural  sagacity,  good  sense,  and 
proud  regard  for  their  national  honor,  for  which  our  citizens  are  distin- 
guished in  the  eyes  of  all  nations,  will  speedily  rescue  them  from  the 
otherwise  degrading  error  in  which  that  vile  crew  of  mercenary  hypo- 
critical swindlers  would  involve  them.  The  artful  deceivers,  however, 
have  not  relied  upon  die  generosity  and  noble  sympathy  only  of  our 
fellow  citizens,  for  they  insidiously  presented  a bribe  to  excite  their 
cupidity  also. 

NEUTRALITY! 

Next  the  Texian  revolution.  "Was  it  not  laughable  to  see  diese 
Texians,  all  of  them,  generally  speaking,  slaveholders;  adhering  to 
the  constitution  of  1324.  one  article  of  which  emancipates  all  the  slaves 
in  Mexico ! Was  it  not  laughable  to  see  them  proclaiming  a consti- 
tution, of  which,  eleven  years  ago,  the  Americans  in  Texas  had  pro- 
hibited the  proclamation  by  the  Mexican  authorities  there,  under  the 
heaviest  threats  ! — What,  man  of  common  sense  can  believe  in  this 
humbug  1 None,  gentlemen  ; none  but  those  that  have  risked  their 
thousands  in  this" country ; and  thev,  whoever  they  may  be,  feign  to 
believe  it.  The  statements  made  throughout  the  United  States,  of 
tyranny  and  oppression  on  the  part  of  Mexico  toward  the  American 
citizens  in  Texas,  are  slanderous  falsehoods,  fabricated  to  create  and 
nurture  the  worst  prejudices  and  jealousies.  The  Americans  in  Texes 
have  had  their  own  way  in  every  case,  and  on  every  occasion  ; and 
whenever  there  happened  a legislative  act  that  was,  from  any  cause, 
repugnant  to  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  Texas,  it  was  silenced  at 
once.  In  short,  if  there  has  existed  a good  cause  of  complaint  in  Texas, 
it  was  that* men  were  too  much  their  own  masters,  and  too  little  under 
the  restraint  of  any  law.  Any  allegation  to  the  effect  that  the  Mexican 
government  had  deceived  citizens  of  the  United  States  in  relation  to 


GENERAL  WILKINSON. 

promises  of  lands  first  made  to  them,  is  false,  and  I defy  any  one  to 
show  a forfeiture  of  title  to  lands,  when  the  conditions  of  Ike  grant  had 
been  fulfilled  by  the  settler. 

Now,  sir,  as  to  the  war:  here  I will  ask  Americans,  (except  the 
speculators,)  how  many  military  incursions,  insurrections,  and  rebel- 
lions, avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  snatching  Texas  from  its  proper  , 
owners,  will,  in  their  mind,  justify  Mexico  in  driving  from  its  territories,  1 j 
the  pirates  that  would  thus  possess  themselves  of  the  country  ? Be  it 
remembered,  that  these  revolutions  have  never  been  attempted  by  the 
resident  citizens  of  Texas,  but  in  every  case  by  men  organized  in  the 
United  States  for  the  purpose  and  coming  from  afar : why,  a single 
provocation  of  this  nature  were  ample  justification  ; but  Texas  has,  • [ 
from  the  time  of  the  adjustment  of  the  boundary  by  Wilkinson  and 
Ferrara,  experienced  seven  or  eight. 

The  Americans  (I  mean  the  regulars)  and  Texians,  appear  to 
understand  each  other  perfectly.  The  neutrality  is  preserved  on  the 
part  of  General  Gaines,  by  allowing  all  volunteers,  and  other  organized  ,1 
corps  destined  for  Texas,  to  pass  in  hundreds  and  thousands  undis- 
turbed, but  keeps  in  check  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  native 
Mexicans  and  Indians,  to  act  against  the  Texians.  The  Texians  are 
allowed  to  wage  war  against  a friendly  power,  in  a district  of  country 
claimed  by  the  United  States.  The  prisoners  of  war  taken  by  the 
Texians  are  ignorant  to  which  party  they  are  subject.  The  American 
general  claims  the  country  only  from  Mexico,  but  has  no  objections  to  i 
the  carrying  on  of  war  against  Mexico  in  the  district  he  claims!  Pray, 
sir,  let  Americans  speak  honestly,  and  let  them  say  whether  any  gov- 
ernment has,  within  the  last  century,  placed  itself  in  so  ridiculous  a 
light? — not  only  ridiculous,  but  contemptible.  Will  not  any  honest  ' 
man  confess  at  once  that  General  Gaines,  or  any  authority  clothing 
him  with  the  discretion  so  indiscreetly  used,  would  never  have  dreamed  1 
of  the  like  against  a government  able  and  ready  to  defend  itself,  and 
punish  such  arrogance?  What  is  Europe  to  say  to  this  ? Will  not  'I 
Mexico  complain  ? And  will  there  be  no  sympathy  for  her  ? — Letter  I 
to  the  Editors  of  the  New-York  Commercial  Advertiser,  dated  JVacog- 
doges,  Texas,  September  14,  1S36. 

[Alas,  for  our  national  degeneracy  and  infamy  ; — In  181 1,  the  sus- 
picion of  being  accessory  to  this  horrible  outrage  against  the  laws  of 
nature,  and  of  nations,  led  a to  distinct  charge  in  the  trial  for  treason  of] 

GENERAL  WILKINSON. 

Chap.ge  Y. — That  he,  the  said  James  Wilkinson,  while  commanding 
the  army  of  the  United  States,  by  virtue  of  his  said  commission,  and 
being  bound  by  the  duties  of  his  office  to  do  all  that  in  him  lay,  to 
discover  and  to  frustrate  all  such  enormous  violations  of  the  law  as 
tended  to  endanger  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the  United  States,  did, 
nevertheless,  unlawfully  combine  and  conspire  to  set  on  foot  a military 
expedition  against  the  territories  of  a nat'on,  then  at  peace  with  the 
United  States. 

Specification,  He,  the  said  James  Wilkinson,  in  the  years  1805  and 


THE  AFRICAN  SLAVE-TRADE  AND  TEXAS. 


1S06,  combining  and  conspiring  with  Aaron  Burr  and  his  associates, 
to  set  on  foot  a military  expedition  against  the  Spanish  provinces  and 
territories  in  America. — H'ilkinson's  Memoirs,  Vol.  II. 

THE  AFRICAN  SLAVE-TRADE  AND  TEXAS. 

By  a treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain,  for  the  suppression 
of  the  slave-trade,  concluded  in  1S17,  the  British  government  was 
authorized  to  appoint  commissioners  to  reside  in  Cuba,  who,  with 
Spanish  commissioners,  were  to  form  a court  for  the  adjudication  of 
such  ships  as  might  be  seized  with  slaves  actually  on  board. 

The  British  commissioners  from  time  to  time  make  reports  to  their 
government,  which  are  laid  before  Parliament,  and  published  by  their 
direction. 

The  following  are  extracts  from  a report,  dated  1st  January,  1836. 

“Never  since  the  establishment  of  this  mixed  commission,  has  the 
slave-trade  of  the  Havana  reached  such  a disgraceful  pitch  as  during 
the  year  1835.  By  the  list  we  have  the  honor  to  enclose,  it  will  be 
seen  that  fifty  slave  vessels  have  safely  arrived  in  this  port  during  the 
year  just  expired.  In  1833,  there  were  twenty-seven  arrivals,  and  in 
1831,  thirty-three;  but  1835  presents  a number,  by  means  of  which 
there  must  have  been  landed  upwards  of  fifteen  thousand  negroes. 

“In  the  spring  of  last  year  an  American  agent  from  Texas  pur- 
chased in  the  Havana  two  hundred  and  fifty  newly  imported  Afiicans, 
at  two  hundred  and  seventy  dollars  a head,  and  carried  them  away 
with  him  to  that  district  of  Mexico — having  first  procured  from  the 
American  Consul  here  certificates  of  their  freedom.  This,  perhaps, 
would  have  been  scarcely  worth  mentioning  to  your  lordship,  had  we 
not  learned,  that  within  the  last  six  weeks,  considerable  sums  of 
money  have  been  deposited  by  the  American  citizens  in  certain  mer- 
cantile houses  here,  for  the  purpose  of  making  additional  purchases  of 
bozal  negroes  for  Texas.  According  to  the  laws  of  Mexico,  we 
believe  such  Africans  are  free,  whether  they  have  certificates  of  freedom 
or  not ; but  we  doubt  much  whether  this  freedom  w ill  be  more  than 
nominal  under  their  American  masters,  or  whether  the  whole  system 
may  not  be  founded  on  some  plan  of  smuggling  them  across  the  frontier 
of  die  slave  states  of  the  Union.  However  this  may  be,  a great  impulse 
is  thus  given  to  this  illicit  traffic  of  the  Havana  ; and  it  is  not  easy  for 
us  to  point  out  to  government  what  remonstrances  ought  to  be  made 
on  the  subject  since  the  American  settlers  in  Texas  arc  almost  as 
independent  of  American  authority  as  they  are  of  Mexico.  These 
lawless  people  will  doubtless,  moreover  assert,  that  they  buy  negroes 
in  the  Havana  with  a view  to  their  ultimate  emancipation.  " We 
thought  the  first  experiment  to  be  of  little  consequence — but  now  that 
we  perceive  fresh  commissions  arriving  in  the  Havana  for  the  purchase 
of  Africans,  we  cannot  refrain  from  calling  your  lordship’s  attention  to 
the  fact,  as  being  another  cause  of  the  increase  of  the  slave-trade  in 
the  Havana.” 

The  foregoing  throws  light  on  the  following  recent  article  in  the 
Albany  Argus : — 


20* 


TEXAS  AND  SLAVERY. 


“The  fate  of  Henry  Bartow,  late  of  the  Commercial  Bank  of  this 
city,  has  been  at  length  definitely  ascertained.  The  agent  sent  out 
by  the  bank  has  returned,  and  states  that  Bartow  died  at  Marianne, 
near  Columbia,  in  Texas,  on  the  30th  of  June  last,  of  the  fever  of  the 
country,  after  an  illness  of  about  four  weeks.  He  had  purchased  a 
farm  on  the  Brassos,  and,  in  company  with  a native  of  the  country,  I 
had  commenced  an  extensive  plantation,  and  sent  $10,000  to  Cuba 
for  the  purchase  of  slaves. 

We  grant  that  Texas  would  present  us  an  immense  territory  of 
rich  soil,  and  would  be  another  brilliant  star  in  our  standard.  On  the 
other  hand  she  would  give  us  her  quarrel  with  Mexico — add  to  our 
unwieldly  slave  incumbrance — and  give  the  balance  of  power  to  the 
southern  and  southwestern  states.  We  much  question  whether  the 
United  States  should  ever  add  more  states  to  the  confederacy. 
Already  we  are  rent  by  the  fiercest  internal  dissension.  The  North 
and  South,  the  East  and  West,  have  their  local  feelings — which  are 
becoming  more  strong  and  definite  every  day.  As  it  is,  we  are  in 
constant  and  hourly  danger  of  splitting,  The  time  must  come  ulti-  i 
mately,  and  when  it  does  it  will  be  with  terrible  power.  Why  then 
should  we  burthen  ourselves  with  still  another  local  interest  that  must  . 
tend  rapidly  to  hasten  this  result  ? 

But  another  strong  reason  against  such  an  annexation  is  the  fact 
that  it  is  a slaveholding  country.  The  northern  people  differ  relative  i 
to  the  expediency  of  interfering  with  this  subject;  but  they  all  admit 
that  it  is  an  evil,  dangerous  to  our  safety  as  a nation.  It  is  univer- 
sally acknowledged  that  the  slave  population  may  ultimately  become 
unmanageable  by  rapid  increase;  and  when  it  does  we  may  expect 
to  see  re-enacted  the  fearful,  blood-curdling  scenes  of  the  West  Indies.  < 
It  is  obvious,  therefore,  it  would  be  highly  impolitic  to  add  such  a 
slave  market  as  Texas  to  the  Union. — Detroit  Spectator. 

Were  any  further  proof  wanting  to  convince  those  at  all  conversant 
with  the  subject,  that  Texas  will  speedily  become  a great  slave  mart, 
the  following  articlefrom  the  Liberia  Herald,  will  furnish  it.  We  have 
proved,  time  and  again,  by  the  most  indubitable  testimony,  (and  the 
fact  should  be  kept  constantly  before  the  people,)  that  the  great  cause 
which  led  to  the  rupture  between  the  inhabitants  of  Texas  and  the 
mother  country,  was  a determination  on  their  part  to  traffic  in  slaves,  q 
which  is  strictly  forbidden  by  the  constitution  of  Mexico.  How 
northern  men,  therefore,  who  profess  to  be  opposed  to  slavery,  can 
with  any  degree  of  consistency  lend  their  influence  in  behalf  of  Texas, 
is  more  than  can  be  accounted  for.  The  fact  is,  they  are  not  opposed 
to  slavery;  and  we  unhesitatingly  declare,  that  every  one  who  has 
taken  the  pains  to  inform  himself  of  the  first  cause  i of  the  Texian  in- 
surrection, is  at  heart  a slaveholder,  if  he  is  in  any  manner  aiding  the 
cause  of  the  insurgents.  By  “defending  Texas,”  he  is  “ upholding” 
and  virtually  justifying  the  enslavement  of  his  brother,  and  his  cry  of 
liberty,  is  the  very  quintessence  of  hypocrisy. 

Shall  Texas  be  admitted  into  the  Union?  That  is  the  question 


DANIEL  WEBSTER. 


now.  Her  independence  has  already  been  recognized  by  our  govern- 
ment; but  it  is  yet  to  be  decided  whether  this  nation  is  to  be  cursed 
with  an  extension  of  its  slave  territory.  What  say  you,  freemen  of 
the  North?  Shall  Texas  be  admitted  into  the  Union?  Will  you 
willingly  hug  a viper  to  your.own  bosoms  ? There  is  but  one  alter- 
native left  you — inundate  congress,  at  its  next  session,  with  remon- 
strances against  the  admission  of  Texas,  or  you  sign  at  once  the 
death  warrant  of  American  freedom. 

Efforts  are  already  being  made  for  the  admission  of  Florida  as  a 
slaveholding  state.  Should  these  efforts  prove  successful — but  may 
heaven  forbid  it! — should  Texas  also  be  admitted,  the  slaveholding 
states  would  outnumber  the  free  states — there  being  already  thirteen 
slave  to  thirteen  free  states.  And  Texas  alone  is  sufficiently  large 
for,  and  probably  will  ultimately  be  divided  into,  some  six  or  eight 
states.  The  liberty  of  the  free  states  would  exist  only  in  name,  were 
they  to  be  outnumbered  by  the  slave  states.  In  such  an  event,  a 
darker  cloud  would  hang  over  the  United  States  than  ever  did  before : 
and  wo  to  that  “fanatic”  who  might  then  talk  of  the  abolition  of 
slaver}-,  even  in  the  District  of  Columbia!  We  might  then  expect  to 
see  all  the  horrors  of  slavery — horrors  to  which  those  of  the  French 
revolution  bear  but  a feeble  comparison — visited  upon  the  heads  ol  all 
who  might  dare  to  raise  their  voice  in  behalf  of  their  down-trodden 
colored  brethren ! 

Shall  Texas  be  admitted  into  the  Union?  We  again  ask.  Free- 
men, will  you  willingly  submit  to  the  manacles  of  slavery  ? If  you 
would  not,  arouse  from  your  slumbers,  and  thunder  in  the  ears  of  the 
tyrants  who  are  already  forging  chains  for  you  and  your  children, 
your  determination  still  to  be  free. — From  the  American  Citizen. 

Slave  Trade. — We  have  learned  that  great  calculations  are  already 
making  by  slavers  on  the  coast,  on  the  increased  demand  and  ad- 
vanced price  of  slaves  which  it  is  confidently  anticipated  will  take 
place  on  the  erection  of  Texas  into  an  independent  government.  It 
has  been  rumored  that  offers  have  been  made  by  a commercial  house 
in  New  Orleans,  to  a slaver  on  the  coast,  for  a certain  number  of 
slaves,  to  be  delivered  in  a specified  period  ; and  the  only  circumstance 
which  prevented  the  consummation  of  the  bargain  was,  that  the  slaver 
refused  to  be  responsible  for  the  slaves  after  they  should  be  put  on 
board.  These  facts,  we  think  are,  important  to  be  known,  as  the 
Christian  and  philanthropic  world  may  learn  from  them  what  they  are 
upholding  when  they  are  defending  Texas. — Liberia  Heratd. 

DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

But  when  we  come  to  speak  of  admitting  new  states,  the  subject 
assumes  an  entirely  different  aspect.  Our  rights  and  our  duties  are 
then  both  different. 

The  free  states,  and  all  the  states,  are  then  at  liberty  to  accept,  or 
to  reject.  When  it  is  proposed  to  bring  new  members  into  this  politi- 
cal partnership,  the  old  members  have  a right  to  say  on  what  terms 


VY  I L Li  AM  JaY. 


such  new  members  are  to  come  in,  and  what  they  are  to  bring  along 
with  them.  In  my  opinion,  the  people  of  the  United  States  will  not 
consent  to  bring  a new,  vastly  extensive,  a slaveholding  country, 
large  enough  for  half  a dozen  or  a dozen  states,  into  the  Union. 
In  my  opinion  they  ought  not  to  consent  to  it.  Indeed  I avn altogether 
at  a loss  to  conceive,  what  possible  benefits  any  part  of  this  country 
can  expect  to  derive  from  such  annexation.  All  benefit,  to  any  part 
is  at  least  doubtful  and  uncertain;  the  objections  obvious,  plain,  and 
strong.  On  the  general  question  of  slavery,  a great  portion  of  the 
community  is  already  strongly  excited.  The  subject  has  not  only  at- 
tracted attention  as  a question  of  politics,  but  it  has  struck  a far  deeper 
toned  chord.  It  has  arrested  the  religious  feelings  of  the  country  ; it  has 
taken  strong  hold  on  the  consciences  of  men.  He  is  a rash  man, 
indeed,  little  conversant  with  human  nature,  and  especially  has  he  a 
very  erroneous  estimate  of  the  character  of  the  people  of  this  country, 
who  supposes  that  a feeling  of  this  kind  is  to  be  trilled  with,  ordespised. 
It  will  assuredly  cause  itself  to  be  respected.  It  may  be  reasoned  with,  it 
may  be  made  willing,  I b lieve  it  is  entirely  willing  to  fulfil  all  existing 
engagements,  and  all  existing  duties,  to  uphold  and  defend  the  con- 
stitution, as  it  is  established,  with  whatever  regrets  about  some  provi- 
sions, which  it  does  actually  contain.  But  to  coerce  it  into  silence, 
— to  endeavor  to  restrain  its  free  expression,  to  seek  to  compress  and 
confine  it,  warm  as  it  is  and  more  heated  as  such  endeavors  would 
inevitably  render  it, — should  all  this  be  attempted,  I know  nothing 
even  in  the  constitution,  or  in  the  Union  itself,  which  Mould  not 
be  endangered  by  the  explosion  which  might  follow. 

I see,  therefore,  no  political  necessity  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to 
the  Union  ; no  advantages  to  be  derived  from  it ; and  objections  to  it, 
of  a strong,  and  in  my  judgment,  decisive  character. — Address  in  Niblo's 
Garden,  1S37. 

WILLIAM  JAY. 

Fc-llow  citizens,  a crisis  has  arrived  in  which  we  must  maintain  our 
rights,  or  surrender  them  for  ever.  I speak  not  to  abolitionists  alone, 
but  to  all  who  value  the  liberty  of  our  fathers  achieved.  Do  you  ask 
what  we  have  to  do  with  slavery  ?- — Let  our  muzzled  presses  answer — • 
let  the  mobs  excited  against  us  by  merchants  and  politicians  answer — 
let  the  gag  laws  threatened  by  our  governors  and  legislatures  answer, 
let  the  conduct  of  the  National  Government  answer.  In  1820,  Mexico 
and  Columbia  being  at  war  with  Spain,  proposed  carrying  their  armies 
into  Cuba,  a Spanish  colony.  These  republics  bad  abolished  slavery 
within  their  own  limits,  and  it  w as  feared  that  if  they  conquered  Cuba 
they  would  give  liberty  to  the  thousands  there  enchained.  And 
what  did  our  liberty-loving  government  do?  Why  they  sent  on 
special  messengers  to  Panama  to  threaten  our  sister  republics  with 
war  if  they  dared  to  invade  Cuba.  Nor  was  this  all ; a minister  was 
sent  to  Spain,  and  ordered  to  urge  upon  the  Spanish  monarch  the 
policy  of  making  p^ace  with  his  revolted  colonies,  lest  if  the  war  con- 
tinued, n arly  a million  of  human  beings  should  recover  and  enjoy  the 


THE  BRITISH  PARLIAMENT TEXAS. 


rights  of  man.  What  have  we  to  do  with  slavery  ? Is  it  nothing  that 
nineteen  Senators  were  found  to  vote  for  a bill  establishing  in  ever 
post  town  a censorship  of  the  press,  and  that  a citizen  of  New  Yor>. 
gave  a casting  vote  in  favor  of  the  abomination,  and  has  received  as 
his  reward,  the  office  ofPresident  of  the  United  States  ? Is  it  nothing 
that  our  own  representatives  have  spurned  our  petitions  at  the  man- 
date of  slaveholders  ? What  have  we  to  do  with  slavery  ? Look  at 
the  loathsome  community,  just  sprung  into  being  on  our  southern 
border,  the  progeny  of  treason  and  robbery,  a vile  republic,  organized 
for  the  express  purpose  of  re-establishing  slavery  on  a soil  from  which 
it  had  been  lately  expelled  ; and  providing  for  its  perpetual  continu- 
ance by  constitutional  provisions,  and  daring  to  insult  us,  with  the 
offer  of  a monopoly  of  its  trade  in  human  flesh. — Yet  northern  specu- 
lators and  politicians  in  conjunction  with  slaveholders,  are  now  plotting 
to  compel  us  to  receive  this  den  of  scorpions  into  our  bosom,  to  admit 
Texas  into  our  confederacy,  with  a territory  capable  of  furnishing  eight 
or  nine  more  slave  states,  and  by  thus  giving  to  the  enemies  of  human 
rights,  an  overwhelmning  majority  in  congress,  to  subject  this  northern 
country  to  the  dominion  of  the  South  ; and  perhaps  before  long,  to 
cause  the  crack  of  the  whip  and  the  clank  of  chains  to  re-echo  on  our 
hills,  and  our  fields  to  be  polluted  with  the  blood  and  tears  of  slaves. 
To  effect  a speedy  union  with  Texas,  endeavors  are  now  making  to 
involve  us  in  a war  with  Mexico,  and  when  the  unholy  alliance  shall 
have  been  consummated,  then  farewell  to  republican  freedom,  to 
Christian  morals,  to  happiness  at  home,  or  to  respect  abroad.  This 
fair  land,  once  the  glory  of  all  lands,  will  become  a bye  word,  a re- 
proach. and  a hissing  to  all  people,  and  we  and  our  children  will  ba 
taught  by  bitter  experience,  what  the  North  had  to  do  with  slavery. — 
Address,  July  4,  1837. 

THE  BRITISH  PARLIAMENT. 

Texas. 

Mr.  Barlow  Hot  rose  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  pre- 
sent state  of  affairs  in  the  Texas. — The  importance  of  that  territory 
was  well  known  to  all  who  were  acquainted  with  its  geographical 
position.  Mr.  Huskisson,  aware  that  the  United  States  would  be 
desirous  to  annex  the  Texas  to  their  territory,  laid  it  down  as  a maxim, 
that  Great  Britain  should  on  no  account  allow  America  to  extend  her 
boundary  in  the  direction  of  Mexico. — It  was  notorious  that  an  enor- 
mous importation  of  slaves  took  place  into  the  Texas,  and  if  this 
system  were  allowed  to  continue,  all  the  sums  which  we  had  expended 
in  endeavoring  to  suppress  the  traffic  in  slaves  would  have  been 
thrown  away.  If  we  did  not  co-operate  with  Mexico  in  endeavouring 
to  preserve  the  Texas  for  Mexico,  and  thus  to  prevent  the  importation 
of  slaves  into  the  Mexican  territory,  we  had  better  at  once  withdraw 
our  fleet  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  abandon  Sierra  Leone.  The 
United  States,  appeared  to  be  acting  a faithless  part;  they  kept  the 
boundary  question  open  both  with  respect  to  Mexico  and  Great 
Britain.  If  they  had  not  some  sinister  motive  for  keeping  the  question 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


3pen,  it  ought  to  have  been  settled  long  since,  as  it  would  have  been, 
it'  the  United  States  had  accepted  the  mediation  of  the  King  of  Holland. 
It  was  not  the  standard  of  liberty  and  independence  which  was 
raised  in  the  Texas,  but  the  pirate’s  flag,  under  cover  of  which  the 
slave-trade  was  carried  on.  We  had  interfered  in  the  affairs  of 
Holland  and  Belgium,  Portugal  and  Spain ; why,  then,  should  we 
not  remonstrate  in  a friendly  manner  with  the  United  States  upon  the 
conduct  which  they  were  pursuing  with  regard  to  the  Texas  ? 

Mr.  O’Connel  thought  that  humanity  was  indebted  to  the  Hon. 
Member  for  bringing  this  question  before  the  Plouse.  It  was  only  by 
the  expression  of  public  opinion  that  we  could  hope  to  check  the  pro- 
gress of  one  of  the  most  horrible  evils  the  human  inind  could  contem- 
plate— viz.  the  formation  of  eight  or  nine  additional  slaveholding  states. 
The  revolt  of  Texas  was  founded  on  nothing  else  but  the  abolition  of 
slavery  by  the  Mexican  government.  In  1824,  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment had  pronounced  that  no  person  after  that  period  should  be  born 
a slave.  In  1829  they  went  further,  and  air  h h d slavery,  and 
immediately  followed  the  revolt  of  the  landholders,  who  hud  settled 
themselves  in  Texas.  Who  could  contemplate  without  horror  the 
calculation,  as  in  the  case  of  stocking  a farm,  what  was  the  necessary 
complement  of  men  and  women,  and  when  they  would  be  ready  and 
ripe  for  the  market  ? It  was  a blot  which  no  other  country  but 
America  had  ever  yet  suffered  to  stain  its  history — no  nation  on  the 
face  of  the  earth  had  ever  been  degraded  by  such  crimes,  except  the 
high-spirited  North  American  Republic.  Talk  of  the  progress  of 
democratic  principle!  No  man  admired  it  more  than  he  did.  What 
became  of  it  when  its  principal  advocates  could  not  be  persuaded  to 
abstain  from  such  species  of  traffic  as  this?  Texas  had  speculated  on  it. 

Colonel  Thompson  asked  whether  it  was  not  the  fact  that  all  the 
inhabitants  of  this  province  were  Americans,  and  not  Mexicans?  It 
had  been  said  in  former  times,  ubi  Roinane  vincis,  iki  habitus;  and 
with  equal  truth  it  might  now  be  said,  that  where  an  American  con- 
quered there  he  carried  slavery  as  a necessary  oflife. — March  9th , IS37. 


FOWELL  BUXTON. 

If  the  British  Government  did  not  interfere  to  prevent  the  Texian 
territory  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  American  slaveholders, 
in  all  probability  a greater  traffic  in  slaves  would  be  carried  on  du- 
ring the  next  50  years,  than  had  ever  before  existed. — The  war  at 
present  being  waged  in  Texas,  differed  from  any  war  which  had  ev- 
er been  heard  of. 

It  was  not  a war  for  the  extension  of  territory — it  was  not  a war 
of  aggression — it  was  not  one  undertaken  for  the  advancement  of 
national  glory  ; it  was  a war  which  had  for  its  sole  object  the  ob- 
taining of  a market  for  slaves. — (Hear,  bear.)  He  would  not  say 
that  the  American  Government  connived  at  the  proceedings  which 
had  taken  place  ; but  it  was  notorious  that  the  Texians  had  been 
supplied  with  munitions  of  war  of  all  sorts  by  the  slaveholders  of 
the  United  States — (hear,  hear.) 


MEXICO. 


ANTONIO  LOPEZ  DE  SANTA  ANNA. 

I do  not  conceive  how  you  can  preserve  the  title  of  citizen  of  a 
nation  at  peace,  harmony  and  friendship  with  Mexico,  while,  at  tho 
same  time,  you  endeavor  to  do  her  all  the  harm  in  your  power,  and 
to  cut  off  from  her  a part  of  its  territory,  by  means  you  have  era. 
ployed  with  such  singular  activity.  This  species  of  impudence  with 
which  you  represent  yourself  as  a citizen  of  the  United  States,  ex- 
cites  vivid  recollections  that  your  countrymen  first  commenced  the 
war  ; introduced  disorder  into  Texas  and  still  maintain  it,  in  scan- 
dalous violation  of  the  treaties  which  should,  in  good  faith,  unite  tha 
two  nations.  But  leaving  this  examination  to  the  criticism  of  the 
civilized  world,  which  is  ignorant  neither  of  the  origin,  nor  the  ten- 
dencies of  the  usurpation  of  Texas,  I will  quickly  show  you,  that 
you  are  mistaken,  and  that  too,  greatly,  in  supposing  Mexico  defi- 
cient either  in  strength  or  the  will  to  maintain  her  incontestiblo 
rights. 

We  have  fully  weighed  the  actual  and  the  possible  value  of  th* 
territory  of  Texas,  the  advantage  accruing  to  Mexico  by  retaining 
it  in  possession,  and  still  more  by  the  precarious  situation  to  which 
she  would  find  herself  reduced  were  she  to  permit  a colossus  to  arise 
within  her  own  limits,  always  ready  to  advance,  and  covetous  to  ob- 
tain new  acquisitions  by  the  rite  title  of  theft  and  usurpation  : but 
even  were  the  soil  of  Texas  a mere  desert  of  sand,  unproductive  save 
of  thorns  to  wound  the  foot  of  the  traveller,  this  plain,  useless,  sterile 
and  unproductive,  should  be  defended  with  energy  and  constancy, 
under  the  conviction  that  the  possession  of  a right  imposes  upon  a na- 
tion the  necessity  of  never  abandoning  it,  with  shame  and  disgrace 
to  her  name. 

I promised  in  Texas,  beneath  the  rifles  of  the  tumultuary  (tumul- 
taricus)  soldiers,  who  surrounded  me,  that  I would  procure  a hear- 
ing for  their  commissioners  from  my  Government,  and  would  exer- 
cise my  influence  to  prevent,  for  the  time  being,  a fatal  struggle  ; 
ind  this  promise,  whose  object  was  to  secure,  without  molestation, 
the  retreat  which  the  Mexican  army  had  already  commenced,  and 
which  I learned  with  the  greatest  sorrow  from  General  Wall,  natu- 


THE  LEtMON  OF  LIBERTY. 


rally  remained  without  effect,  from  sad  consideration  as  prisoner  ; be. 
cause  the  aggressions  of  the  Texians  removed  even  the  possibility  of 
lightening  the  evils  of  war,  and  because  they  failed  themselves,  in 
then-  promises-,  they  annulled  the  resolutions  of  him  whom  they  called 
their  cabinet,  they  caused  me  violently  to  disembark  from  the  schooner 
Invincible;  and  abandoned  me  to  the  excited  passions  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  recruits  just  arrived  from  New-Orleans. 

In  a different  point  of  view,  the  question  of  Texas  involves  another 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  cause  of  humanity — that  of  slavery. 
Mexico,  who  has  given  the  noble  and  illustrious  example  of  renounc. 
ing  to  the  increase  of  her  wealth,  and  even  to  the  cultivation  of  her 
fields,  that  she  may  not  see  them  fattened  with  the  sweat,  the  blood 
and  the  tears  of  the  African  race,  will  not  retrocede  in  this  course ; 
and  her  efforts  to  recover  a usurped  territory  will  be  blessed  by  all 
those  who  sincerely  esteem  the  natural  and  impracticable  rights  of 
the  human  species. 

The  civilized  world  will  not  learn  without  scandal,  that  the  in- 
habitants  of  the  United  States,  infringing  their  own  laws,  and  vio- 
lating the  most  sacred  international  rights,  support  for  a second  time, 
a usurpation  which  they  have  commenced,  and  constantly  supported, 
abusing  and  mocking  the  generosity  with  which  the  Mexicans  be- 
stowed upon  their  countrymen  rich  and  coveted  lands,  and  invited 
them  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  their  institutions.  If  Mexico  should 
receive  such  hostility  from  those  who  call  themselves  her  friends,  she 
will  treat  them  as  enemies  in  the  field  of  battle,  she  will  repel  force 
with  force,  and  she  will  appeal  to  the  judgment  of  the  Universe  upon 
such  an  aggression,  as  unjust  as  it  would  be  violent. 


ROBERT  OWEN. 

I have  seldom  seen  any  public  character  except  the  late  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, so  apparently  determined  to  examine  any  system  to  its  first 
principles,  as  General  Santa  Anna.  He  wished  to  commence  his 
examination  with  the  first  principles  of  the  system,  with  the  laws  of 
our  nature  that  he  might  be  sure  whether  the  base  was  sound  or  not, 
upon  which  the  superstructure  was  erected.  I left  him  with  the  im- 
pression  that  he  had  good  talents  for  command,  and  that  he  was 
truly  desirous  of  contributing  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 

GEORGE  M’DUFFIE. 

If  any  consideration  could  add  to  the  intrinsic  weight  of  these 
high  inducements  to  abstain  from  any  species  of  interference  with 
the  domestic  affairs  of  a neighboring  and  friendly  State,  it  would 
be  the  tremendous  retribution  to  which  we  are  so  peculiarly  exposed 
on  our  South  Western  frontier,  from  measures  of  retaliation. 

Should  Mexico  declare  war  against  the  United  States,  and  aided 
by  some  great  European  power,  hoist  the  standard  of  servile  insur- 
rection in  Louisiana  and  the  neighboring  States ; how  deep  would 
be  our  self-reproaches  in  reflecting  that  these  atrocious  proceedings 
received  even  a colorable  apology  from  our  example,  or  from  the  un- 
lawful conduct  of  our  own  citizens  ! 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


There  is  one  question  connected  with  this  controversy,  of  a defin- 
ite character,  upon  which  it  may  be  proper  that  you  should  express 
an  opinion.  You  are,  doubtless,  aware  that  the  people  of  Texas 
by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  have  expressed  their  desire  to  be  ad- 
milted  into  our  Confederacy,  and  application  will  probably  be  made 
to  Congress  for  that  purpose.  In. my  opinion,  Congress  ought  not 
even  to  entertain  such  a proposition  in  the  present  state  of  the  con- 
troversy.— Extract  from  the  Message  of  Gov.  M’Diiffie . to  the  Leg- 
islature of  South  Carolina,  1836. 


THOMAS  BRANAGAN. 

At  the  present  crisis,  no  subject  can  be  presented  to  the  public  eye 
more  deserving  of  their  serious  attention  than  slavery ; our  pros- 
perity, nay,  our  very  existence  as  a nation  depends  upon  the  question 
before  us,  viz  : 'Whether  new  slave-holding  states,  particularly  Texas, 
shall  be  annexed  to  the  American  republic,  till  the  planters  of  the 
South  gain  the  sole  sovereignty,  as  they  ever  have  held  the  balance 
of  power  by  a preponderating  influence  in  congress,  or  not  ? For 
instance,  every  cargo  of  slaves  transported  by  the  citizens  of  the 
South,  and  every  additional  slave  state,  not  only  enhances  their 
riches,  but  increases  their  political  influence ; for,  according  to  the 
constitution,  five  slaves  in  the  South  are  equal  to  two  citizens  in  the 
North,  with  respect  to  the  rights  of  suffrage. 

Slavery  depends  on  the  consumption  of  the  produce  of  its  labor  for 
support.  Refuse  this  produce,  and  slavery  must  cease.  Say  not 
that  individual  influence  is  small.  Every  aggregate  must  be  com- 
posed of  a collection  of  individuals.  Though  individual  influence  be 
small,  the  influence  of  collected  numbers  is  irresistible. 

The  number  of  representatives  of  slaves,  alias  southern  property, 
has  already  increased  to  twenty-five,  and  they  are  urging  the  annexa- 
tion of  new  slave  states.  These  considerations  alone  should  causa 
our  representatives  to  be  on  the  alert,  even  laying  aside  the  princi- 
ples of  natural  justice,  moral  rectitude,  and  the  super-excellent  pre- 
cepts of  revelation,  which  inculcate,  “ that  we  should  do  to  all  men 
whatever  we  would  that  they  should  do  unto  us,  and  that  we  should 
love  our  neighbors  (or  all  mankind)  as  ourselves.” 

We  certainly  have  increased  in  luxury,  avarice,  and  systematical 
cruelty,  since  the  epoch  of  our  independence,  more  than  any  other 
nation  ever  did  in  the  same  number  of  years  ; for  what  Rome  was  in 
her  decline,  America  is  inker  infancy.  We  look  with  a supercilious 
glance  upon  personal  virtue  and  national  honor,  while  we  are  ena- 
moured with  riches.  We  suffer  ambition  to  monopolize  the  rewards 
that  should  be  conferred  on  virtue  ; nay,  we  supinely  behold  our  fel- 
low citizens,  not  only  enslave  and  murder  thousands  of  their  inno- 
cent, unoffending  fellow  creatures  periodically,  but  we  permit  them, 
by  this  unjust  and  unwarrantable  medium,  to  gain  not  only  riches  to 
fill  their  coffers,  but  also  political  influence  in  our  national  councils, 
the  permanent  right  of  suffrage  and  sovereignty.  For  it  is  a lamen 
tabic  fact,  that  for  every  two  slaves  the  dealers  in  human  flesh  smug 
gle  from  Africa,  or  breed,  they  gain  the  same  influence  at  elections, 


21 


THOMAS  BRANAGAN. 


as  a free  citizen  inherits  in  his  own  person  ; and  a planter  that  pur 
chases  two  hundred  negroes,  not  only  replenishes  his  purse  thereby 
but  also  gains  one  hundred  and  twenty  times  as  much  influence  ir 
the  nation,  as  the  virtuous  and  honorable  pal  riot  who  nobly  refuses 
to  prostitute  his  political  and  religious  character,  by  participating  it 
such  unparalleled  duplicity,  hypocrisy,  and  villany.  Is  such  in. 
equality  consistent  with  a republican  form  of  government;  is  it  con-  L 
sistent  with  justice,  generosity,  or  even  common  sense  ? No  ; it  is 
a canker  that  eats,  and  will  of  itself  eventually  destroy  our  consti. 
tution.  If  there  was  no  other  enemy  to  excite  our  fears  and  alarm 
our  sensibility,  this  surely  is  sufficient.  No  less  than  sixty  odd  thou- 
sand slaves  annually  increase  the  representation. 

If  your  slavers  wish  to  effect  a counter  revolution  in  the  minds  ol 
your  injured  fellow  citizens,  you  must  first  cause  them  to  unlearn 
what  they  learned  in  “ the  times  that  tried  men’s  souls you  must 
destroy  their  memories ; you  must  draw  a mighty. veil  before  their  in- 
tellectual eyes,  to  screen  the  tragical  end  of  slavery  in  the  now  re- 
public of  Hayti ; you  must  consign  every  copy  of  the  Rights  of  Man, 
and  every  other  patriotic  work,  disseminated  over  the  face  of  the 
earth,  to  the  flames  ; you  must  destroy  the  liberty  of  the  press,  that 
glorious  privilege  of  freemen  ; you  must  finally  destroy  our  post  offi. 
ces,  and  every  conduit  and  vehicle  of  intelligence.  Before  you  can 
fetter  the  understanding  and  blind  the  eyes  of  your  fellow  citizens, 
you  must  accomplish  all  these  things  and  many  more. 

I think  and  believe,  that  to  sanction  and  support  slavery  in  Texas, 
is  a national  crime  that  would  have  disgraced  Sodom  and  Gomorrah. 
My  mind  is  much  affected  by  the  case  of  the  injured  Indians,  and  by 
the  Texas  mania  ; for  sure  I am,  unless  the  friends  of  freedom  strain 
every  nerve,  the  tyrants  of  the  south  will  gain  their  objects,  as  they 
have  two  or  three  times  before. 

[Under  the  Mexican  government  slavery  has  been  totally  abolished 
in  Texas,  and  elsewhere.  The  Tcxian  rebels  could  have  effected 
nothing  but  for  the  assistance  of  the  southern  states,  (backed  by 
northern  doughfaces,)  who  have  as  fully  waged  the  treasonable,  pira- 
tical war  they  excited,  as  if  it  had  been  by  them  formally  declared. 
The  number  of  principled  men  in  Texas  is  too  small  to  redeem  the 
country  and  their  cause  from  the  fathomless  abyss  of  misery,  degra- 
dation, and  infamy  into  which  this  unprecedented  establishment  and 
perpetuation  of  slavery  must  inevitably  plunge  them,  as  well  as  the 
'United  States.  The  slave-mongers,  slave-politicians,  slave-presses,  | 
and  slave-senators,  have  foisted  the  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  that  slave  region,  and  are  urging  its  incorporation  into  the  United 
States  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The  monstrous  outrage  against  the 
laws  of-nature  and  of  nations,  unsurpassed  by  the  blackest  page  of 
history,  is  fast  tending  to  its  fatal  consummation !] 

The  diabolical  principle,  which  confers  such  a super-abundance  of 
the  paramount  rights  of  suffrage  and  sovereignty  upon  a part  of  the 
citizens,  accordingly  as  they  enslave  and  torture  their  fellow  men,  to 
the  great  injury  of  the  virtuous  and  honorable  part  of  society — this  : 
infernal  practice  must  be  abolished,  or  the  union  must  be  dissolved, 
that  is,  if  the  spirit  of  ’76  is  not  completely  obliterated  from  the 


THOMAS  BEANAGAK. 


ircasts  of  the  citizens  of  lie  north ; for  it  is  not  only  an  insult  to 
■ommon  sense,  but  degrading  them  to  cowards,  to  suppose,  that  they 
rill  tamclv  see  their  sacred  inalienable  rights  infringed  by  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery. 

Twelve  amendments  have  been  made  to  the  constitution.  Why 
jot  amend  the  principle  alluded  to  ? The  constitution  has  provided 
vays  and  means  to  amend  its  own  defects.  Why  not  embrace  this 
institutional  privilege,  and  eradicate  this  shameful  inequality  ? Is 
s not  more  eligible  to  accommodate  any  misunderstanding  that  may 
-xist  between  the  different  states,  in  this  way,  than  to  do  it  by  the 
force  of  arms  ? Surely  this  would  produce  anarchy  and  intestine 
jommotion  ; and  who,  in  such  an  event,  will  be  the  greatest  sufferers  ? 
( answer,  and  I shudder  while  I answer,  the  Oppressoi's  ! For  how 
;ould  they  stand  with  injured  innocence  behind  them, — their  infirriated 
dares  ; and  virtuous  patriotism  before  them, — their  insulted  fellow 
Citizens  ? 

Is  a diversity  of  color  a certain  proof  of  a diversity  of  species  ? 
No.  This  argument,  if  it  could  prove  any  thing,  would  prove  too 
much.  It  will  be  found,  upon  investigation,  that  there  are  among 
the  nations  of  mankind,  no  less  than  four  or  five  principal  colors  ; 
not  to  say  any  thing  of  the  various  intermediate  shades,  which  ap- 
proach  more  or  less  towards  each  of  them.  What ! are  there  four 
or  five  species  of  human  beings  ? Is  each  of  the  four  great  quarters 
of  the  world  inhabited  by  a distinct  species  of  men?  Are  there  to 
be  found  even  in  the  same  quarter  of  the  world,  human  beings  of  dif- 
ferent kinds  ? 

Besides  it  appears  to' be  a fixed  law  of  nature,  which  operates  in 
all  parts  of  creation,  that,  if  two  animals  of  a different  species  pair, 
the  offspring  is  unable  to  continue  its  species.  Do  not  a black  Afri- 
can and  a white  American,  in  instances  innumerable,  unite  ? Cer- 
tainly ! Is  the  mulatto  incapable  of  marriage?  No,  he  is  as  capa- 
ble of  continuing  his  own  coioi-,  as  his  white  father  is  of  continuing 
his.  An  irrefragable  proof  this,  that  the  black  and  the  white  inhabi- 
tants of  our  globe  constitute  one  species  of  beings. 

Whence  the  immense  sums,  which  proprietors  of  plantations,  and 
of  negroes  and  mulattoes,  receive  annually,  and  spend  in  magnifi- 
cence and  luxui'y  ? Whence  is  all  this  great  treasuie  ? How  is  it 
raised  ? By  the  sweat,  the  blood,  the  tears,  torments,  the  lives  of 
your  poor,  hungry,  naked,  oppressed  slaves.  Are  they  so  infinitely 
advantageous  to  you  ? And  can  you  refuse ; can  you  delay  to  hear 
the  cry  of  then-  oppression,  their  sweat,  and  their  blood  ? Have  you 
not,  as  a nation,  been  long  distinguished  and  famous,  for  a free,  inde- 
pendent, generous  spirit  ? Is  your  constitution  civil  and  l-eligious, 
your  glory  among  the  nations  of  the  world  ? Do  you  suffer  no  slavery 
at  the  North  ? Why  do  you  allow  it  elsewhere  ? Do  you,  year  after 
year,  concert  the  best  measures  which  your  wisdom  can  devise,  for 
the  prospei-ity  and  happiness  of  your  white  citizens  at  home  and 
abroad  ? Why  overlook,  neglect,  and  oppress,  your  black  subjects  ? 
Is  there,  can  there  be,  such  merit  in  one  color,  and  such  demerit  in 
another  ? 

Is  industry  a source  of  wealth  to  a nation  ? Slavery  must  be  the 


WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING. 


grand  impoverishes  for  it  is  an  encouragement  to  idleness,  and  a de. 
preciator  of  labor.  Does  virtue  consolidate  and  strengthen  a nation? 
Slavery,  and  its  concomitant  vices,  must  enervate,  if  not  subvert  it. 
How  shamefully  slavery  exposes  and  endangers  the  virtue  of  females, 
I forbear  to  say  ; delicacy  would  shudder  at  the  recital.  The  female 
who  in  theory  or  practice  is  an  advocate  for  slavery,  cannot  be  a vo 
taxy  or  a friend  to  chastity. — The  Guardian  Genius. 


JOSEPH  STURGE.  I Is 

General  Santa  Anna’s  real  crime  in  the  eyes  of  the  American  slave- 
owner is  his  enforcing  the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  Mexi- 
can Republic,  when  they  were  looking  to  seize  Texas  as  a market  for  1 
their  slaves. 

This  object  was  publicly  avowed  by  them  years  ago.  In  the  de- 
bates in  the  Virginia  Convention,  in  1829,  Judge  Upsher  said,  “ If 
it  should  be  our  lot,  as  I trust  it  will  be,  to  acquire  the  country  of  ' 
Texas,  their  price  (the  slaves)  will  rise  again.” 

We  are  told  by  the  advocates  of  the  Tcxian  scheme,  as  a caution  I 
not  to  interfere  ; that  the  cause  of  emancipation  has  retrograded  in 
the  United  States,  *■  owing  to  the  intemperate  zeal  of  the  Northern 
abolitionists.”  I need  not  remind  the  friends  of  emancipation  in  Eng.  1 1 
land,  that  this  was  ever  the  favorite  assertion  of  the  slave-holders 
and  their  advocates,  during  the  struggle  for  negro  freedom  in  the  ; 
British  West  India  Colonies;  nor  yet  record  the  opinion  of  American  : 
gentlemen,  most  accurately  informed  on  the  subject,  that  the  bold 
and  strenuous  efforts  of  the  Northern  abolitionists,  in  denouncing  this 
plague-spot  of  their  social  and  political  system,  have,  within  the  last  : 
four  years,  done  more  towards  effecting  its  extinction  than  the  oxer,  v 
tions  of  the  previous  half  century.  The  slave-owners  of  the  South  j 
know  this  full  well. 

Such,  then,  being  the  fearful  plan  for  erecting  the  new  state  of  ' 
Texas,  by  giving  new  life  and  energy  to  a system  of  crime  and  in.  ! 
justice,  which  in  many  of  the  neighboring  states  is  sinking  under  its  1 
inherent  rottenness,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  every  real  abolitionist, 
whether  in  England  or  America,  to  warn  his  countrymen  against 
being  decoyed  within  the  sphere  of  its  contaminating  influence.  The 
country  is  designed  to  be  the  “ home  of  the  slave,”  and  to  be  peopled 
by  a traffic  more  hideous  than  the  African  slave  trade  itself. 


WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING 

Wars  with  Europe  and  Mexico  are  to  be  entailed  on  ns  by  the  an. 
nexation  of  Texas.  And  is  war  the  policy  by  which  this  country  is 
to  flourish  ? Was  it  for  interminable  conflicts  that  we  formed  our 
Union  ? Is  it  blood  shed  for  plunder,  which  is  to  consolidate  our  in. 
etitutions  ? Is  it  by  collision  with  the  greatest  maritime  power,  that 
our  commerce  is  to  gain  strength  ? Is  it  by  arming  against  ourselves 
the  moral  sentiments  of  the  world,  that  we  are  to  build  up  national 
honor  ? Must  we  of  the  North  buckle  onmur  armor,  to  fight  the  bat- 
tles of  slavery ; to  fight  for  a possession,  which  our  moral  principles 


WILLIAM  E.  CHANNINC. 


an I iust  jealousy  forbid  ns  to  incorporate  with  our  confederacy  ? In 
attaching  Texas  to  ourselves,  we  provoke  hostilities,  and  at  the  same 
time  expose  new  points  of  a';aek  to  our  foes.  Vulnerable  at  so  many 
points,  we  shall  need  avast  military  force.  Great  armies  will  re- 
quire great  revenues,  and  raise  up  great  chieftains.  Arc  we  tired  of 
freedom,  that  we  are  prepared  to  place  it  under  such  guardians  ? Is 
the  republic  bent  on  dying  by  its  own  hands?  Docs  not  every  man 
feel,  that,  with  war  for  our  habit,  our  institutions  cannot  be  pre- 
served ? If  ever  a country  were  bound  to  peace,  it  is  this.  Peace  is 
our  great  interest.  In  peace  our  resources  are  to  be  developed,  the 
true  interpretation  of  the  constitution  to  be  established,  and  the  inter- 
fering claims  of  liberty  and  order  to  be  adjusted.  In  peace  we  are 
to  discharge'  our  great  debt  to  the  human  race,  and  to  diffuse  freedom 
by  manifesting  its  fruits.  A country  has  no  right  to  adopt  a policy, 
however  gainful,  which,  as  it  may  foresee,  will  determine  it  to  a ca- 
reer of  war.  A nation,  like  an  individual,  is  bound  to  seek,  even 
by  sacrifices,  a position,  which  will  favor  peace,  justice,  and  the  ex- 
ercise of  a beneficent  influence  on  the  world.  A nation,  provoking 
war  by  cupidity,  by  encroachment,  and,  above  all,  by  efforts  to  pro- 
pagate tlie  curse  of  slavery,  is  alike  false  to  itself,  to  God,  and  to  the 
human  race. 

The  annexation  of  Texas,  I have  said,  will  extend  and  perpetuate 
slavery.  It  is  fitted,  and,  still  more,  intended  to  do  so.  On  this 
point  there  can  be  no  doubt.  ,\s  far  back  as  the  year  1829,  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  was  agitated  in  the  Southern  and  Western  States; 
and  it  was  urged  on  the  ground  of  the  strength  and  extension  it 
would  give  to  the  slave-holding  interest.  In  a series  of  essays,  as- 
cribed to  a gentleman,  now  a senator  in  Congress,  it  was  maintained, 
that  five  or  six  slave-holding  states  would  by  this  measure  be  added  to 
the  Union  ; and  he  even  intimated  that  as  many  as  nine  States  as 
large  as  Kentucky  might  be  formed  within  the  limits  of  Texas.  In 
Virginia,  about  the  same  time,  calculaiions  were  made  as  to  the  in- 
creased value  which  would  thus  be  given  to  slaves,  and  it  was  even 
said,  that  this  acquisition  would  rise  the  price  fifty  per  cent.  Of  late 
the  language  on  this  subject  is  most  explicit.  The  great  argument 
for  annexing  Texas  is,  that  it  will  strengthen  “ the  peculiar  institu 
tions”  of  the  south,  and  open  a new  and  vast  field  for  slavery. 

Nor  is  the  worst  told.  As  I have  before  intimated,  and  it  cannot 
be  too  often  repeated,  we  shall  not  only  quicken  the  domestic  slave- 
trade  ; we  shall  give  a new  impulse  lo  the  foreign.  Tiiis,  indeed, 
we  have  pronounced  in  our  laws  to  be  felony  ; but  we  make  our  laws 
cobwebs,  when  we  offer  to  rapacious  men  strong  motives  for  their 
violation.  Open  a market  for  slaves  in  an  unsettled  country,  with  a 
sweep  of  sea-coast,  and  at  such  distance  from  the  seat  of  government 
that  laws  may  be  evaded  with  impunity,  and  how  can  you  exclude 
slaves  from  Africa  ? It  is  well  known  that  cargoes  have  been  landed 
in  Louisiana.  What  is  to  drive  them  from  Texas  ? In  incorporat- 
ing this  region  with  the  Union  to  make  it  a slave-country,  we  send 
the  kidnapper  to  prowl  through  the  jungles,  and  to  dart,  like  a beast 
of  prey,  on  the  defenceless  villages  of  Africa  ; we  chain  the  help- 
less, despairing  victims ; crowd  them  into  the  foetid,  pestilential  slave. 

* 


*21 


N.  P.  ROGERS. 


ship  ; expose  them  1o  the  unutterable  cruelties  of  the  middle  passage, 
and,  if  they  survive  it,  crush  them  with  perpetual  bondage. 

I now  ask,  whether,  as  a people,  we  are  prepared  to  seize  on  a 
neighboring  territory  for  the  end  of  extending  slavery  ? I ask, 
whether,  as  a people,  we  can  stand  forth  in  the  sight  of  God,  in  the  i 
sight  of  the  nations,  and  adopt  this  atrocious  policy  ? Sooner  perish  ! 1 1 
Sooner  be  our  name  blotted  out  from  the  record  of  nations  1 


COMMONWEALTH  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  1838. 

**  Resolves  against  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States.  , 
“ Whereas  a proposition  to  admit  into  the  United  States,  as  a con-  t 
stituent  member  thereof,  the  foreign  nation  of  Texas,  has  been  re-  L 
commended  by  the  legislative  resolutions  of  several  Slates,  and  ( 
brought  before  Congress  for  its  approval  and  sanction : and  whereas 
such  a measure  would  involve  great  wrong  to  Mexico,  and  other 
wise  be  of  evil  precedent,  injurious  to  the  interests  and  dishonorable 
to  the  character  of  this  country  ; and  whereas  its  avowed  objects  are 
doubly  fraught  with  peril  to  the  prosperity  and  permanency  of  this 
Union,  as  tending  to  disturb  and  destroy  the  conditions  of  those  com- 
promises and  concessions  entered  into  at  the  formation  of  the  Consti- 
tution,  by  which  the  relative  weight  of  different  sections  and  interests 
was  adjusted,  and  to  strengthen  and  extend  the  evils  of  a system1 1 
which  is  unjust  in  itself,  in  striking  contrast  with  the  theory  of  our 
institutions,  and  condemned  by  the  moral  sentiment  of  mankind  : and 
whereas  the  People  of  these  United  States  have  not  granted  to  any  or 
all  of  the  departments  of  their  Government,  but  have  retained  in 
themselves,  the  only  power  adequate  to  the  admission  of  a foreign  na- 
tion  into  this  confederacy  ; therefore, 

“ Resolved . That  we,  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in 
General  Court  assembled,  do,  in  the  name  of  the  People  of  Massa-  ! 
chusetts,  earnestly  and  solemnly  protest  against  the  incorporation  of 
Texas  into  this  Union  ; and  declare  that  no  act  done,  or  compact 
made,  for  such  purpose,  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
will  be  binding  on  the  States  or  the  People. 

“ Resolved,  That  his  excellency  the  Governor  be  requested  to  for- 
ward a copy  of  these  resolves,  and  the  accompanying  report,  to  the 
Executive  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Executive  of  each  State; 
and  also  to  each  of  our  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress, 
with  a request  that  they  present  the  resolves  to  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress.” 


NATHANIEL  P.  ROGERS. 

We  should  not  be  surprised,  if  by  reason  of  this  slave-holding,  our 
nation  should  get  involved  in  a war  with  Mexico — with  all  the  re- 
maining tribes  of  American  Indians  our  Christianity  has  spared,  and 
Great  Britain  besides,  backed  up  by  the  sympathies  of  the  whole 
Christian  world.  If  it  should,  the  Republic  will  be  in  an  enviable 
predicament.  British  steamers  and  war  craft  cover  the  ocean.  We 
haje  Canada  on  the  North,  Aboriginality  and  Mexico  on  the  West 


D.  L.  CHILD. 


The  West  Indies  on  the  south,  with  3.000,000  dark  allies,  dispersed 
upon  the  plantations,  to  facilitate  and  further  a visit  to  the  “ Patriot 
States,” — and  New  Brunswick  beyond  the  pine  woods  of  the  disputed 
territory.  To  meet  all  this,  we  have  a bankrupt  treasury — a corrupt 
and  confounded  people — tire  “ peculiar  institution,”  to  inspirit  us,  and 
Texas  to  help  us,  as  an  ally.  There  is  not  a people  under  heaven, 
that  could  sympathize  with  us  in  such  a contest,  but  the  Republic  of 
Texas.  Texas  is  a Republic,  to  be  sure,  and  almost  the  only  one  on 
earth,  besides  ours.  Her  Republican  sympathy  would  out  weigh  that 
of  monarchy  and  despotisms,  on  the  other  side.  But  then  it  would 
not  work  to  much  purpose  for  us,  against  the  pressure  of  the  British 
steamer.  It  would  not  avail  us  greatly  as  a counter  propulsion.  It 
might  inspire  our  hearts,  with  enthusiasm  to  fight  for  slavery  and 
equal  rights, — but  it  would  not  waft  artillery,  like  the  floats  of  the 
British  steam  ship,  or  guard  us  from  the  tomahawk  of  the  universal 
west,  which  such  a war  would  call  back  against  us  from  all  the  re- 
gions of  Indian  banishment,  where  revenge  has  been  sharpening  its 
edge,  and  hushing  the  animosities  of  the  hostile  tribes  in  one  over 
whelming  enmity  to  the  race,  that  has  outraged  their  love  of  home 
and  native  land,  and  fathers’  graves.  And  if  we  fall  in  such  a war- 
fare, it  would  be  glorious  enough — however  unfortunate  for  the  cause 
o & Liberty.  Slavery  has  been  troublesome  to  us,  ever  since  we  were 
a nation.  But  we  have  seen  but  the  beginning  of  sorrows.  It  can- 
not remain  well  with  us.  It  were  in  impeachment  of  the  equal  ways 
of  Providence,  if  such  a nation  as  this  has  been,  can  have  prosperity, 
or  experience  any  thing  but  signal  retribution.  To  have  enslaved  hu 
inanity,  under  circumstances  like  these,  is  no  light  transgression,  and 
brings  with  it,  naturally,  no  light  retribution.  And  our  solemn 
statesmen.— when  it  burst  upon  us,  can  no  more  devise  relief  or  es- 
cape, than  Belshazzar’s  wise  men  could  help  him  in  his  extremity,  or 
read  the  writing  on  the  wall. — Herald  of  Freedom 


DAVID  LEE  CHILD. 

What  authority  had  president  Jackson  to  commence  the  war  in 
Texas?  Not  a jot  more  than  Gen.  Gaines.  His  power,  in  respect 
to  making  war  upon  a foreign  nation,  is  restricted  by  the  constitu- 
tion to  the  repelling  of  invasions  ; and  he  cannot,  without  a violation 
of  the  constitution,  and  his  oath,  march  a man  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  Union.  If  it  be  true,  as  there  appears  no  reason  to  doubt,  that 
he  has  done  this,  he  ought  by  law  to  be  impeached,  and  expelled 
from  office,  and  then  punished  by  fine  and  imprisonment,  or  given 
up  to  the  injured  nation  to  be  punished  by  them  for  any  murder  or 
robbery,  which  the  troops  may  commit  in  pursuing  his  orders.  He 
has  no  more  right  to  enter  Mexico,  seize  property  and  slay  inhabi- 
tants, whether  Indians  or  others,  than  any  citizen  of  the  United 
States  has  to  go  into  Great  Britain  and  do  it.  Such  acts  will  be  rob- 
bery, piracy,  or  murder,  and  ought  to  be  punished  accordingly. 

The  power  of  declaring  war  is  vested  exclusively  in  the  congress 
of  the  United  States  ; and  there  cannot  be  a lawful  war,  and  one 
which  shall  confer  upon  those  taking  part  in  it,  the  rights  of  war, 


E.  W.  GOODWIN. 


without  such  declaration.  Supposing  Com.  Porter,  when  he  entcree 
the  town  of  Foxardo,  in  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico, — or  Aaron  Burr, 
when  he  entered  Texas,  thirty  years  ago,  had  been  taken  with  their 
officers  and  men  ; would  they  not  have  been  put  to  death  agreeably 
to  the  law  of  nations.  So  would  Gen.  Jackson  and  his  men,  when, 
in  two  instances,  they  deliberately  marched  into  Florida,  and  seized 
the  towns  and  possessions  of  Spain.  If  the  constitution  had  been 
supported,  and  the  laws  of  the  land  faithfully  executed,  on  either  of 
those  occasions,  we  should  not  now  have  had  a president  who  would 
have  ventured  to  issue  an  order  to  invade  a friendly  country  and  be- 
gin a war ; nor  a general  who  would  dare  to  obey  it,  nor  a subordi- 
nate officer,  who  would  not  throw  up  his  commission,  nor  a soldier 
who  would  not  throw  down  his  arms  at  the  frontier,  and  refuse,  as 
they  might  lawfully  and  dutifully  do,  to  be  the  instruments  of  usur- 
pation, and  the  perpetrators  of  crime. 

And  where  are  the  remonstrances  of  the  press,  and  the  meetings 
of  the  people  ? Where  are  the  friends  of  universal  peace,  and  above 
all,  where  is  the  Christian  priesthood?  And  you  merchants,  ship- 
owners, and  underwriters,  where  are  you  ? Know  you  not  that  this 
presidential  measure  is  fatally  opposed  to  the  purest  devotion  to  self- 
interest  that  ever  chilled  a half-penny  heart?  Awake,  arise;  it  is 
not  (only)  a breach  of  the  constitution.  There  is  a breach  in  t^j 
etrong-box. 

If  any  circumstance  could  enhance  the  intrinsic  wickedness  of  the 
executive  proceedings,  it  is  the  end  and  object  at  which  they  are 
aiming.  It  is  to  PROPAGATE  SLAVERY,  or  in  other  words, 
perpetual  robbery,  rapine,  and  murder  throughout  a vast  and  beauti- 
ful region,  now,  by  the  laws  of  Mexico,  perfectly  free.  It  is  to  open 
a new  and  interminable  slave-market  to  the  old  slave-breeding  sinners 
of  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina,  and  other  old 
slave  states,  and  to  flesh-mongers  every  where.  It  is  to  bring  into 
this  Union,  for  the  benefit  of  nullifiers,  five  to  ten  new  slave 
states,  each  with  a Conslitulion,  not  only  establishing  slavery,  but 
also  forbidding  their  own  legislatures  ever  to  abolish  it.  This  is  a 
provision  of  the  new  constitution  of  Texas,  formed  since  the  strug- 
gle for  liberty  commenced ! The  old  or  Mexican  constitution  of 
Texas  abolisl-.ed  slavery  forever! 

And  the  free  states  are  willing  to  pay  three  fourths  of  the  taxes 
(as  they  ever  must  so  long  as  they  arc  raised  on  consumption)  to  sup- 
port a war  for  these  objects;  for,  remember  if  war  exists,  ‘ appropria- 
tions must  be  made  to  carry  it  on.’ 


EDWIN  W.  GOODWIN. 

Texas. — A correct  idea  of  the  importance,  magnitude,  and  power 
of  that  nation,  for  which  such  an  anxiety  is  expressed  that  it  may  be 
united  with  this  country,  may  be  obtained  from  the  fact  that  the 
whole  vote  for  President  at  the  late  election,  was  10,084 ; only  about 
one-ninth  as  many  votes  as  were  cast  at  our  late  presidential  election 
in  the  single  stale  of  Illinois. 

The  national  debt  of  this  immense  people  is  .$11,602,127,  includ* 


J.  R.  GIDDINGS. 


mg  the  appropriation  of  the  last  congress,  and  §1,000,000  of  bonA 
hypothecated  by  Gen.  Hamilton.  This,  upon  an  average,  is  abou* 
eleven  hundred  and  sixty  dollars  to  each  voter  at  the  late  election.  It 
is  a very  reasonable  conclusion  then,  that  the  people  of  Texas  are 
anxious  to  form  a new  connection  in  business,  especially  if  the  pro. 
posed  partner  has  some  money  or  credit. 

“ By  Art  IV.  Sect.  2,  of  the  Constitution,  fugitives  from  justice 
are  to  be  delivered  up  on  demand,  to  the  state  from  which  they  fled  ; 
so  that  Texas,  if  annexed  to  the  United  States,  would  be  left  without 
a corporal’s  guard  !” — Tocsin  of  Liberty. 


JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS. 

Our  constituents  are  asked  to  engage  in  a war  with  one  of  the  most 
powerful  nations  of  the  earth,  in  order  to  enable  the  slave-dealers  of 
the  south  to  carry  their  slaves  out  of  the  territory  and  jurisdiction  of 
the  slave  stales  under  the  flag  of  our  common  country.  They  insist 
upon  the  privilege  of  involving  our  constituents,  the  free  people  of 
Ohio,  in  the  disgrace  and  expense  of  maintaining  what  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son calls  “ an  execrable  commerce  in  human  beings.”  Against  these 
abuses  our  constituents  have  remonstrated.  Conscious  that  they  are 
unconstitutional  infringmenls  of  their  rights,  they  have  year  after 
year  sent  their  petitions  here,  praying  in  the  most  respectful  manner 
that  they  may  be  relieved  from  these  oppressions  and  from  such  un- 
constitutional taxation.  They  have  approached  congress  in  the  most 
respectful  manner,  and  in  the  most  unexceptionable  language  have 
asked  that  these  abuses  may  cease.  These  petitions  have  been  treated 
with  contempt  and  the  most  insulting  epithets  applied  to  the  people 
who  have  thus  dared  to  approach  their  servants.  When  petitioning 
for  the  protection  of  their  constitutional  rights,  they  have  been  falsely 
represented  as  attempting  to  invade  the  rights  of  others.  When  they 
have  asked  relief  from  taxation  for  the  support  of  slavery,  they  have 
been  represented  as  attempting  to  interfere  with  the  vested  rights  of 
others.  When  they  have  asked  congress  to  repeal  the  laws  of  their 
own  enacting,  they  have  been  held  up  to  the  country  and  the  world, 
as  seeking  for  unconstitutional  objects  which  congress  had  no  power 
to  grant. — Letter  to  the  Members  of  Congress,  March  5,  1842. 


Resolutions  offered  by  Mr.  Giddings,  for  which  he  was  censured  by 
a majority  of  the  house. 

Resolved,  That  slavery,  being  an  abridgement  of  the  natural  rights 
of  man,  can  exist  only  by  force  of  positive  municipal  law,  and  is  ne- 
cessarily confined  to  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  power  creat- 
ing it. 

Resolved,  That  when  the  brig  Creole,  on  her  late  passage  forNew- 
Orleans,  left  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  Virginia,  the  slave  laws  of 
that  state  ceased  to  have  jurisdiction  over  the  persons  on  board  said 
brig,  and  such  persons  became  amenable  only  to  the  laws  of  the 
United  States. 

Resolved,  That  all  attempts  to  exert  our  national  influence  in  fa 


Z.  EASTMAN. 


vor  of  the  coastwise  slave  trade,  or  to  place  this  nation  in  the  atti 
tude  of  maintaining  a “ commerce  in  human  beings,”  are  subversive 
of  the  rights  and  injurious  to  the  feelings  and  the  interests  of  the  free 
states;  are  unauthorized  by  the  constitution,  and  prejudicial  to  our 
national  character. 


MR.  MAYNARD. 

Under  the  pretence  of  preventing  any  Indian  disturbances,  while 
the  Texian  soldiers  and  citizens  are  in  the  service  against  the  Mexi- 
cans, the  Secretary  of  War  has  put  Gen.  Taylor  in  command  of  a 
body  of  U.  S.  troops,  and  sent  him  to  that  republic,  with  discretionary 
powers  ; and  every  one  who  knows  how  General  Gaines  managed  be. 
fore,  under  similar  circumstances,  and  how  such  matters  were  con- 
ducted by  Gen.  Jackson,  in  Florida,  will  of  course  understand,  that 
this  is  equivalent  to  sending  an  army  of  2,000  men,  to  the  aid  of 
Texas.  Under  the  same  pretence  before,  our  army  was  marched 
some  200  miles  into  Mexican  territory,  If  I remember  rightly,  and 
if  necessary,  no  doubt  will  be  again. — Madison  Abolitionist 


STARTLING  FACTS. 

The  late  three  years’  war  with  England,  the  most  powerful  nation 
in  the  world,  cost  the  United  States  about  $90,000,000. 

The  three  years’  war  in  Florida,  with  a remnant  tribe  of  Seminole 
Indians  and  a few  runaway  Negroes,  has  cost  us  $40,000,000,  oi 
nearly  half  the  whole  expense  of  our  war  with  England ! ! ! 

The  war  against  the  miserable  Indians  and  Negroes,  was  wickedly 
commenced,  has  been  ingloriously  conducted,  and  threatens  to  be  in- 
terminable ? 

There  is  not,  in  the  history  of  wars  among  civilized  nations,  a 
parallel  for  the  wantonness,  imbecility  and  corruption  which  distin- 
guishes this  dishonorable,  infamous  crusade. — Albany  Evening 
Journal. 


ZALMON  EASTMAN. 

So  it  appears  to  be  a plan  already  Matured,  that  troops  are  to  be 
conveyed  from  this  country  directly  into  the  territory  of  Mexico, 
without  setting  a foot  on  the  soil  of  Texas. 

Remember,  that  the  original  contest  with  Mexico,  was  not  com- 
menced for  liberty,  but  for  the  purpose  of  introducing  slavery  into 
Texas,  and  for  wresting  that  territory  from  Mexico,  that  it  might  be 
joined  to  the  United  States  to  strengthen  the  slave  power  here.  And 
remember  also,  that  the  sympathy  manifested  for  the  people  of  Texas, 
and  all  this  violation  of  neutrality  and  the  laws  and  usages  of  na- 
tions, is  not  sympathy  for  the  oppressed,  nor  for  the  extension  or  pre- 
servation of  liberty,  but  is  sympathy  for  the  oppressor,  and  these 
plans  are  carried  out  for  the  sake  of  strengthening  the  chains  of  the 
slave,  and  for  extending  the  dominion  of  slavery. — Genius  of  Liberty. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


( 


GAMALIEL  BAILEY. 

The  report  of  the  invasion  of  Texas  by  Mexico,  is  confirmed. 
Many  of  our  newspaper^  never  tire  in  eulogizing  the  spirit  of  the 
Texians  on  this  occasion. 

The  conduct  of  a certain  portion  of  our  citizens  in  relation  to  the 
belligerents  deserves  notice.  A meeting  has  been  held  in  Cincinnati, 
to  sympathize  with  the  revolted  province  ; a similar  one  in  Philadel- 
phia. Meantime,  open  efforts  are  made  to  enlist  the  people  of  the 
United  States  in  a crusade  against  Mexico.  The  National  Intelli- 
gencer coolly  announces  that  ‘‘  a company  of  seventy  emigrants, 
well  armed  and  equipped,  left  Mobile  on  the  24th  ultimo  for  Texas, 
on  an  exploring  expedition.”  A correspondent  of  the  Daily  Message, 
writing  from  New-Orleans,  March  26th,  says — that  “ fresh  recruits 
are  marching  from  every  quarter  to  aid  them  (the  Texians,)  in  their 
glorious  struggle.  Last  Sunday  the  steamship  Neptune  left  this  port 
with  two  hundred  fearless  and  gallant  spirits.  May  the  God  of  bat- 
tles crown  their  efforts  with  speedy  and  brilliant  success.” 

Why  have  we  no  president’s  message  to  repress  these  hostile  de- 
monstrations towards  a power,  with  which  we  are  at  peace  ? Here 
are  armed  bands  marching  from  this  country  against  Mexico,  in  vio- 
lation of  good  faith  and  of  the  .laws  of  the  Lhiited  States,  and  yet 
John  Tyler,  whose  oath  of  office  binds  him  to  “ take  care  that  the 
laws  be  faithfully  executed,”  looks  on  and  is  silent ! We  all  know 
how  prompt  was  the  executive  with  its  proclamation,  when  the  hos- 
tility of  our  northern  borderers  was  likely  to  interrupt  the  friendly  re- 
lations with  Great  Britain.  But  circumstances  alter  cases.  Eng. 
land  is  a formidable,  Mexico  a feeble,  power.  We  were  afraid  of  the 
former ; but  most  valiantly  do  we  bully  the  latter.  Besides,  slavery 
had  nothing  to  gain  from  irruptions  into  Canada ; so  a pro-slavery 
government  was  most  scrupulous  in  fulfilling  the  obligations  imposed 
by  the  laws  of  nations.  But,  having  every  thing  to  gain  by  tha 
separation-of  Texas  from  Mexico,  the  government  which  it  controls, 
connives  at  the  most  flagitious  aggressions  by  our  citizens  on  that 
friendly  state ! And  yet  this  government,  after  having  permitted 
many  of  its  citizens  to  inflict  outrage  after  outrage  on  Mexico,  affects 
a saint-like  countenance,  and  complains  of  the  hostility  of  our  neigh- 
bor ! Most  perfidious  ! 

“ And  thus  I clothe  my  naked  villiany, 

And  seem  a saint,  when  most  I play  the  devil.” 

Some  wretched  trucklers  to  the  powers  that  be,  are  apt  to  repre- 
sent opposition  to  the  administration  of  the  government  as  treason 
against  the  country.  Poor  fools  ! they  should  be  slaves  to  the  grand 
Turk.  It  is  because  we  love  our  country — its  honor,  its  interest — 
that  we  abhor  the  government,  as  it  has  long  been  administered.  It 
does  not  represent  the  people  of  the  United  States.  It  is  the  expo- 
nent and  instrument  of  one  interest — the  tool  of  a single  class.  That 
interest  is  slavery,  that  class  is  made  up  of  slave-holders  and  their 
northern  menials.  Let  the  government  be  redeemed  from  this  degra- 
dation, and  be  controlled  by  the  constitution,  interpreted  in  the  light 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


t the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  then  may  wc  expect  ti 
.ee  this  republic  respecting  the  rights  of  ail  mankind,  acting  with  even 
handed  justice  towards  all  nations,  the  weak,  as  well  as  powerful.— 
The  Philanthropist. 


NATIONAL  A.  S.  STANDARD. 

Let  abolitionists  be  on  their  guard,  and  not  be  deceived  by  quieting 
rumors.  We  have  it  from  high  authority,  too  well  informed  to  be  mis 
taken,  that  the  slaveholders  were  never  more  intent  upon  their  favorite 
plan  of  annexing  Texas  than  at  the  present  moment.  They  arc  doubt 
less  ready  to  spring  the  trap  at  any  favorable  moment.  Let  not  aboil 
tionists  be  lulled  to  sleep  by  the  disclaimer  of  General  Hamilton,  vvht 
says  he  would  rather  not  have  Texas  belong  to  the  United  States.  Cah 
have  covered  themselves  with  meal  before  now  to  catch  old  rats.  Neithei 
let  them  be  too  sure  that  the  rumored  mediation  of  France  and  Englanc 
between  Mexico  and  Texas  is  going  to  avert  the  danger  of  annexation. 
It  is  indeed'tlifficult  to  foretell  what  will  be  the  result  of  all  this  plot 
ting  and  underplotting ; but  one  thing  is  certain — abolitionists  ham 
need  to  keep  wide  awake  ; for  no  single  event  involves  such  disastrow 
consequences  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  as  this. 

Let  the  opinion  of  the  free  States  be  earnestly  and  persevering]} 
expressed  in  the  form  of  petitions  and  the  action  on  the  State  legisla- 
tures on  Congress.  There  is  need  of  this.  Be  not  lulled  into  false 
security.  Will  anti-slavery  papers  copy  the  articles  which  we  have  from 
the  New-York  American?  Prevention  is  much  easier  than  cure.  We 
trust  the  English  and  Irish  abolitionists  will  keep  themselves  well  in- 
formed on  this  important  question,  and  will  see  that  John  Q.  Adams’s 
Address  at  Braintree  is  extensively  circulated. — L.  Maria  Child. 


WILLIAM  L.  MACKENZIE. 

The  intrigues  of  the  United  States  slave-owners  it  was,  which  con- 
verted Texas  into  a place  of  bondage  in  the  man  of  color.  Honest 
Mexico  had  made  it  free  alike  to  all  men  in  1829,  and  for  this  offence 
has  southern  vengeance  and  European  diplomacy  continued  to  strike 
at  the  tranquillity  of  her  devoted  population  ever  since,  while  it  is  whis- 
pered that  Cass,  the  agent  of  the  south  in  Paris,  was  not  unfriendly  to 
Louis  Phillipe’s  villainous  attack. 

Again,  Cuba  was  about  to  seek  independence,  and  offer  equal  liber- 
ty to  all  its  inhabitants  some  years  ago.  But  it  is  well  known  that 
Messrs.  Clay  and  Adams  in  1827,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Van 
Ness  in  1829,  made  the  most  urgent  remonstrances  to  old  Spain  against 
permitting  such  a step.  The  south  was  ready  to  tender  the  aid  of 
the  arms  of  the  great  American  republic  to  crush  a struggle 
for  freedom,  which  might  end  in  yielding  an  asylum  to  a Virginia 
mulatto  slave.  Not  content  with  the  gains  of  their  own  serfs,  the 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIEERTY. 


avarice  of  man  is  such,  that  of  177  slave  ships  which  arrive  every 
vear  in  Cuba,  five-ninths  are  owned  and  fitted  out  in  this  Union  un- 
der the  fostering  care  of  its  government,  and  their  guilty  gains  are 
truly  enormous. 

Compare  the  conduct  of  the  slave  power  at  Washington  to  Texas, 
and  to  Canada.  Scattered  along  an  extensive  line,  without  muni- 
tions of  war,  without  provisions,  almost  without  clothing,  pursued 
by  the  English  forces  on  one  side,  and  by  the  troops  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Scott  on  the  other,  during  a most  severe  and  stormy 
winter.  Such  was  the  situation  of  the  Canadian  republicans  in  1838. 
The  Texians  were  slave-owners  fighting  to  re-establish  slavery  on  a 
soil  from  which  it  had  been  recently  banished  by  the  Mexicans ; the 
American  government  gave  them  every  possible  aid  and  assistance. 
The  Canadian  Patriots  fought  for  liberty  to  all,  and  no  negro  slavery 

could  be  expected  to  crown  their  triumphs McKenzie’s  Gazette 

June,  1840. 


LA  ROY  SUNDERLAND. 

Meetings  in  favor  of  Texas  and  against  Mexico,  have  been  held  in 
: every  southern  and  south-western  city.  Upwards  of  fifty  thousand 
dollars  in  money  and  munitions  have  been  subscribed  for  the  Texians. 
And  it  is  said,  that  several  have  already  left  this  city  for  Texas,  in 
order  to  engage  in  the  war  against  Mexico. 

Who  can  witness  these  efforts  to  support  and  extend  slavery,  and 
not  feel  a blush  of  indignation  for  this  boasted  republic  ! And  look, 
too,  at  the  prodigality  with  which  the  slave-holders  pour  out  their 
• money,  and  for  the  basest  of  purposes,  while  the  cause  of  human 
rights,  at  the  north,  languishes  for  the  want  of  support. — N.  Y. 
Watchman. 


The  south  never  will  give  the  slave  up  until  the  North  is  converted 
to  our  doctrines.  While  the  north  regards  the  colored  man  as  it  now 
does,  it  would  be  a Herculean,  a desperate  enterprise  for  the  south  to 
undertake  the  emancipation  of  the  slave.  The  north  must  make  its 
peace  with  the  “ free  colored  man,”  before  the  south  can  emancipate 
the  slave.  It  would  not  save  the  country,  or  free  the  slave,  to  enact 
the  abolition  of  slavery  by  congress,  and  by  every  state  general  court 
in  the  union,  without  a moral  change  in  the  white  population  to- 
wards the  black,  and  the  consequent  revolution  of  feeling  in  the  black 
towards  the  white  man.  Nothing  can  effect  this  change  but  the  ac- 
tion and  prevalence  of  anti-slavery  societies  and  principles. — Anti. 
Slavery  Manual. 


Change  of  Opinion. — Mr.  J.  B.  Lamar,  formerly  warmly  and  ac- 
tively engaged  in  the  support  of  the  Texian  cause,  is  not  disposed,  it 
appears  to  pursue  the  same  course  at  present.  In  a letter  to  the  Sa- 
vannah Georgian,  he  says,  that  “ time,  reflection,  and  a more  en- 
lightened conscience,  convince  him  that  any  interference  with  the 
war  in  Texas,  by  citizens  of  one  of  the  United  States,  is  a violation 


22 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


of  the  laws  of  our  own  country,  and  inconsistent  with  our  interests 
and  the  doctrines  we  hold  of  like  conduct  in  others  towards  us ; and 
he  must  therefore  in  justice  to  himself,  not  only  decline  the  appoint- 
ment, (to  which  he  had  been  called  by  a meeting,  held  in  Savannah, 
of  friends  of  that  cause,)  but  refuse  to  contribute  to  the  object  in  any 
way  whatever.” — Boston  Daily  Mail 


ARCHIBALD  L.  LINN. 

Recent  events  have  satisfied  me  that  new  and  serious  attempts  are 
to  be  made  to  accomplish  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  Union. 

One  of  the  principal  instruments  in  the  scheme  is  to  be  found  in  the 
character  of  the  present  mission  to  Mexico,  and,  as  no  higher  in- 
terests can  be  involved  in  our  foreign  intercourse  than  the  political 
considerations  which  belong  to  this  mission,  I feel  it  my  duty  to  ad- 
vert to  them  at  the  earliest  opportunity. 

Whoever  would  look  back  upon  the  history  of  our  relations  with 
Mexico  in  reference  to  the  province  of  Texas — of  the  first  settle- 
ment of  that  provice— and  of  the  men  who  and  the  influences 
which  produced  the  revolution  there  and  her  separation  from  Mexico  ; 
whoever  would  look  back  upon  the  legislation  of  congress — of  the 
legislation  of  several  of  the  states  of  the  union,  and  upon  the  opin- 
ions and  influences  of  men  in  ail  parts  of  tire  country  ; whoever 
would  trace  the  whole  progress  of  that  revolution  from  its  inception  , j 
down  to  the  present,  time,  and  connect  it  with  the  present  events  and 
present  condition  of  that  country,  would  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  political  difficulties  which  had  heretofore  existed  between  this  go- 
vernment and  Mexico,  had  reference  only  to  the  annexation  of  Texas 
— and  that  the  efforts  to  attain  that  object  were  to  be  renewed,  with 
all  the  moral  and  political  evils  which  could  not  fail  to  accompany  it. 

Mr.  L.  then  glanced  briefly  at  the  history  of  Texas  as  a province, 
to  show  that  the  whole  history  of  diplomacy  on  this  subject,  (of  which 
he  said,  he  had  copious  notes,)  and  the  whole  history  of  legislation 
went  to  show  that  the  annexation  of  Texas,  (whether  successful  or 
not,)  was  the  desired  fruit  of  the  present  mission  to  Mexico.  He  re- 
ferred to  the  representative  history  of  General  VVaddy  Thompson,  as 
a.  member  of  this  house,  to  show  that  that  gentleman  had  introduced 
a proposition  for  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas ; that 
he  had  pursued  a course  which  pledged  him  to  that  step.  And  he 
(Mr.  L.)  hesitated  not  to  predict  that  one  of  the  fruits  of  this  mis- 
sion, as  now  created,  would  be  a renewal  of  the  proposition  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  L.  passed  on  to  notice  the  claims  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  against  the  government  of  Mexico,  in  relation  to  which  a. 
commission  has  been  in  session  for  some  two  years  past ; and  expres- 
sed the  conviction  that  the  grand  finale  of  these  claims  (if  ever  set- 
tled at  all)  would  be  the  relinquishment  of  them  on  the  part  of  this 
government,  either  by  means  of  a recognition  of  the  independence 
of  Texas,  or  a direct  cession  of  Texas  to  this  government.  And  it 


W.  SLADE. 


was  to  prevent  the  evils  arising  from  this  state  of  things,  that  this 
mission  ought  not,  in  his  juo'gmcnt  to  be  allowed. 

Notwithstanding  our  aggressions  upon  Mexico,  (which  he  did  not 
advert  to,  but  which  were  matters  of  history,)  we  were  still,  at  least 
professedly,  at  peace  with  her,  under  solemn  treaties  of  amity  and 
commerce.  By  what  rule,  then,  of  national  law  or  national  honor 
we  were  justified  in  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  Texas,  he  could  not 
divine — Texas,  a province  in  a state  of  open  revolt,  whose  indepen- 
dence Mexico  had  never  recognized,  but  against  which  she  was  at 
this  time  waging  a most  uncompromising  war.  Whence,  then,  the 
sympathy  and  enthusiasm  which  had  been  excited  on  the  subject  in 
thus  country  ? Whence  the  injustice  and  breach  of  national  faith 
against  .Mexico,  which  had  engendered  so  much  ill-blood  and  ill-feel- 
ing against  a government  which  was  doing  the  most  that  she  was 
able  to  do,  to  establish  free  institutions  of  the  same  kind  as  our  own  ? 
Whence  the  abandonment  of  the  policy  of  non-interference,  which 
had  been  so  studiously  cultivated  and  adhered  to  by  this  government 
in  all  the  contests  which  had  taken  place  on  this  continent  ? Or 
who  could  doubt  that  the  continuance  of  negotiations  between  this 
government  and  Mexico,  in  relation  to  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
would  inevitably  lead  to  war  ? And  .Mr.  L.  alluded  to  the  probabili 
ty,  in  such  an  event,  of  interference  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain 
— Speech  in  Congress,  April  13,  1842. 


WILLIAM  SLADE. 

Mr.  S-  had  been  greatly  surprised  at  the  nomination  to  Mexico  of 
a public  man  who  had  always  zealously  advocated  the  cause  of  Texian 
independence.  Gentlemen  in  the  south  did  not  appreciate  the  feeling 
which  pervaded  this  country  in  reference  to  this  Texian  question. 
Throughout  more  titan  half  the  states  of  this  union,  it  was  watched 
with  the  utmost  jealousy,  and  excited  the  deepest  feeling,  because  it 
was  well  known  that  anxious  efforts  had  long  been  going  on  to  effect 
the  annexation  of  Texas  to  theUnited  States,  and  it  was  as  perfectly 
understood  that  the  entering  wedge  to  the  accomplishment  of  such  a 
design  was  never  applied  in  the  open  light  of  day,  but  secretly,  and, 
for  aught  that  appeared  upon  the  surface,  that  wedge  might  not  only 
be  entered,  but  driven  up  past  all  hope  of  retraction  before  the  fact 
was  known  at  all.  And  there  were  those  in  this  union  who  looked 
the  more  sharply  at  all  such  measures  from  their  apprehension  as  to 
the  connexion  between  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  extension  of 
slavery.  Whether  these  persons  were  imprudent  or  not,  in  the  course 
they  pursued — whether  or  not  they  adopted  the  best  means  to  accom- 
plish their  objects,  and  whether  then-  abstract  positions  were  sound  or 
not,  still  they  were  perpetually  on  the  watch-tower,  looking  with 
eagle  eyes  at  every  movement  bearing  on  the  Texian  question,  and 
but  for  their  unsleeping  vigilance,  the  so  much  desired  union  between 
that  country  and  this  would  have  been  effected  long  ago.  Here  Mr. 
S.  referred  to  the  vast  number  of  petitions  which  they  had  sent  up 
against  the  annexation.  That  number  was  not  so  great  now,  because 
an  impression  had  begun  to  prevail  that  the  danger  was  now  over. 


W.  SLADE. 


Bat  Mr.  S.  could  assure  them  they  were  entirely  mistaken.  It  was 
not  over;  very  far  from  it,  and  he  thanked  the  gentleman  from  New- 
York.  (Mr.  Linn,)  for  rousing  the  attention  of  the  country  to  the 
subject.  What  had  they  seen  during  the  last  year  ? Not  only  did 
the  public  press  of  the  south  and  south-west  come  out  openly  for  an- 
nexation, but  several  of  the  states  had  passed  otlicial  resolutions  to 
the  same  etfect ; and  when  brought  into  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, how  were  they  treated  ? Not  as  the  abolition  resolutions  even 
from  state  legislatures  were.  They  were  not  only  received,  but  or- 
dered to  be  printed,  that  they  might  be  considered  and  acted  upon. 
The  same  tiling  had  been  done  at  the  other  end  of  the  capitol.  All 
this  was  done  with  the  intent  of  forming  public  opinion,  and,  so  far, 
it  was  all  fair.  But  if  a northern  abolitionist  should  attempt  any 
means  to  counteract  such  opinion  at  I he  south,  by  arguments  how- 
ever strong  and  however  reasonable,  he  must  straightway  be  seized 
and  hung  to  a lamp  post.  [A  laugh.] 

The  Amen  ran  people  never  could  be  drawn  into  any  such  mea- 
sure as  the  annexation  of  Texas ; it  would  be  utter  ruin  to  the  union 
of  the  stales.  Mr.  S.  would  not  give  a snap  of  his  fingers  for  this 
union  from  the  day  such  a measure  was  effected.  It  would  be  dis- 
solved ipso  facto  from  that  moment.  He  was  a friend  to  the  union  ; 
he  desired  to  see  it  preserved,  and  therefore  lie  deprecated  a scheme 
that  must  dissolve  it. 

He  would  say,  in  general  terms,  that  he  believed  it  arose  from  a 
desire  to  extend  and  to  perpetuate  slavery.  That  such  a desire  did 
exist  was  a fact  beyond  dispute  ; it  had  been  manifested  with  greater 
or  less  distinctness  for  the  last  forty  years  ; in  its  practical  eflects  it 
had  trampled  on  all  the  safeguards  of  the  constitution,  and  lengthened 
the  cords  and  strengthened  the  stakes  of  slavery  in  this  land.  The 
general  expectation  at  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  was  that 
slavery  would  be  abolished  in  less  than  a quarter  of  a century  ; but 
half  a century  had  elapsed,  and  instead  of  being  abolished  it  had  in- 
creased three-fold.  This  process  began  with  the  purchase  of  Louisi- 
ana, or  rather,  with  the  toleration  of  slavery  in  that  state,  and  it 
had  been  extended  in  the  free  states  since  formed  out  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase.  Mr.  S.  considered  this  as  having  indicted  a deeper  wound 
on  the  constitution  than  any  other  event  that  had  ever  happened  since 
its  adoption. 

-Mr.  S.  could  show,  did  time  permit,  how  slavery  had  governed  this 
land ; how  it  had  chosen  our  presidents  for  a succession  of  forty 
years,  while  there  had,  since  the  foundation  of  the  government,  been 
a president  in  the  chair  from  the  free  states  but  for  twelve  years  and 
one  month.  And  of  these,  one  never  would  have  been  president  had 
he  not  been  “ a northern  man  with  southern  principles.”  A review 
of  the  individuals  who  had  filled  the  speaker’s  chair  of  this  house 
would  show  the  same  thing. 

He  might  refer  to  the  fact  that  five  out  of  six  of  those  who  had 
filled  the  mission  to  Mexico,  had  been  gentlemen  from  the  southern 
states.  Of  the  reason  of  such  a selection  there  could  be  no  doubt. 
He  need  not  say  how  impossible  it  was  to  carry  on  important  nego- 
tiations with  almost  any  government,  and  especially  with  Mexico, 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


without  their  having  sn  important  bearing  on  our  relations  with  other 
governments.  And  here  he  took  occasion  to  repel  the  expressions  of 
contempt  which  had  fallen  from  Mr.  Cushing,  in  which  he  spoke  of 
gentlemen  cowering  under  the  frown  of  Great  Britain,  and  of  being 
actuateu  by  a dread  of  British  interferenoe.  The  people  of  Ncw- 
England  would  he  tne  very  last  to  bo  actuated  by  such  a feeling,  as 
the  glorious  history  of  this  country  would  abundantly  show.  But 
while  we  were  ready  to  maintain  our  rights  against  all  the  world,  it 
was  the  part  of  wisdom  and  prudence  not  to  he  insensible  to  the  dan- 
ger of  becoming  needlessly  embroiled  with  other  governments.  The 
gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  (Mr.  Pickens,)  had  given  pretty 
strong  indications  not  only  of  a very  strong  sympathy  with  the  cause 
of  Texas,  but  of  a disposition  to  carry  that  feeling  into  our  relations 
with  Mexico.  He  had  alluded  to  what  he  supposed  to  be  a fact,  that 
the  British  government  stood  pledged  to  that  of  Mexico,  to  aid  it  un- 
der certain  contingencies.  If  this  were  true,  it  was  of  itself  suffi- 
cient to  put  every  prudent  statesman  on  his  guard. 

Mr.  S.  would  tell  gentlemen  that  their  scheme  never  could  be  car- 
ried into  effect ; there  might  be  a union  on  parchment,  but  it  never 
cculd  go  down  with  the  people  of  the  northern  slates.  Let  the  thought 
be  banished  at  once.  Let  not  gentlemen  deceive  themselves — he 
could  tell  them  that  the  very  moment  the)'  came  out  and  showed  their 
hand  they  would  find  a spirit  which  they  little  dreamed  of.  He  would 
say  to  them,  as  a friend,  “ hands  off.”  Let  this  government  declare 
at  once  to  Texas,  to  Mexico,  and  to  all  the  world  beside,  that  such 
a thing  as  a union  between  Texas  and  the  United  States  was  utterly 
impracticable.  When  this  should  have  been  done,  the  government  o) 
Mexico  would  be  more  likely  to  open  their  ears  to  the  claims  of 
American  citizens.  Let  it  be  distinctly  understood  that  the  moment 
we  united  ourselves  with  Texas,  thal  moment  we  married  ourselves 
to  a war.  He  was,  therefore,  for  a proclamation  of  neutrality. 
Why  should  this  measure  not  be  resorted  to  in  relation  to  our  neigh- 
bors at  one  extremity  of  the  union  as  to  those  at  the  other?  We 
did  it  relation  to  Canada,  why  not  in  regard  to  Texas  and  Mexico? 
We  owed  this  to  ourrelves  and  to  the  peace  of  the  world.  We  stood 
in  a highly  dangerous  position — before  we  knew  it  the  matches  might 
be  applied  to  the  magazine. 

A Voice  from  Deleware. — The  following,  we  doubt  not,  ex- 
presses the  feelings  of  the  people  of  that  Slate — a state  nearly  freo 
from  slavery. — Albany  Patriot. 

“ Annexation  of  Texas  to  the  U.  Stales. — This  accursed  project 
has  been  a favorite  of  the  South  for  years  past.  It  was  cherished  by 
Jackson,  and  not  frowned  on  by  Van  Buren,  and  is  said  to  be  a 
darling  with  Tyler  and  some  of  the  Guard.  We  have  territory 
enough — need  no  more,  and  to  be  saddled  with  Texas,  and  its  dia- 
bolical population,  would  probably  cause  a dissolution  of  the  Union. 
We  hope  all  patriotic  and  good  men  will  lift  their  voices  against 
such  a ruinous  measure.” — Wilmington  Del.  Republican , May,  1843. 


22* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


THE  BRITISH  EMANCIPATOR. 

Texas. — It  is  a deplorable  tiling  in  this  age  of  the  world,  after 
such  gigantic  and  persevering  efforts  have  been  made  to  get  rid  of 
slavery  and  the  slave-trade,  and  with  so  much  success,  that  in  a 
country  in  which  slavery  had  been  abolished,  (and  that  country  four 
times  as  largo  as  France,)  this  curse  and  crime  should  be  restored  ! 
It  is  yet  more  deplorable,  that  this  restoration  of  slavery  should  have 
the  c-lfect,  and  should  have  been  brought  about  for  the  purpose,  of 
providing  a vast  and  almost  boundless  market  for  the  slaves  reared 
like  cattle  by  an  adjoining  nation,  boasting,  to  be  civilized  and  chris. 
tian  ! The  domestic  slave-trade  has  made  the  United  States  the  sink 
and  the  scorn  of  the  world  • yet,  this  more  than  infernal  traffic  is  to 
find  an  inexhaustible  outlet  in  Texas!  Yet  more  deplorable  is  it,  that 
a nation  born  amidst  the  agonies  of  the  slavery  it  revives,  and  exist- 
ing but  for  the  perpetuation  and  aggravation  of  atrocities  which  all 
civilized  governments  have  agreed  to  denounce  and  exterminate, 
should  by  any  one  of  those  governments  have  been  acknowledged  as 
a nation  at  all.  Humanity  bleeds  on  contemplating  slavery  as  a fact 
of  the  past;  it  is  dreadful  to  see  it  originating  anew.  A nascent  peo- 
ple ordaining  slavery  should  have  met  with  not  a moment’s  toleration ; 
they  should  been  frowned  and  trodden  out  of  being  by  the  united  scorn 
and  resistance  of  the  civilized  world. — The  British  Emancipator. 

Tiie  Committee  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety, to  Lord  Palmerston,  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

The  committee  will  not  trouble  your  Lordship  with  a detail  of  the 
unjust  and  atrocious  manner  in  which  the  Mexican  province  of  Texas 
has  been  wrested  from  the  parent  state  by  unprincipled  adventurers, 
land  jobbers,  and  slave-holders  from  the  United  States,  whose  con- 
duct merits  the  most  indignant  rebuke,  and  must  attach  lasting  dis- 
honor to  all  who  may  become  implicated  in  it : but  would  press  on 
the  consideration  of  your  Lordship  and  the  government  the  well-known 
fact,  that  the  legislature  of  Texas  has  abolished  the  universal  freedom 
which,  with  such  admirable  justice  and  propriety,  had  been  decreed 
by  the  Mexican  government,  and  have  re-established  slavery  in  its 
worst  form.  The  committee  would  also  call  your  Lordship’s  atten- 
tion to  the  fact,  that  the  Texian  laws  also  provide  for  the  expulsion 
from  its  territory  of  all  Africans  and  the  descendants  of  Africans, 
whether  in  whole  or  in  part  born  free,  as  well  as  of  the  native  In- 
dian tribes,  an  iniquity  not  less  cruel  than  it  is  infamous,  and  un- 
paralleled in  the  history  of  any  civilized  people. 

The  establishment  of  slavery  in  Texas  will  open  an  immense  mar 
ket  for  the  slave-breeders  of  the  United  States,  and  will  inevitably 
enlarge  to  an  unprecedented  extent,  and  raise  to  a pitch  of  unpre- 
cedented horrors,  a traffic  so  infamous  and  4eplorable.  Nor  can  it 
be  doubted  but,  in  spite  of  the  law  which  prohibits  it,  the  slave-trade 
with  Africa,  against  which  the  whole  power  of  the  British  empire  is 
arrayed,  will  be  extensively  carried  on,  as  there  is  too  great  reason 
to  believe  it  has  already  begun. 

Lbider  these  circumstances,  the  committee  trust  that  her  Majesty’s 
government  will  regard  the  proposed  recognition  of  Texas  with  the 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY, 


greatest  abhorrence  ; and  they  cherish  an  earnest  hope  that  in  their 
decisions,  considerations  of  humanity,  justice,  and  liberty  will  be 
firmly  held  paramount  to  every  other.  On  behalf  of  the  Committee, 
G,  W.  ALEXANDER,  Chairman. 


GEORGE  BRABBURN. 

Until  lately.  Texas  was,  as  it  now  is  of  right,  a part  of  the  re- 
public of  Mexico.  While  Mexico  was  under  the  dominion  of  Spain, 
slavery  was  tolerated  there.  But  on  becoming  independent  of  the 
mother  countiy,  she,  with  a consistency  of  which  our  country  would 
have  done  well  to  set  the  example,  gave  liberty  to  her  bondmen,  and 
declared,  that  slavery  should  exist  no  more  within  her  borders  forever. 
With  this  state  of  things,  the  people  were  evidently  well  enough  sa- 
tisfied. For,  they  were  not  the  hypocrites  to  withhold  from  others 
the  liberty  which  they  had  fought  and  bled  to  secure  for  themselves. 
They  had  not  yet  been  contaminated  by  association  with  North  Ameri- 
can republicans.  They  would,  therefore,  to  a man,  have  remained 
satisfied,  but  for  the  ‘ foreign  interference’ — the  emigration  into 
their  country  of  a desperate  set  of  speculators,  gamblers,  blacklegs, 
fleshmongers,  slave-drivers,  and  demagogues,  from  these  United 
States.  These  miserable  libels  upon  humanity,  though  they  did  not 
without  great  difficulty,  and  never  wholly,  succeed  in  joining  to  their 
causes  the  old  settlers  of  the  soil,  did,  nevertheless,  by  accession  to 
their  numbers  from  this  country,  and  by  aid  of  friends  they  left  be- 
hind, w’ho,  unlike  themselves  it  seems,  had  not  quite  patriotism 
enough  to  leave  their  country  for  their  country’s  good,  ultimately  felt 
themselves  sufficiently  strong  to  attempt  the  transfer  of  their  allegi- 
ance from  Mexico  to  the  government  of  the  United  States.  They 
desired  to  establish  slavery  in  their  new  country.  It  was  one  of  the 
chief  objects  of  their  rebellion.  The  plan  was  regarded  with  favor 
by  the  slave-holding  members  of  this  Union,  as  also  by  certain  land- 
sharks  of  the  free  slates,  who  had  made  investments  in  Texan  lots. 
The  former  saw  in  it  a powerful  means  of  strengthening  their  “ pe- 
culiar institution.”  Both  knew,  if  it  succeeded,  it  would  put  money 
into  their  pockets. 


EDMUND  QUINCY. 

There  are  perils,  and  those  imminent — perils,  which  in  the  opinion 
of  many  wise  men  threaten  to  lock  forever  the  fetters  of  the  slave, 
and  even  to  throw  the  links  of  the  chain  around  the  limbs  of  the  free. 
If  Texas,  say  they, — the  land  of  the  pirate  and  the  murderer,  the 
common  sewer  into  which  is  drained  all  the  filth  which  is  too  abomi- 
nable even  for  the  slavej^ptates  to  endure — if  Texas  be  annexed  to 
foe  United  States,  then  slavery  will  be  forever  entailed  upon  us,  and 
the  preponderance  which  will  be  given  to  the  slave-holding  interest 
in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  bj'  that  event,  will  render  the  freemen 
of  the  north  but  the  serfs  of  a southern  task-master.  If  Texas  be 
not  annexed,  then  the  Union  will  be  dissolved ; a slave-holding  con- 
federacy will  be  formed,  and  slavery  forever  perpetuated. 


EDMUND  QUINCY. 

I ani  sure  that  no  man  can  deprecate  more  sincerely  than  I do,  the 
annexation  of  Texas  to  this  union.  I believe  thal  I realize  all  the 
immediate  and  all  the  remote  bearings  which  that  event  would  have 
upon  the  great  cause  of  Universal  Freedom.  There  is  no  effort  which 
I would  not  make — no  sacrifice  to  which  I would  not  gladly  submit 
-to  avert  that  most  hateful  alliance.  But  were  it  accomplished  to. 
morrow,  should  I despair  ? Should  I despondingly  abandon  the 
cause  of  God  and  liberty  on  that  account,  and  believe  that  the  trickery 
of  a handful  of  scurvy  politicians  at  Washingto"h  could  cancel  the 
decree  registered  in  the  chancery  of  heaven — that  every  slave  shall  be 
free  ? Should  I even  believe  that  the  period  of  universal  emaneipa. 
tion  would  be  very  much  delayed  by  that  event  ? No,  sir.  The  only 
effect  which  sucii  a blow  would  have  upon  me,  and  which  I believe 
it  would  have  upon  every  Abolitionist,  would  be  to  make  me  feel  that 
a great  work  was  to  be  done  in  a short  time.  That  we  must  concen- 
trate all  our  efforts,  and  multiply  all  our  machinery  for  acting  upon 
the  public  mind,  before  the  young  dragon  by  the  banks  of  the  Sabine 
be  fully  grown,  and  before  she  have  engendered  a brood  like  unto 
herself,  to  be  arrayed  by  her  side  against  the  cause  of  God  and  free- 
dom. 

Whenever  proclamation  is  made  that  the  union  of  these  states  is 
dissolved,  on  that  day  the  death-knell  of  slavery  is  tolled.  As  soon 
as  they  are  released  from  the  fatal  embrace  of  their  northern  friends, 
their  patriarchal  system  falls  to  the  ground.  It  is  the  sympathy  and 
encouragement  of  the  free  states  which  sustain  that  system  now. 

Let  the  ties  of  interest,  which  create  that  false  sympathy,  be  severed,  1 
and  it  vanishes  ; stifled  humanity  revives,  and  the  oppressor  must 
soon  break  his  rod  for  very  shame.  It  is  a strange  infatuation  to  sup-  % j 
pose  that  any  military  force,  or  any  custom  house  regulations,  could 
keep  from  the  inhabitants  of  any  country  the  influence  of  the  whole-  , 
some  public  opinion  of  neighboring  nations,  and  the  scorn  of  the 
civilized  world. 


The  Americans  of  our  revolution  then  fought  for  their  own  liberty, 
and  through  their  example  of  successful  resistance,  for  the  liberty  of 
the  world,  But  the  Texans  are  fighting  for  slavery  among  themselves, 
and  if  success  crown  their  desperate  efforts,  they  will  have  fought 
for  the  perpetuity  of  slavery  throughout  the  world.  The  wishes  of 
the  Texians  are  now  for  their  annexation  to  these  United  States  of 
America.  If  they  be  admitted  into  the  union,  a deep,  perhaps  one 
of  the  deepest  blows  that  can  be  struck,  will  have  been  inflicted  on 
the  rights  of  man  ; the  name  of  liberty  will  have  been  profaned,  her 
spirit  disgraced,  and  her  fair  presence  banished  for  a time,  perhaps 
forever,  from  * the  land  of  the  free,  and  t^  home  of  the  brave.’ 
As  Texas  rebelled  against  Mexico,  because  the  institutions  of  domes, 
tic  slavery  could  not  exist  in  that  nation,  she,  of  course,  would  not 
ask  for  admission  into  our  union,  unless  permitted  to  enter  with  all 
her  slavish  retinue.  She  deserted  Mexico,  because  Mexico  is  a free 
state  ; she  now  begs  in  the  name  of  liberty,  and  with  the  prayer  of 
freemen,  to  be  united  with  the  United  States,  because  here  under  the 


TEXAS. 


star-spangled  banner  of  our  republic,  she  can  legally  fasten  iron  chains 
on  the  bodies,  and  the  far  worse  than  iron  chains,  the  corroding  ma- 
nacles of  ignorance  and  servitude  on,  in,  and  all  around  the  minds 
of  her  slaves. — The  Pawtucket  Chronicle. 


Texas. — Shall  this  land  of  slavery,  this  immense  reservoir  of  col 
lecled  abominations,  become  an  integral  part  of  this  nation  ? 

The  avowed  object  is  to  secure  ‘ the  safety  and  repose  of  the  south- 
ern states  that  is,  in  plain  King’s  English,  to  rivet  the  chains  of 
slavery  not  on  the  slave  only  but  the  nation. 

In  Rome,  next  to  crucifixion  the  most  infamous  punishment  con- 
sisted in  lashing  to  the  felon’s  back  a dead  and  putrefying  carcass. 
That  we  as  a nation  have  reached  the  point  of  criminality  at  which 
justice  might  righteously  doom  us  to  carry  ‘ this  body  of  death,’  is 
what  we  dare  not  deny.  But  we  are  called  upon  to  bind  the  burden 
on  our  own  jaacks — to  do  it  freely — and  by  a deliberate  act  of  na- 
tional legislation,  to  proclaim  that  we  are  worthy  of  the  infamous 
punishment,  and  are  ready  to  bow  down  and  bear  it ! 

What  then  is  to  be  done  1 Petition  Congress.  This  is  a legiti- 
mate l-einedy.  On  this  question  all  may  unite,  except  the  slave-holder, 
without  distinction  of  party,  sect,  or  place.  Let  public  sentiment 
then,  concentrating  its  decisive  and  determined  energies  into  one  loud 
and  defening  veto,  meet  the  proposed  measure  on  the  threshold.  Let 
it  be  seen  that  however  artfully  the  demon  of  oppression  may  lay  his 
plans,  the  friends  of  freedom  are  prepared  at  every  point  to  meet  him, 
— Cleveland  Journal. 


LEGISLATURE  OF  VERMONT. 

Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  That  the 
Senators  in  Congress  be  instructed,  and  our  Representatives  requested 
to  use  their  influence  in  that  body  to  prevent  the  annexation  of  Texas 
to  the  union. 

That,  representing  as  we  do  the  people  of  Vermont,  we  do,  here- 
by, in  then-  name,  solemnly  protest  against  such  annexation  in  any 
form. 

That  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  Vermont,  we  do  so- 
lemnly protest  against  the  admission  into  this  union,  of  any  state 
whose  constitution  tolerates  domestic  slavery- 

That  congress  have  full  power  by  the  constitution,  to  abolish  sla- 
very and  the  slave  trade  in  the  district  of  Columbia  and  in  the  terri. 
tories  of  the  United  States. 

That  our  senators  in  congress  be  instructed  and  our  representatives 
requested  to  present  the  foregoing  report  and  resolutions  to  their  re- 
spective houses  in  congress,  and  use  their  influence  to  carry  the  same 
speedily  into  effect. 

That  the  governor  of  this  state  be  requested  to  transmit  a copy  of 
the  foregoing  report  and  resolutions  to  the  president  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  each  of  our  senators  and  representatives  in  congress. 

November  1,  1837. 


By  the  House  also  resolved,  That  congress  has  the  constitution; 
power  to  prohibit  the  slave  trade  between  the  several  states  of  th 
union,  and  to  make  such  laws  as  shall  effectually  prohibit  such  trad; 


f'1 


the  general  assembly  of  the  state  of  ohic 


Resolved,  That  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  people  of  Ohic 
we  do  hereby  protest  against  the  annexation  of  the  republic  of  Texa 
to  the  union  of  these  states,  as  unjust,  inexpedient,  and  destructive 
of  the  peacer,  safety,  and  well-being  of  the  nation  ; and  we  do,  in  the 
name  and  on  behalf  of  the  said  people  solemnly  declare  that  congres: 
has  no  power  conferred  on  it  by  the  constitution  of  the  United  States 
to  consent  to  such  annexation  ; and  that  the  people  of  Ohio  cannot 
be  bound  by  any  such  covenant,  league  or  arrangement,  made  be. 
tween  congress  and  any  foreign  state'or  nation. 


u 


MEMORIAL. 


To  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  congress  assembled. 

The  memorial  of  the  convention  for  the  formation  of  an  anti-sla- 
very society  for  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  assembled  at  Harrisburg, 
respectfully  sheweth, 

That  your  memorialists  have  learned  with  sorrow  and  alarm,  that 
a proposition  is  at  this  time  before  your  honorable  body,  to  recognize 
the  independence  of  the  government  assumed  to  be  established  by  the 
insurgents  of  Texas.  Against  this  measure,  your  memorialists  in  be- 
half of  themselves,  of  the  thousands  whom  they  represent,  and  of 
the  principles  long  cherished  by  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  ; in  the 
name  of  liberty,  justice,  and  humanity  enter  their  SOLEMN  AND 
UNITED  PROTEST. 

Facts  incontrovertible,  which  have  come  to  the  knowledge  of  your 
memorialists,  warrant  the  belief  that  the  insurrection  in  Texas,  has 
been  aided  by  citizens  of  the  United  States,  that  its  main  object,  the 
grand  cause  of  the  movement,  as  evinced  by  the  sentiments  and  con- 
duct of  its  advocates,  and  by  the  very  constitution  of  their  assumed 
government,  is  the  establishment  of  domestic  slavery,  the  re-opening 
of  an  immense  slave  market — to  set  up  anew  the  shambles  for  human 
flesh,  where  the  abhorrent  traffic  had  been  arrested  and  abolished  by 
the  legitimate  authorities  of  Mexico — and  finally,  to  annex  the  terri- 
tory to  the  United  States.  From  a regard  to  the  national  honor;  for 
the  character  of  the  age  in  which  we  live ; by  their  obligations  to 
posterity ; and  above  all  to  the  God  of  justice,  your  memorialists  feel 
themselves  called  upon  as  Pennsylvanians,  the  representatives  of  free- 
men and  Christians,  to  offer  their  strong  remonstrance  against  any 
act  on  the  part  of  the  country  of  which  they  are  citizens,  which  shall 
sanction  or  recognize  a government  which  owes  its  origin  to  the  base 
and  unhallowed  purpose  of  re-establishing  slavery  upon  the  soil  of 
liberty. 

Your  memorialists,  therefore,  respectfully  but  earnestly  entreat 
your  honorable  body,  to  reject  the  proposition  for  the  recognition  of 


TEXAS. 


he  government,  assumed  to  be  established  by  the  insurgents  of  Texas, 
is  we!!  as  all  attempts  t hat  may  be  made  to  connect  it  with  the  United 
Slates,  and  as  in  duly  bound  we  will  ever  pray,  &c. 

Signed  in  behalf  of  the  Convention, 

F.  JULIUS  LE  MOYNE,  President. 

B.  F.  Allen,  Win.  A.  Adair,  Benjamin  Brown,  Nathan  Stein,  Jo- 
eph  M’Truman,  Lindley  Coates,  Bartholomew  Fussel,  Win.  H. 
Fussels,  Vice-Presidents, 

James  Rhoads,  Henry  Duffield,  Benjamin  S.  Jones,  Wm.  B.  Thomas, 
L L.  Post,  Secretaries. 


NEW- YORK  STATE  A.  S.  CONVENTION 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  the  influence  and  efforts  of  American 
:itizens,  in  exciting  and  supporting  an  insurrectionary  war  in  Mexico, 
vith  loathing  and  horror. 

That  the  south,  in  countenancing  and  encouraging  insurrectionary 
novements  in  Mexico,  has  madly  lent  herself  to  assist  in  forging  and 
harpeniug  the  knife  of  the  insurgent  for  her  own  defenceless  throat. 

That  we  feci  disgraced  and  outraged  by  the  efforts  of  American 
.-itizens  to  restore  slavery  to  Texas ; and  that  to  the  utmost  of  our 
lower  lawfully  exercised,  we  will  resist  and  call  upon  others  to  resist 
he  introduction  of  Texas  into  our  republic. 


The  sympathy  which  exists  in  behalf  of  Texas  at  the  south,  looks 
0 other  objects  than  the  mere  defence  of  that  country.  Texas  is  de- 
lired  as  an  appendage  to  the  strength  of  the  south.  They  wish  it 
innexed  to  the  union,  that  the  balance  of  power  may  still  be  found 
m the  feeble  side  of  ‘ Mason  and  Dixon’s  line.’  Once  let  the  cry  for 
succor  be  rung  through  the  land,  and  the  annexation  of  Texas,  they 
magine,  will  be  as  easy  as  it  is  desirable.  So  reasons  the  south.  Let 
.he  north  reason  otherwise.  The  Texians  are  not  deserving  of  aid  or 
sympathy.  The  invasion  of  that  country  by  Santa  Anna,  is  not  un- 
provoked. It  is  in  a great  measure  justified,  in  retaliation  for  the 
Santa  Fe  expedition,  which  had  for  its  avowed  purpose  the  subjuga- 
.ion  and  pillage  of  Mexico.  The  Texians  have  provoked  the  assault, 
ind  si aw  they  must  abide  the  consequences,  unless  a fool-hardy  and 
ibsurd  idea  prevails,  that  we  must  succor  these  men,  because  Texas 
lffords  a refuge  for  outlaws  and  desperadoes  for  the  whole  continent 
of  North  America. — Phila.  Gaz. 


There  is  little  reason  to  believe  that  the  independence  of  Texas 
svould  have  been  acknowledged  if  there  had  been  any  previous  ap- 
prehension, in  the  minds  of  the  people  at  large,  that  such  an  event 
ivas  about  to  take  place.  Remonstrance  upon  remonstrance  would 
nave  been  poured  upon  the  national  legislature.  But  there  was  no 
?ffort,  because  there  was  no  alarm.  The  message  of  president  Jack- 
son,  and  the  speech  of  Gov.  McDuffie,  (whatever  might  have  been 
intended  by  those  documents,)  undoubtedly  had  the  effect  to  make  the 
almost  universal  impression  that  no  attempt  would  be  made  during 
the  session,  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Texas.  The  im- 


TEXAS. 


pression  that  it  would  not  be  attempted,  was  without  doubt,  the  prin- 
cipal secret  of  its  success.  The  friends  of  liberty  and  the  union 
should  see  well  to  it  that  they  are  not  caught  slumbering  a second 
time,  on  their  posts.  If  they  are,  they  must  not  be  surprised  if  the 
wreck  of  our  free  institutions  should  finally  prove  to  have  been  owing 
to  their  own  inactivity  and  supineness.  We  call  on  all  good  citizens 
and  especially  on  those  who  have  influence  with  the  individuals  now 
in  power,  to  step  forward  at  a crisis  like  the  present,  and  save  the 
administration,  by  saving  (he  country  from  blood  guiltiness,  from  re- 
tribution, from  disgrace,  disaster,  and  irretrievable  ruin. — Friend  of 
Man. 


< 


Message  of  President  Jackson  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  |i; 

December  22,  1836. 

“The  acknowledgment  of  a new  state  as  independent  and  entitled  : 
to  a place  in  the  family  of  nations,  is  at  all  times  an  act  of  great  t 
delicacy  and  responsibility ; but  more  especially  so,  when  such  state 
has  forcibly  separated  itself  from  another,  of  which  it  had  formed  an 
integral  part,  and  which  still  claims  dominion  over  it.  A premature  j 
recognition,  under  these  circumstances,  if  not  looked  upon  as  justi-  ( 
fiable  cause  of  war,  is  always  liable  to  be  regarded  as  a proof  of  an  , 
unfriendly  spirit  to  one  of  the  contending  parties.” 

Extract  from  the  general  order  of  General  Jackson,  for  the  execu- 
tion of  Arbulhnot  and  Ambrister : “It  is  an  established  principle  of 
the  law  of  nations,  that  any  individual,  of  any  nation,  making  war 
against  the  citizens  of  another  nation,  they  being  at  peace,  forfeits 
his  allegiance,  and  becomes  an  outlaw  and  a pirate.” 

If  this  principle  is  correct,  then  by  the  rules  of  war,  Santa  Anna 
was  right  in  executing  the  prisoners  that  he  took  in  Texas,  for  they 
were,  most  of  them,  confessedly  of  this  country.  Here  were  their 
homes,  before  a love  of  plunder  and  of  glory  induced  them  to  go  to 
Texas,  to  fight  against  ^ government  with  which  their  native  coun. 
try  was  at  peace. — Liberator. 


WILLIAM  B.  TAPPAN. 
Admit  her  to  the  Union?  Yes  ! 

If  our  democracy  can  bow 
To  kings,  and  is  prepared  to  kiss 
The  loathsome  hem  of  tyrants  nowi 
From  principles  that  years  have  tried 
If  thus  we  fall,  no  longer  men, 

And  to  our  fathers’  deeds  of  pride 
Are  recreant — why  admit  her  then  ! 
If  slavery’s  foul  and  damning  spot 
Must  here  increase  like  Abab’s  cloud, 
Blackening  the  moral  heavens  till  not 
One  star  shall  blaze  upon  the  proud  ; 
If  thus,  a spectacle  of  scorn 

To  nations,  we’re  content, — let  men 
Lift  up  the  consummated  horn 
Of  infamy — admit  her  then  ! 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


Annexation  of  Texas. — Resolutions  in  favor  of  annexing  Texas 
to  the  United  States  have  passed  the  Texan  Congress.  It  will  how- 
ever take  two  to  make  a bargain.  The  people  of  this  country  will 
never  sanction  it  unless  slavery  is  first  abolished — and  perhaps  not 
then.  We  have  too  much  territory  now. — Southport  (Illinois,) 
American. 


EDWARD  EVERETT. 

Whatever  step  we  take  towards  annexation,  is  gratuitous.  This 
whole  subject  has  been  so  ably  discussed  by  Dr.  Channing,  in  his 
recent  letter  to  Mr.  Clay,  that  it  would  be  superfluous  to  enlarge  up- 
on it.  I will  only  say  that  if,  at  this  moment,  when  an  all  import- 
ant experiment  is  in  train,  to  abolish  slavery  by  peaceful  and  legal 
means  in  the  British  West  Indies,  the  United  States,  instead  of  imi- 
tating their  example  or  even  awaiting  their  result,  should  rush  into 
a policy  of  giving  an  indefinite  extension  to  slavery  over  a vast  re- 
gion incorporated  into  their  Union,  we  should  stand  condemned  be- 
fore the  civilized  world.  It  would  be  in  vain  to  expect  to  gain 
credit  for  any  further  professions  of  a willingness  to  he  rid  of  sla- 
very as  soon  as  possible.  No  extenuation  of  its  existence,  on  the 
ground  of  its  having  been  forced  upon  the  country  in  its  colonial 
state,  would  any  longer  avail  us.  It  would  be  thought,  and  thought 
justly,  that  lust  of  power  and  lust  of  gold  had  made  us  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  humanity  and  justice.  We  should  be  self-convicted  of  the 
enormous  crime  of  having  voluntarily  given  the  greatest  possible  en- 
largement to  an  evil,  which,  in  concert  with  the  rest  of  mankind, 
we  had  affected  to  deplore,  and  that  at  a time  when  the  public  sen- 
timent of  the  civilized  world,  more  than  at  any  former  period,  is 
aroused  to  its  magnitude. 

There  are  other  objections  to  the  measure,  drawn  from  its  bear- 
ing on  our  foreign  relations,  but  it  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  them. 

Answer  to  Questions  of  his  Constituents,  1837 


MASSACHUSETTS  LEGISLATURE,  1843 

Resolves  against  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  Union. 

Resolved,  That  under  no  circumstances  whatsoever  can  the  peo- 
ple of  Massachusetts  regard  the  proposition  to  admit  Texas  into  the 
Union,  in  any  other  light  than  as  dangerous  to  its  continuance  in 
peace,  in  prosperity,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  those  blessings  which 
it  is  the  object  of  a free  government  to  secure. 

Resolved,  That  the  Senators  and  Representatives  of  Massachu- 
setts, in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  be  requested  to  spare  no 
exertions  to  oppose,  and  if  possible  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  the 
proposition  referred  to. 

Resolved,  That  His  Excellency  the  Governor,  be  requested  to 
transmit  one  copy  of  these  resolutions  to  the  Executive  of  each  of 
the  United  States,  and  a like  copy  to  each  Senator  and  Representa- 
tive in  Congress  from  Massachusetts. 


23 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


THE  FREE  AMERICAN. 

The  success  of  the  slaveholders  thus  far  in  disposing  of  the  sub. 
ject  of  petitions  and  compelling  their  Northern  satellites  to  lie  still, 
and  be  trampled  on  ; the  very  affectionate  and  paternal  expressions 
of  the  President’s  message  towards  our  “ daughter,”  republic ; the 
unveiled  anxiety  of  the  South  to  find  a balance  weight  in  the  Sen- 
ate  for  the  new  States  of  Iowa  and  Wisconsin,  both  of  which  will 
have  Senators  here  in  the  28th  Congress  ; the  certainty  that  it  is 
“ Now  or  never”  with  them,  and  the  strong  ground  of  encourage-  ■ 
ment  that  they  may  now  succeed,  leave  no  room  for  doubt  that  either 
by  a direct  application  from  Texas  to  Congress,  or  by  negociation 
with  Mexico,  confidentially,  well  understood  to  be  agreeable  to  the 
leaders  in  Texas,  there  will  be  a more  strenuous  and  determined  ef- 
fort  than  has  ever  yet  been  made  to  secure  the  annexation  of  Tex- 
as to  the  United  States.  The  only  formal  difficulty  on  our  part,  to 
a negociation  with  Mexico,  to-wit,  that  we  have  fully  acknowledg- 
ed the  independence  of  Texas  herself,  can  never  be  allowed  to  stand 
in  the  way  of  so  great  an  object,  especially  when  the  whole  thing 
is  in  the  hands  of  slaveholders,  and  still  more  when  the  only  party 
in  interest  to  object,  to-wit,  Texas,  is  actually  in  favor  of  the  trans- 
fer.— J.  Leavitt. 


THE  LIBERATOR. 

■ 

Although  the  south  has  been  defeated  in  her  first  attempt  to  an.  ' 
nex  the  stolen  and  blood  stained  territory  of  Texas  to  this  Union, 
yet  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  she  means  to  give  up  the  project 
as  hopeless,  without  making  fresh  exertions  to  carry  it  into  effect. 
When  she  put  her  robber-hand  upon  Texas,  and  wrested  it  from 
Mexico,  she  did  not  dream  of  creating  an  independent  slave-holding 
country  by  her  side  ; nor  did  she  anticipate  the  amount  of  opposition 
that  would  be  called  forth  on  the  part  of  the  partially  abolitionizcd 
north,  against  the  daring  proposition  to  unite  Texas  with  this  coun- 
try. She  does  not  mean  to  be  foiled  in  her  purpose,  but  is  unques- 
tionably  watching  for  a favorable  opportunity,  when  northern  sus- 
picion is  slumbering,  to  carry  the  measure  in  Congress  by  the  same 
device  that  she  procured  the  acknowledgment  of  Texan  independ- 
ence, Hear  the  Natchez  Free  Trader  on  this  subject,  in  a recent 
number  : — “ Wo  have  reason  to  believe,  from  some  advices,  that  a 
new  proposition  relative  to  the  union  of  Texas  with  this  country 
will  be  brought  forward  by  a distinguished  gentleman,  at  the  next 
session  of  Congress,  under  very  favorable  auspices.”  This  warning 
is  fairly  given,  and  it  behoves  the  non-slave'holding  States  to  be  pre- 
pared for  the  conflict.  They  must  never  consent  to,  such  an  an- 
nexation on  any  terms.  Sooner  let  the  Union  be  dashed  to  pieces. 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


THE  LIBERTY  PRESS. 

Bo  assured  that  a fixed  and  unalterable  determination  is  entertain- 
ed by  the  slaveholders  of  the  South  to  have  Texas  annexed  to  this 
Union  early  next  session.  In  addition  to  the  evidences  of  this  con- 
tained in  the  Resolutions  of  Tennessee,  Alabama,  See.,  the  general 
tone  of  the  Southern  press,  the  express  declarations  of  Henry  A. 
Wise  n ade  last  session,  the  appointment  of  Waddy  Thompson  as 
Minister  to  Mexico,  the  recent  letter  of  Governor  Gilmer,  of  Vir- 
ginia, the  assurance  of  Mr.  Adams  that  this  is  and  will  continue  to 
be  a measure  vehemently  urged  by  the  South,  so  long  as  they  have 
the  least  hope  of  securing  it,  we  now  have  from  a reliable  source 
some  further  information  in  reference  to  it.  A member  of  Congress 
from  one  of  the  ultra-slaveholding  States  has  a friend  in  Texas  who 
has  just  written  him,  detailing  their  wretched  and  despairing  con- 
dition there.  They  have  neither  money  nor  credit  to  carry  on  the 
war,  are  in  daily  expectation  of  invasion,  are  so  utterly  bankrupt  in 
property  and  character  at  home  and  abroad  that  they  can  get  no 
aid,  and  unless  they  can  ultimately  be  annexed  to  the  United  States, 
that  there  is  absolutely  no  hope  for  them  1 ! He  says  if  invaded 
they  can  make  a sudden  and  temporary  rally,  and  defend  themselves, 
but  they  can  neither  raise  nor  sustain  an  army  for  continued  ser- 
vice. 

It  is  a case  of  life  or  death  with  them,  and  the  South  know  it. 
This  member  of  Congress  said  to  another  with  whom  he  conversed, 
and  to  whom  he  shewed  the  letter,  we  must  and  shall  have  Texas 
annexed  soon — probably  not  this  Congress,  but  early  the  next  session. 
But  can  you  expect  to  get  Northern  votes  to  aid  in  this  project  ? Yes, 
we  do  expect  to,  and  we  shall  get  them,  too,  replied  the  former,  and 
once  having  secured  the  object,  if  the  Northern  folks  don’t  like  it, 
let  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  come — we  are  prepared  for  it ! 1 The 
Texians  are  bone  of  our  bone,  and  flesh  of  our  flesh,  and  must  be 
sustained.  Mr.  Calhoun  and  President  Tyler  are  well  known  to  be 
in  favor  of  it. 

The  Southern  policy  is  to  say  as  little  about  it  as  possible  be- 
forehand, so  that  the  masses  in  the  North  need  not  be  aroused,  and 
when  the  deed  is  once  done,  they  anticipate  a grumbling  acquies. 
cence,  as  in  similar  instances  heretofore-  Several  members  of  Con- 
gress have  been  writing  into  their  districts,  sounding  the  alarm. 

THE  NEW- YORK  AMERICAN. 

So,  then,  it  is  only  necessary  for  a gang  of  plunderers  and  out- 
laws to  declare  themselves  a party  of  emigrants,  (armed  to  the  teeth 
though  they  be,)  and  they  can  go  on  in  their  lawless  career  unmo- 
lested. Well,  then,  as  it  is  a poor  rule  that  will  not  work  both 
ways,  let  us  reverse  the  case.  Let  us  suppose  another  South  Caro- 
lina nullification  affair.  Let  us  suppose  matters  to  be  brought  to 
such  a pass,  as  to  involve  the  general  government  and  South  Caro- 
lina in  civil  war.  And  now  for  emigrating  parties.  Fleets  and  ar- 
mies come  from  Mexico  and  Great  Britain,  and  various  other  quar- 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


tors,  to  aid  South  Carolina  in  ils  revolt  against  the  national  govern-  : " 

rnent.  That  Government  remonstrates  against,  such  proceedings,  as  a 
violation  ot  neutrality,  or  even  as  an  attempt  to  overthrow  trie  govern- 
ment itself.  To  all  its  remonstrances  ; to  all  its  complaints  that 
those  armies  and  fleets  were  openly  raised  and  fitted  out,  and  that 
they  sailed  “ with  drums  beating,  and  fifes  playing,”  for  the  land  of 
nullification;  the  reply  of  those  foreign  governments  should  he,  that 
those  forces  called  themselves  emigrating  parties.  Think  ye,  that 
our  government  would  be  satisfied  with  this?  And  who  can  tell  but  I1: 
this  supposition  may  yet  become  history  ? Who  can  say.  that  some  p 
American  Cataline,  some  Arnold,  or  Shays,  or  Burr,  will  not  yet 
rear  the  standard  of  rebellion  against  the  government,  and  be  aided  I 
in  this  very  way  by  the  “emigrant”  fleets  and  armies  of  those  gov- 
ernments that  wish  to  see  our  republican  institutions  overthrown? 

We  should  remember  the  scripture  maxim  : “ With  the  same  mea- 
sure that  ye  mete,  it  shall  be  measured  to  you  again.”  . 1 H 

These  Texan  emissaries  appealed  to  the  passions  of  our  people 
something  after  the  manner  following,  as  portrayed  by  a Mexican 
writer : . j i 

“They  claimed  the  assistance  of  the  Americans  as  brothers ; but  \ 
they  took  care  to  say  nothing  about  how  thoy  bad  cheated  these  ( 
brothers  before  they  u'ent  to  Texas.  They  told  them  the  Mexicans 
are  cruel,  treacherous  and  cowardly  ; but  they  took  care  to  say  ; i - 
nothing  about  their  own  deceitful,  and  treacherous  conduct  to  the 
Mexicans.  They  told  them  that  the  Mexican  government,  instead 
of  nourishing  and  cherishing  the  people  of  Texas,  was  their  robber  li  < 
and  oppressor  ; but  they  caiefully  poncealed,  that  the  Mexicans  had  » 
given  them  lands  for  nothing — had'  never  called  upon  them  for  any 
sacrifice  whatever — allowed  them  even  the  free  exercise  of  their  re-  I 
ligion — and  that  their  only  robbers  and  oppressors  were  their  fellow 
citizens  of  the  United  Stales,  who  wanted  to  seize  their  lands. 
They  told  them  that  in  colonizing  Texas,  the  Mexican  government 
owed  them  a favor,  and  not  they  to  the  Mexican  government,  but 
they  made  no  reference  to  the  fact,  that  in  the  United  States,  every 
territory  was  settled  in  the  same  manner,  and  that,  too,  after  paying  , i 
well  for  the  land,  which  they  did  not” — in  Texas.  “ They  assured  I 
them  that  the  Mexicans  were  bringing  the  savage  Indians  to  mur- 
der them  ; but  they  concealed  that  the  Mexican  troops  protected 
them  from  those  very  Indians,  and  that  if  the  Indians  are  hostile,  it 
is  on  account  of  indignities  ottered  by  the  Texans,  and  of  being  de-  | 
prived  of  their  lands  by  them.  They  spoke  most  pathetically  of 
hunger,  thirst,  dangers  innumerable,  and  evils  inexpressible  in  Tex- 
as, all  owing  to  the  vile  Mexicans ; hut  they  confessed  not  the 
truth,  namely,  that  from  the  Mexicans  they  not  only  got  lands,  but 
also  flocks  and  herds,  and  that  the  hardships  incident  lo  all  new  set- 
tlements were  scarcely  ever  felt  in  Texas.  They  declared,  that  it 
was  not  they  who  were  the  aggressors,  but  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment, without  any  provocation  whatever;  but  they  omitted  the  fact, 
that  the  Mexican  government  had  granted  every  law  they  wanted  ; 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


promised  protection  to  all  orderly  settlers ; and  only  wanted  to  pun- 
ish and  expel  land  speculators  and  jobbers,  who  had  introduced 
themselves  from  the  United  States,  with  slaves.  They  tempted 
them  with  the  large  tracts  of  fertile  land  that  the  grateful  Texians 
would  allow  them  for  their  assistance  against  the  Mexicans  ; but 
they  (the  land  jobbers)  concealed,  that  they  themselves,  by  false 
titles  and  usurpation,  pretended  a right  to  all  the  lands  in  Texas 
that  were  valuable  ; that  they  wanted  to  resist  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment, to  preserve  these  lands  unlawfully  acquired  ; and  that  the 
Texans,  in  place  of  sympathizing  with  them,  hated  them  as  spoilers 
of  the  commonwealth,  and  disturbers  of  the  public  peace.” 

JUSTITIA. 


NEW- YORK  TRIBUNE. 

We  have  received  communications  on  both  sides  of  the  question 
of  consenting  to  the  Annexation  of  Texas  to  our  Federal  Union. 
We  cannot  make  room  for  them,  deeming  it  incredible  that  any  sane 
man  should  favor  such  Annexation,  and  having  no  room  to  waste 
on  fighting  shadows.  Whenever  the  question  shall  be  brought  be- 
fore the  country  by  the  advocates  of  Annexation,  we  shall  be  found 
among  the  most  determined,  untiring  onposers  of  any  such  measure- 
Our  country  is  quite  large  enough  now  ; Texas  is  burthened  with 
war  and  debt ; her  people  are  loo  generally  improvident  and  idle,  and 
we  would  far  sooner  spare  many  more  such  than  take  them  back 
again.  Besides,  any  attempt  to  annex  Texas  to  the  Union  would 
excite  the  bitterest  jealousy  and  hostility  in  England,  France,  and 
throughout  the  civilized  world.  Why  not  let  well  enough  alone  1 
If  the  Texans  prefer  to  live  in  the  United  Slates,  they  can  easily 
come  back  here — far  more  easily  than  they  can  maintain  themselves 
where  they  are. 

We  have  reports  that  the  Southern  States  favor  the  Annexation, 
but  do  not  yet  find  evidence  to  confirm  them.  Why  should  the 
South  seek  needlessly  to  renew  the  perils  of  the  Missouri  controver- 
sy ? — to  throw  the  whole  subject  of  Slavery  into  the  arena  of  party 
politics  and  bar-room  altercation  ? No,  no : the  old  and  safe  rule  ofour 
International  policy — “ Equal  justice  to  all  ; entangling  alliances 
with  none,” — must  be  adhered  to,  or  we  shall  be  afloat  on  a fathom- 
less, shoreless  sea  of  troubles.  Let  us  be  wise  now. — Nov.  1342. 


PITTSBURGH  GAZETTE. 

We  are  fearful  that  the  importance  and  truth  of  Mr.  Adams’s  re- 
marks in  reference  to  the  conspiracy  existing  among  slaveholding 
politicians,  to  annex  Texas  to  the  Union,  will  not  be  felt  by  the  peo- 
ple generally,  until  they  wake  up  to  find  the  object  of  the  conspira- 
cy consummated,  or  so  nearly  consummated  that  insistence  will  be 
hopeless. 

If,  through  supineness  and  indifference,  the  North  permits  this 
great  object  of  the  South  to  be  accomplished,  there  will  be  an  end 
of  all  independence  and  free  legislation,  on  the  part  of  the  free 


*23 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


States.  We  shall  then  become  the  vassals  of  the  southern  taskmas- 
ter. A sufficient  number  of  States  can*be  carried  out  of  Texas,  to 
give  the  South  the  balance  of  power  forever.  They  will  then  have 
both  the  power  of  numbers  and  the  power  resulting  from  a common  (= 
interest  in  an  immense  amount  of  property. 

Can  any  lover  of  his  country  look  upon  this  prospect  of  entailing 
upon  us  the  power,  the  influence  and  enormities  of  American  sla- 
very, through  all  time,  without  a feeling  of  horror  and  indignation; 
and  yet  there  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt  that  such  is  the  design 
of  the  South.  The  following  article,  from  the  Cincinnati  Gazette,  i; 
commenting  on  an  article  from  the  Union,  the  organ  of  Tyler,  in 
New. York  city,  is  worthy  of  attention.  The  remarks  of  the  Union 
are  strongly  corroborative  of  the  statements  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  i 
show  that  there  is  danger, — danger  near  at  hand,  and  of  a most  L 
alarming  character.  The  present  unprincipled  occupant  of  the  li. 
Presidential  chair  is  a firm  believer  in  the  sentiment  that  “what  the  !-. 
law  declares  to  be  property,  is  property  and  that  “ two  hundred 
years  of  legislation  has  sanctioned,  and  sanctified  negro  slaves  as 
property.”  Acting  on  this  belief,  he  is  bending  all  his  exertions  to 
perpetuate  the  existence  of  this  great  evil.  Let  every  patriot  and 
friend  of  human  rights  ponder  well  on  this  subject.  The  Gazette  L 
says : 

“ There  are  those  who  affect  to  laugh  at  Mr.  Adams’s  views  as  f 
regards  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  Union.  We  believe  his  J 
statements ; and  furthermore  we  believe  that  it  is  the  intention  of  a 
large  portion  of  the  politicians  now  in  power  to  secure  this  object. 
The  plan,  as  we  understand  it,  is  to  guarantee  the  independence  of 
Texas,  and,  if  practicable,  to  go  further,  and  secure  its  annexation  > 
to  this  country.” 

Texas. — Memorials  against  the  admission  of  Texas  into  the  union  i 
ought  to  be  industriously  circulated  through  the  country,  for  every 
body  to  sign,  and  be  poured  in  at  the  next  Congress  in  clouds.  The  j I 
admission  of  Texas  into  the  union,  would  be  the  death  warrant  of  ' 
that  union.  It  might  linger  out  a short  and  painful  existence  after-  j 
wards,  but  what  would  remain  of  life  after  admitting  Texas,  would  I 
be  like  the  life  of  man  after  70 — 

“ We  rather  sigh  and  groan  than  live.” — Lynn  Record. 

We  trust  for  our  country’s  sake  and  happiness — for  our  liberty 
and  union  and  peace — that  this  most  extravagant  scheme  about  to 
be  renewed,  of  annexing  Texas,  which  is  twice  as  large  as  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Virginia  united — to  her  already  bloated  Territory,  will  be 
frowned  down  by  the  universal  people.  A union  resting  as  one  ter- 
minus on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  as  another  on  Mexico,  as  a third  on 
N.  Brunswick  and  the  Atlantic,  could  not  be  held  together  for  six 
months.  It  would  crumble  to  pieces  by  its  own  weight,  and  over- 
whelm all  in  its  ruins.  Or,  if  it  was  kept  consolidated,  it  would  on- 
ly be  by  the  agency,  of  some  despotic  principle,  which  could  bury 
the  Liberty  and  happiness  of  the  American  people  in  one  common 
grave. — Richmond  Whig 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


How  can  we  style  him  a tyrant,  who  benevolently  offered  tho 
southern  planters  the  noble  privilege  of  tilling  the  land  in  the  Prov- 
ince of  Texas,  and  that,  too  exempt  from  taxation  for  ten  years  ? 
Can  we  call  Santa-Anna  a tyrant,  who  in  1829,  passed  a decree 
that  there  should  be  no  slaves  held  in  his  dominions  after  that  year  ? 
Can  we  call  him  a tyrant,  who  opposed  the  efforls  of  rebels,  and 
used  them  with  deserved  severity  ? Do  we  call  him  a tyrant,  who 
fouo-ht  and  bled  in  a cause  whose  principles  are  immortal,  and  are 
from  the  authority  of  God  ? — who  to  contravene  the  efforts  of  those 
who  wished  to  substantiate  more  firmly  the  horrible  system  of  sla- 
very. Justice  and  equity — right  and  wrong,  remain  the  same,  not- 
withstanding the  customs  of  man  being  vitiated  by  corruption,  and 
he  calls  that  injustice  which  opposes  him.  Yes,  Santa  Anna  too 
well  knerv  that  there  was  no  crime,  however  dreadful,  that  the  sys- 
tem of  slavery  did  not  tolerate  and  generate,  and  that  a nation,  how- 
ever prosperous  and  wealthy,  would  fall  into  anarchy  under  its 
deadly  influence. 

When  Congress  had  not  declared  war  with  Mexico,  what  folly 
was  it  for  the  troops  of  this  nation  to  assume  the  power  of  commit, 
ting  hostilities  ? So  far  have  men  been  swallowed  up  in  iniquity,  that 
their  return  for  benevolence  is  foul  revelry  and  devastating  destruc- 
tion. These  things  cannot  continue  long  in  such  a state,  where  the 
fundamental  principles  of  human  unalienable  rights  are  so  impetu- 
ously opposed.  As  christiaus,  we  cannot  but  believe,  that  such 
conduct  will  ere  long,  call  down  the  irresistable  wrath  and  judg- 
ment of  an  immutable  and  offended  God. — Woonsocket  Patriot. 

Much  exultation  is  manifested  by  certain  editors  at  the  Texian 
success  of  arms,  as  an  advance  of  civil  liberty.  We  could  most  cordi- 
ally respond  to  their  rejoicings  did  we  believe  that  such  would  be 
the  result.  We  have  a totally  different  opinion  of  the  subject.  We 
believe  it  will  be  to  extend  and  perpetuate  Slavery — to  rivet  more 
firmly  the  shackles  of  the  oppressed  African,  and  that  the  hue  and 
cry  for  Texian  liberty,  means  in  fact  no  more  than  liberty  to  hold 
slaves,  and  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  should  it  ev- 
er be  extended  over  them,  guaranteeing  to  them,  in  letter,  “ life,  lib- 
erty, and  property,”  would  be  to  all  but  the  lordly  master,  “a  rheto- 
rical flourish.” — Hampshire  Republican. 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


WILLIAM  H.  BURLEIGH, 
lo  ! for  the  rescue  ! ye  who  part 
’arents  from  children — heart  from  heart— 

Jp  ! “ patriarchs” — and  gather  round, 

Jfe  who  sell  infants  by  the  pound! 

The  land  of  chivalry  and  chains, 

Whose  priests  have  sanctified  pollution, 

Pours  in  her  ruffians  from  her  plains, 

And  Houston  still  with  them,  maintains 
Our  “ patriarchal  institution  !” 

Shout  for  the  onset ! till  the  North, 

Startled,  shall  quit  her  little  knaveiy, 

And  pour  her  choicest  scoundrels  forth 
To  fight  for  Texas  lands  and — slavery  1 
Shout  for  our  homes  and  household  altars, 

Where  justice  comes  not  with  her  halters! 

Where  proudly  walk  our  ranks  among, 

The  forger  and  the  “ great  unhung  !” 

Where  Houston,  chiei  of  San  Jacinto, 

Arrayed  in  Presidential  dignity, 

Reckless,  remorseless,  plunges  into 
Crimes  which  “Old  Nick”  would  scarce  begin  to. 
With  all  his  lust  and  dire  malignity  ! 

These  be  thy  Gods,  oh  Texas  ! — these  ! — 

Tried  heroes,  dipped  in  lust  and  blood — 

From  justice  sturdy  refugees, 

And  outcasts  from  the  wise  and  good! 

Then  fling  abroad  our  glorious  star, 

And  gather  for  victorious  war — - 
Led  on  by  such,  our  arms  shall  be 
Bulwarks  and  walls  for  slavery  ! 

Ho!  Texians!  for  the  battle  cry — 

“ Alamo  ! vengeance  to  the  foeman  !” 

Fling  out  your  banner  to  the  sky, 

Maintain — or  in  the  struggle  die  ; 

The  glorious  right  of — floenwg  woman. 

August  25 th,  1837. 

Oppressed  by  Britain,  we  threw  off  the  chain  : 

A worse  oppression  we  ourselves  maintain, 

Texas  has  sins  for  which  she  should  atone  : 

Shall  we  take  her’s,  and  thus  increase  our  own  7 
Shall  we  pursue  a course  which  Heaven  abhors, 

And  bind  our  freemen,  slaves  to  unjust  laws  7 
Forbid  it,  Pleaven  ! nor  let  it  e’er  be  said, 

That  ’twas  for  this  our  fathers  fought  and  bled ; 

Let  not  their  sons  erase  their  well  earned  fame, 
Eclipse  their  glory  in  a nation’s  shame. — Louis,  Jour. 


, 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 

Whereas  this  limited  Government  possesses  no  power  to  extend 
its  jurisdiction  over  any  foreign  nation  ; and  no  foreign  nation, 
country,  or  people,  can  be  admitted  into  this  Union  but  by  the  sov- 
ereign will  and  act  of  the  free  people  of  all  and  each  of  these  United 
States  : nor  without  the  formation  of  a new  compact  of  union,  and 
another  frame  of  government  radically  different  in  objects,  principles 
and  powers,  from  that  which  was  framed  for  our  own  self-govern- 
ment, and  deemed  to  be  adequate  to  all  the  exigencies  of  our  own 
free  Republic : Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we  have  witnessed  with  deep  concern  the  indi- 
cations of  a disposition  to  bring  into  this  Union,  as  a constituent 
member  thereof,  the  foreign  province  or  territory  of  Texas. 

Resolved,  That  although  we  are  fully  aware  of  the  consequences 
which  must  follow  the  accomplishment  of  such  a project,  could  it  be 
accomplished— aware  that  it  would  lead  speedily  to  the  conquest 
and  annexation  of  Mexico  itself,  and  its  fourteen  remaining  provin- 
ces or  intendencies,  which,  together  with  thq  revolted  province  of 
Texas,  would  furnish  foreign  territories  and  foreign  people  for  at 
least  twenty  members  of  the  new  Union.  That  it  would  load  the 
nation  with  debt  and  taxes,  and,  by  involving  it  in  perpetual  war 
and  commotions,  both  foreign  and  internal,  would  furnish  a pretence 
(which  a state  of  war  never  fails  to  furnish)  for  the  assumption  and 
exercise  of  powers  incompatible  with  our  free  republican  institu- 
tions, and  subversive  of  the  liberties  of  the  People.  That  the  gov- 
ernment of  a nation  so  extended  and  so  constructed  would  soon  be- 
come radically  changed  in  character,  if  not  in  form  ; would  una- 
voidably become  a military  government,  and,  under  the  plea  of  ne- 
cessity, would  free  itself  from  the  restraints  of  the  Constitution,  and 
from  its  accountability  of  the  People. 

That  we  are  fully  aware  of  the  deep  degradation  into  which  this 
young  Republic  would  sink  itself,  in  the  eyes  of  the  whole  world, 
should  it  annex  to  its  own  vast  territories  other  and  foreign  territo- 
ries of  immense  though  unknown  extent,  for  the  purpose  of  encourag- 
ing the  propagation  of  slavery,  and  promoting  the  raising  of  slaves 
within  its  own  bosom — the  very  bosom  of  freedom — to  be  exported 
and  sold  in  those  unhallowed  regions.  Although  we  are  fully  aware 
of  these  fearful  evils,  and  numberless  others  which  would  come  in 
their  train,  yet  we  do  not  here  dwell  upon  them,  because  we  are  firm 
I y convinced  that  the  free  People  of  most,  and  we  trust  of  all  these 
States,  will  never  suffer  the  admission  of  the  foreign  territory  of  Tex- 
as into  this  Union  as  a constituent  member  thereof ; will  never  suf- 
fer the  integrity  of  this  Republic  to  be  violated,  either  by  the  intro, 
duction  and  addition  to  it  of  foreign  nations  or  territories,  one  or  ma- 
ny, or  by  the  dismemberment  of  it  by  the  transfer  of  any  or  more  of 
its  members  to  a foreign  nation.  The  People  will  be  aware,  that, 
should  one  foreign  State  or  country  be  introduced,  another  and  an- 
other may  be,  without  end,  whether  situated  in  South  America,  in 
the  West  India  islands,  or  in  any  other  part  of  tho#vorld  ; and  that 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


a single  foreign  State  thus  admitted,  might  have  in  its  power,  by 
holding  the  balance  between  contending  parties,  to  wrest  their  own 
Government  from  the  hands  and  control  of  the  People  by  whom  it 
was  established  for  their  own  benefit  and  self-government.  We  are 
firmly  convinced  that  the  free  People  of  these  States  will  look  upon 
any  attempt  to  introduce  the  foreign  territory  of  Texas,  or  any  other 
foreign  territory  or  nation,  into  this  Union,  as  a constituent  member 
or  members  thereof,  as  manifesting  a willingness  to  prostrate  the 
Constitution  and  dissolve  the  Union. 

Resolved,  That  his  excellency  the  Governor  be  requested  to  for- 
ward a copy  of  the  foregoing  resolutions  to  each  of  our  Senators  and 
Representatives  in  Congress,  and  to  each  of  the  Executives  of  the 
several  States,  with  a request  that  the  same  may  be  laid  before  the 
respective  Legislatures  of  said  States. 

A true  copy — witness  : 

HENRY  BOWEN,  Sec.  of  State. 

LEGISLATURE  OF  MICHIGAN. 

“ Whereas  propositions  have  been  made  for  the  annexation  of  Tex- 
as to  the  United  States,  with  a view  to  its  ultimate  incorporation  in- 
to the  Union  : 

“ And  whereas  the  extension  of  this  General  Government  over  so 
large  a country  on  the  Southwest,  between  which  and  that  of  the 
original  States  there  is  little  affinity,  and  less  identity  of  interests, 
would  tend,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Legislature,  greatly  to  disturb  the 
safe  and  harmonious  operations  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  put  in  imminent  danger  the  continuance  of  this  happy 
Union  : Therefore, 

“ Be  it  resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  State  of  Michigan,  That  in  behalf,  and  in  the  name  of,  the 
State  of  Michigan,  this  Legislature  doth  hereby  dissent  from,  and 
solemnly  protest  against,  the  annexation,  for  any  purpose,  to  this 
Union,  of  Texas,  or  any  territory  or  district  of  country  heretofore 
constituting  a part  of  the  dominions  of  Spain  in  America,  lying 
west  or  southwest  of  Louisiana.” 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  FREE  STATES  OF  THE 
UNION. 

We,  the  undersigned,  in  closing  our  duties  to  our  constituents  and 
our  country,  as  members  of  the  27th  Congress,  feel  bound  to  call 
your  attention,  very  briefly,  to  the  project  long  entertained  by  a por- 
tion of  the  people  of  these  United  States,  still  pertinaciously  adher- 
ed to,  and  intended  soon  to  be  consummated — the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  the  Union. 

The  open  and  repaeted  enlistment  of  troops  in  several  States  of 
this  Union  in  aid  of  the  Texan  revolution  ; the  intrusion  of  an 
American  army,  by  order  of  the  President,  far  into  the  territory  of 
the  Mexican  Government,  at  a moment  critical  to  the  fate  of  the  in- 
surgents, under  pretence  of  preventing  Mexican  soldiers  from  fo- 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


meriting  Indian  disturbances,  but  in  reality  in  aid  of,  and  acting  in 
singular  concert  and  coincidence  with,  the  army  of  the  revolution 
ists;  the  entire  neglect  of  our  Government  to  adopt  any  efficient 
measures  to  prevent  the  most  unwarrantable  aggressions  of  bodies 
of  our  own  citizens,  enlisted,  organized,  and  officered  within  our  own 
borders,  and  marched  in  arms  and  battle  array  upon  the  territory, 
and  against  the  inhabitants  of  a friendly  Government,  in  aid  of  free- 
booters and  insurgents  ; and  the  premature  recognition  of  the  in- 
dependence of  Texas,  by  a snap  vote,  at  the  heel  of  a session  of 
Congress,  and  that,  too,  at  the  very  session  when  President  Jackson 
had,  by  special  message,  insisted  that  “ the  measure  would  be  con- 
trary to  the  policy  invariably  observed  by  the  United  States,  in  all 
similar  cases,  would  be  marked  with  great  injustice  to  Mexico,  and 
peculiarly  liable  to  the  darkest  suspicions,  inasmuch  as  the  Texans 
were  almost  all  emigrants  from  the  United  States,  and  sought  the  re- 
cognition of  their  independence  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing their  annexation  to  the  United  States these  occurrences  are 
too  well  known  and  too  fresh  in  the  memory  of  all  to  need  more  than 
a passing  notice.  These  have  become  matters  of  history.  For  fur- 
ther evidence  on  all  these  and  other  important  points,  we  refer  to 
the  memorable  speech  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  delivered  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  during  the  morning  hours  of  June  and  Ju- 
ly, 1838,  and  to  his  address  to  his  constituents,  delivered  at  Brain- 
tree, September  17,  1842. 

The  open  avowal  of  the  Texans  themselves,  the  frequent  and  anx- 
ious negotiations  of  our  own  Government,  the  resolutions  of  vari- 
ous States  of  the  Union,  the  numerous  declarations  of  members  of 
Congress,  the  tone  of  the  Southern  press,  as  well  as  the  direct  ap- 
plication of  the  Texan  Government,  make  it  impossible  for  any  man 
to  doubt  that  annexation  and  the  formation  of  several  new  slave- 
holding States  and  the  Executive  of  the  nation. 

The  same  references  will  show,  very  conclusively,  that  the  par- 
ticular objects  of  this  new  acquisition  of  slave  territory  were  the  per- 
petuation of  slavery  and  the  continued  ascendancy  of  the  slave 
power. 

We  hold  that  there  is  not  only  “ no  political  necessity”  for  it,  “ no 
advantages  to  be  derived  from  it,”  but  that  there  is  no  constitution- 
al power  delegated  to  any  department  of  the  National  Government, 
to  authorize  it ; that  no  act  of  Congress,  or  treaty  for  annexation, 
can  impose  the  least  obligation  upon  the  several  States  of  this  Un- 
ion to  submit  to  such  an  unwarrantable  act,  or  to  receive  into  their 
family  and  fraternity  such  misbegotten  and  illegitimate  progeny. 

We  hesitate  not  to  say,  that  annexation,  effected  by  any  act  or 
proceeding  of  the  Federal  Government,  or  any  of  its  departments, 
would  be  identical  with  dissolution.  It  would  be  a violation  of  our 
national  compact,  its  objects,  designs,  and  the  great  elementary 
principles  which  entered  into  its  formation,  of  a character  so  deep 
and  fundamental,  and  would  be  an  attempt  to  eternize  an  institu- 
tion and  a power  of  nature  so  unjust  in  themselves,  so  injurious  to 


ANTI-TEXAS. 


the  interests  and  abhorrent  to  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the  free 
States,  as,  in  our  opinion,  not  only  inevitably  to  result  in  a dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union,  but  fully  to  justify  it;  and  we  not  only  assert 
that  the  people  of  the  free  States  “ ought  not  to  submit  to  it,”  but 
we  say,  with  confidence,  they  would  not  submit  to  it.  We  know 
their  present  temper  and  spirit  on  this  subject  too  well  to  believe  for 
a moment  that  they  would  become  pariiceps  criminis  in  any  such 
subtle  contrivance  for  the  irremediable  perpetuation  of  an  institu- 
tion which  the  wisest  and  best  men  who  formed  our  Federal  Con- 
stitution, as  well  from  the  slaves  as  the  free  States,  regarded  as  an 
evil  and  a curse,  soon  to  become  extinct  under  the  operation  of  laws 
to  be  passed  prohibiting  the  slave-trade,  and  the  progressive  influ 
ence  of  the  principles  of  the  Revolution. 

Washington,  March  3,  1843. 

John  Quincy  Adams, 

Seth  M.  Gates, 

William  Slade, 

William  B-  Calhoun, 

Joshua  R.  Giddings, 

Sherlock  J.  Andrews, 
Nathaniel  B.  Borden, 

Tiios.  C.  Chittenden, 

John  Mattocks, 

Christopher  Morgan, 

Joshua-  M.  Howard, 

Victory  Birdseye, 

Thomas  A.  Tomlinson, 

Staley  N.  Clark, 

Charles  Hudson, 

Archibald  L.  Linn, 

Thomas  W.  Williams, 

Truman  Smith, 

David  Bronson, 

George  N.  Briggs. 


The  Texan  Revolution,  by  Probus. — This  is  a pamphlet  of  84 
large  octavo  pages,  and  contains  a very  comprehensive  account  of 
that  unparalleled  outrage  against  the  laws  of  Nature  and  of  Nations. 
It  exhibits  the  perfidy  of  the  president — hospitality  of  the  Mexicans, 
— pretexts  of  the  revolution — the  real  causes — base  scheme  to  annex 
it  to  U.  S.  at  the  next  session  of  Congress,  1843-44 — John  Tyler, 
Cabinet  and  Co. — war  of  Texas  and  U.  S.  against  Mexico  and  Great 
Britain — visitation  and  search,  the  slave  trade  and  Cass — speech  of 
John  Quincy  Adams — other  presidents’  proclamations  of  Neutrality. 
Sold  at  the  National  A.  S.  Standard,  Office  No.  143  Nassau  Street, 
New-York  ; 25  cents  single. 


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THE  EAGLE  OF  LIBERTY. 


THE  FREE  EAGLE  OF  MEXICO  GRAPPLING  THE 
COLD  BLOODED  VIPER,  TYRANNY  OR  TEXAS. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY, 


THE  FIRST  SCENE  IN  BRITISH  EMANCIPATION. 

Granville  Sharpe  rescuing  a young  African,  claimed  as  a slave, 
from  his  tyrant,  in  presence  of  the  Mayor  of  London.  Sharpe  pur- 
sued his  humane  course,  and  liis  elaborate  researches  produced  the 

fwork  entitled,  “The  injustice  and  dangerous  tendency  of  tolerating 
slavery,”  and  procured  the  grand  and  glorious  decision  from  the 
British  courts  of  justice  published  in  1769,  in  the  face  of  all  Europe 
and  the  world,  “ That  every  slave  was  free  as  soon  as  he  had  set  foot 
upon  British  ground.”  This  Herculean  achievement  laid  the  corner 
stone  of  the  hallowed  temple  of  African  liberty  [since  extended  to  all 
British  Territories.]  David  Simpson. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


THE  LAST  SCENE  IN  BRITISH  EMANCIPATION. 


“After  the  1st,  Aug.  1834,  slavery  shall  be  and  is  hereby  utterly 
and  forever  abolished  and  declared  unlawful  throughout  the  British 
colonies,  plantations,  and  possessions  abroad-”  Act,  3d  and  4th,  Wil- 
liam IV. 

This  noble  Act  was  trammelled  with  an  apprenticeship  (to  slavery 
to  prepare  its  victims  for  freedom  !)  Antigua  and  Bermuda,  declined 
the  proffered  continuation,  with,  of  course,  the  happiest  results.  The 
Legislatures  of  Jamaica,  Barbadoes,  St.  Vincent,  St.  Kitts,  and  the 
West  Indies  generally,  have  done  likewise  and  on  Aug.  1,  1838,  three- 
fourths  of  a million  of  human  beings  were,  by  law,  restored  to  their 
birth-right  by  Nature. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


The  San  of  Righteousness  shall  arise , with  healing  under  his  wings. 
JAMES  A.  THOME. 

JOSEPH  H.  KIMBALL.  ' 

Emancipation  in  the  British  West  indies. 

The  event  of  emancipation  passed  peaceably.  The  first  of  August, 
1834,  is  universally  regarded  in  Antigua,  as  having  presented  a 
most  imposing  and  sublime  moral  spectacle.  It  is  almost  impossible 
to  be  in  the  company  of  a missionary,  a planter,  or  an  emancipated 
negro,  for  ten  minutes,  without  hearing  some  allusion  to  that  oc- 
casion. 

In  every  quarter  we  were  assured  that  the  day  was  like  a Sabbath. 
Work  had  ceased,  the  huin  of  business  was  still,  and  noise  and  tu- 
mult were  unheard  on  the  streets.  Tranquillity  pervaded  the  towns 
and  country.  A isabbath  indeed ! when  the  wicked  cease  from  trou- 
bling, and  the  weary  were  at  rest,  and  the  slave  was  free  from  his 
master  ! The  planters  informed  us  that  they  went  to  the  chapels 
where  their  own  people  were  assembled,  greeted  them,  shook  hands 
with  them,  and  exchanged  the  most  hearty  good  wishes. 

There  has  been  since  emancipation,  not  only  no  rebellion  in  fact, 
but  no  fear  of  it  in  Antigua.  The  miiiiia  were  not  called  out  during 
Christinas  holidays.  Before  emancipation,  martial  law  invariably 
prevailed  on  the  holidays,  but  the  very  first  Christmas  after  emanci- 
pation, the  Governor  made  a proclamation  stating  that  in  consequence 
of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  it  was  no  longer  necessary  to  resort  to 
such  a precaution.  There  has  not  been  a parade  of  soldiery  on  any 
subsequent  Christmas. 

Emancipation  is  regarded  by  all  classes  as  a great  blessing  to  the 
island.  There  is  not  a class,  or  party,  or  sect,  who  do  not  esteem 
the  abolition  of  slavery  as  a special  blessing  to  them.  The  rich,  be 
cause  it  relieved  them  of  “ property”  which  was  fast  becoming  a dis- 
grace. as  it  had  always  been  a vexation  and  a tax,  and  because  it 
has  emancipated  them  from  the  terrors  of  insurrection,  which  kept 
them  all  their  life  time  subject  to  bondage.  The  poor  whites — be 


*2 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


cause  it  lifted  from  off  them  the  yoke  of  civil  oppression.  The  free  j 
colored  population — because  it  gave  the  death  blow  to  the  prejudice 
that  crushed  them,  and  opened  the  prospect  of  social,  civil,  and  po. 
litical  equality  with  the  whites.  The  slaves — because  it.  broke  open 
their  dungeon,  led  them  out  to  liberty,  and  gave  them,  in  one  muni- 
ficent donation,  their  wives,  their  children,  their  bodies,  their  souls 
— every  thing ! 

The  negroes  work  more  cheerfully,  and  do  their  work  better  than 
they  did  during  slavery.  Wages  are  found  to  be  an  ample  substi- 
tute for  the  lash — they  never  fail  to  secure  the  amount  of  labor  de- 
sired. This  is  particularly  true  where  task  work  is  tried,  which  in 
done  occasionally  in  cases  of  a pressing  nature,  when  considerable 
effort  is  required.  ! . 

The  governor  said,  “ The  negroes  are  as  a race  remarkable  for 
docility  ; they  are  very  easily  controlled  by  kind  influence.  It  is  only 
necessary  to  gain  their  confidence,  and  you  can  sway  them  as  you 
please.”  | |i 

Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  negroes  of  Antigua  passed,  “ by  a 
single  jump,  from  absolute  slavery  to  unqualified  freedom.”  In  proof 
of  their  subordination  to  law,  we  give  the  testimony  of  planters,  and 
quote  also  from  the  police  reports  sent  in  monthly  to  the  Governor. 

“ I have  found  that  the  negroes  are  readily  controlled  by  law; 
more  so  perhaps  than  the  laboring  classes  in  other  countries.” — Da-  t 
vid  Granstoun,  Esq. 

“ The  conduct  of  the  negro  population  generally,  has  surpassed 
nil  expectation.  They  are  as  pliant  to  the  hand  of  legislation,  as  any 
people;  perhaps  more  so  than  some.” — Wesleyan  Missionary. 

“ Before  emancipation  took  place,  there  was  the  bitterest  opposi- 
tion to  it  among  the  planters.  But  after  freedom  came,  they  were 
delighted  with  the  change.  I felt  strong  opposition  myself,  being 
accordingly  unwilling  to  give  up  my  power  of  command.  But  l 
shall  never  forget  how  differently  I felt  when  freedom  took  place.  I 
arose  from  my  bed  on  the  first  of  August,  exclaiming  with  joy,  1 1 
am  free,  I am  free  ; I was  the  greatest  slave  on  the  estate,  but  now  i 
I am  free.’  ” — Mr.  J.  Howell. 

Barbadoes. — “ The  state  of  crime  is  not  so  bad  by  any  means  as  j 
we  might  have  expected  among  the  negroes — just  released  from  sucli 
a degrading  bondage.  Considering  the  state  of  ignorance  in  which 
they  have  been  kept,  and  the  immoral  examples  set  them  by  tho 
lower  class  of  whites,  it  is  matter  of  astonishment  that  they  should 
behave  so  well. 

“ The  apprentices  would  have  a great  respect  for  law,  were  it  not 
for  the  erroneous  proceedings  of  tho  managers,  overseers,  &c.  in 
taking  them  before  the  magistrates  for  every  petty  offence,  and  often 
abusing  the  magistrate  in  the  presence  of  the  apprentices,  when  his 
decision  does  not  please  them. 

“ Not  the  slightest  sense  of  insecurity.  As  a proof  of  this,  pro- 
perty has,  since  the  commencement  of  the  apprenticeship,  increased 
in  value  considerabl}' — at  least  one  third. 

“ The  most  prejudiced  planters  would  not  return  to  the  old  system 
if  they  possibly  could.  They  admit  that  they  got  more  work  from 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


the  laborers  now  than  they  formerly  did,  and  they  are  relieved  from 
a great  responsibility.” — Joseph  Hamilton. 

According  to  the  declaration  of  one  of  the  special  magistrates, 
“ Barbadoes  has  long  been  distinguished  for  its  devotion  to  slavery.” 
There  is  probably  no  portion  of  the  globe  where  slave-holding,  slave- 
driving, and  slave-labor,  have  been  reduced  to  a more  perfect  sys- 
tem. The  records  of  slavery  in  Barbadoes  are  stained  with  bloody 
atrocities.  The  planters  uniformly  spoke  of  slavery  as  a system  of 
cruelties. 

The  slaves  were  not  unfrequently  worked  in  the  streets  of  Bridge- 
town with  chains  on  the  wrists  and  ankles.  Flogging  on  the  estates 
and  in  the  town,  were  no  less  public  than  frequent,  and  there  was  an 
utter  shamelessness  often  in  the  manner  of  its  infliction.  Even  women 
were  stripped  naked  on  the  sides  of  the  streets,  and  their  backs  lace- 
rated with  the  whip.  It  was  a common  practice,  when  a slave  of- 
fended a while  man,  for  the  master  to  send  for  a public  whipper, 
and  order  him  to  take  the  slave  before  the  door  of  the  person  offend- 
ed, and  flog  him  till  the  latter  was  satisfied.  White  females  would 
order  their  male  slaves  to  be  stripped  naked  in  their  presence  and 
and  flogged,  while  they  would  look  on  to  see  that  their  orders  were 
faithfully  executed.  Sir.  Prescod  mentioned  an  instance  which  he 
himself  witnessed  near  Bridgetown.  He  had  seen  an  aged  female 
slave,  stripped  and  whipped  by  her  own  son,  a child  of  twelve,  at 
the  command  of  the  mistress. 

Hostility  to  emancipation  prevailed  in  Barbadoes.  That  island  has 
always  been  peculiarly  attached  to  slavery.  From  the  beginning  of 
the  anti-slavery  agitations  in  England,  the  Barbadians  distinguished 
themselves  by  their  inveterate  opposition.  As  the  grand  result  ap- 
proximated they  increased  their  resistance.  They  appealed,  remon- 
strated, begged,  threatened,  deprecated,  and  imprecated.  They  con- 
tinually protested  that  abolition  would  ruin  the  colony — that  the  ne- 
groes could  never  be  brought  to  work — especially  to  raise  sugar — 
without  the  whip.  They  both  besought  and  demanded  of  the  Eng- 
lish that  they  should  cease  their  interference  with  their  private  affairs 
and  personal  property. 

From  statements  already  made,  the  reader  will  see  how  great  a 
change  has  come  over  the  feelings  of  the  planters.  If  he  has  fol- 
lowed us,  he  has  seen  tranquillity  taking  the  place  of  insurrections, 
a sense  of  security  succeeding  to  gloomy  forebodings,  and  public  or- 
der supplanting  mob  law  ; he  has  seen  subordination  to  authority, 
peacefulness,  industry,  and  increasing  morality,  characterizing  the 
negro  population  ; he  has  seen  property  rising  in  value,  crime  les- 
sening, expenses  of  labor  diminishing,  the  whole  island  blooming 
with  unexampled  cultivation,  and  waving  with  crops  unprecedented 
in  the  memory  of  its  inhabitants  ; above  all,  he  has  seen  licentious- 
ness decreasing,  prejudice  fading  away,  marriage  extending,  educa- 
tion spreading,  and  religion  preparing  to  multiply  her  churches  and 
missionaries  over  the  land. 

These  are  the  blessings  of  abolition — begun  only,  and  but  partial- 
ly realized  as  yet,  but  promising  a rich  maturity  in  time  to  come, 
after  the  work  of  freedom  shall  have  been  completed. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


We  were  introduced  to  the  Solicitor-General,  William  Henry 
Anderson,  Esq.  of  Kingston.  Mr.  A.  is  a Scotchman,  and  has  re- 
sided in  Jamaica  for  mere  than  six  years.  We  found  him  the  fear- 
less advocate  of  negro  emancipation.  lie  exposed  the  corruptions 
and  abominations  of  the  apprenticeship  without  reserve.  He  says  ; 

“ A very  material  change  for  the  better  has  taken  place  in  the  sen- 
timents of  the  community  since  slavery  was  abolished.  Religion  and 
education  were  formerly  opposed  as  subversive  of  the  security  of  proper- 
ty ; now  they  are  in  the  most  direct  manner  encouraged  as  its  best  sup- 
port. The  value  of  all  kinds  of  property  has  risen  considerably,  and 
a general  sense  of  security  appears  to  be  rapidly  pervading  the  pub-  , 
lie  mind.  I have  not  heard  one  man  assert  that  it  would  be  an  ad- 
vantage to  return  to  slavery,  even  were  it  practicable;  and  I believe 
that  the  public  is  beginning  to  see  that  slave-labor  is  not  the  cheapest. 

“ The  prejudices  against  color  are  rapidly  vanishing.  I do  not 
think  there  is  a respectable  man,  I mean  one  who  would  be  regarded 
as  respectable  on  account  of  his  good  sense  and  weight  of  character, 
who  would  impugn  another’s  conduct  for  associating  with  persons  of 
color.  So  far  as  my  observation  goes,  those  who  would  formerly 
have  acted  on  these  prejudices,  will  be  ashamed  to  own  that  they  had 
entertained  them.  The  dislinetion  of  superior  acquirements  still  be-  I 
longs  to  the  whites,  as  a body  ; but  that,  and  character,  will  shortly 
be  ihc  only  distinguishing  mark  recognized  among  us. 

“ I think  the  negroes  might  have  been  emancipated  as  safely  in 
1834,  as  in  1840  ; and  had  the  emancipation  then  taken  place,  they 
would  be  found  much  further  in  advance  in  1840,  than  they  can  be 
after  the  expiration  of  the  present  period  of  apprenticeship,  through 
which  all,  both  apprentices  and  masters,  are  laboring  heavily.” 

Trade  is  now  equalizing  itself  among  all  classes.  A spirit  of  com- 
petition is  awakened,  banks  have  been  established,  steam  navigation 
introduced,  rail-roads  projected,  old  highways  repaired,  and  new 
ones  opened.  The  descendants  of  the  slaves  are  rapidly  supplying 
the  places  which  were  formerly  filled  by  whiles  from  abroad. 

We  had  some  conversation  with  several  apprentices,  who  called  on 
Mr.  Bourne  for  advice  and  aid.  They  all  thought  the  apprenticeship 
very  hard,  but  still,  on  the  whole,  liked  it  better  than  slavery.  They 
“ were  killed  too  bad,” — that  was  their  expression — during  slavery — 
were  worked  hard  and  terribly  flogged.  They  were  up  ever  so  early 
and  late — .went  out  in  the  mountains  to  work,  when  so  cold  busha 
would  have  to  cover  himself  up  on  the  ground.  Had  little  time  to 
eat,  or  go  to  meeting.  ’Twas  all  slash,  slash  ! Now  they  couldn’t 
be  flogged,  unless  the  magistrate  said  so.  Still  the  busha  was  very 
hard  to  them,  and  many  of  the  apprentices  run  away  to  the  woods, 
they  are  so  badly  used. 

The  actual  working  of  the  apprenticeship  in  Jamaica,  was  the 
specific  object  of  our  investigations  in  that  island.  That  it  had  not 
operated  so  happily  as  in  Barbadoes,  and  in  most  of  the  other  colo- 
nies, was  admitted  by  all  parties.  As  to  the  degree  of  its  failure,  we 
were  satisfied  it  was  not  so  great  as  had  been  represented.  There 
has  been  nothing  of  an  insurrectionary  character  since  the  abolition. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JOHN  JAY. 

AVe  reek  in  vain  in  the  page  of  history  for  the  results  of  honesty, 
justice  and  kindness,  as  exemplified  in  the  dealings  of  nation  towards 
nation  ; or  in  the  conduct  of  the  mighty  and  powerful  towards  the 
defenceless  and  the  weak.  It  was  reserved  for  England  to  furnish 
this  missing  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  world — this  unliinned  pic- 
‘.lire  in  the  Gallery  of  Time. 

Thus  will  Truth  and  Justice  finally  triumph  over  falsehood  and 
oppression.  Their  high  influence,  viewless  as  the  winds,  and  intan- 
gible as  the  magnet’s  sympathy,  wafted  from  heart  to  heart,  with  all 
the  powers  of  Nature  for  allies,  gathers  strength  with  each  setting 
sun  ; and  the  oppressors  who,  trembling  with  the  presentiment  of 
defeat,  attempt  to  stay  the  progress  of  Liberty  by  fierce  resolves,  and 
penal  laws,  and  brutal  force,  exhibit  wisdom  akin  to  that  of  Xerxes, 
when  he  would  bind  the  Hellespont  with  fetters,  and  punish  it  with 
scourges. 


ORVILLE  L.  HOLLEY. 

A black  empire  is  destined  to  spread  over  the  Caribbean  sea,  and 
shelter,  under  the  banner  of  its  power,  the  long-bound  descendants 
of  Africa  ! Well— let  it  spread  ! If  there  be  any  truth  in  the  origi- 
nal excuse  for  bringing  negroes  to  the  tropical  regions  of  America, 
that  white  men  could  not  cultivate  their  soil,  and  live,  it  will  be  a 
fortunate  event  for  agriculture,  commerce  and  humanity  ; for  if  the 
islands  yield  their  products  so  abundantly  to  the  labor  of  chained 
slaves,  how  much  more  largely  will  they  repay  the  cultivation  of 
freemen  ! 

Let  it  spread — for  if  the  horrible  slave-trade  is  ever  to  be  actually 
abolished,  it  must  be  preceded  by  cutting  off  the  ownership  of  Eu 
rope  in  every  territory  where  white  hands  cannot,  or  will  not  labor. 
Let  it  spread — for  if  old  Africa  is  ever  to  be  civilized — if  her  parched 
solitudes  are  ever  to  be  refreshed  by  the  streams  of  knowledge,  and 
smile  with  the  green  and  bloomy  growth  of  intellectual  and  moral 
culture — if  ever  Ethiopia  is  to  “stretch  forth  her  hands  to  God,”  and 
the  Sun  of  Righteousness  wheel  his  bright  chariot  over  the  idle  realms 
of  that  benighted  continent,  it  must  all  be  done  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  her  American  offspring.  And  it  shall  be  done.  The 
warm-hearted  men,  whom  their  brethren  sold  into  bondage,  are  des- 
tined yet  to  supply  those  brethren  with  the  best  of  food,  from  the  full 
granaries  of  their  power,  and  wealth,  and  knowledge  : the  silver  cup 
too  shall  be  sent  along,  in  which  to  pledge  the  wine  of  reconciliation 
and  joy,  for  the  famine  shall  be  removed  from  the  land  of  their  fathers. 


Anonymous  gift  of  $2,000,  August  1,  1833. 

“One  who  abhors  the  sham  republicanism  of  a republic  which 
holds  nearly  three  millions  of  men,  women,  and  children  in  slavery 
—who  loathes  from  the  lowest  depths  of  his  soul  the  time-serving, 
pusillanimous  and  spurious  Christianity  of  churches  which  refuse  to 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 

• cry  aloud’  or  even  to  cry  at  all  against  the  system  which  prohibits 
marriage  and  the  reading  of  the  Bible,  and  authorizes  the  trafficking! 
in  immortal  god-like  men,  as  if  they  were  beasts — and  who  greatly 
admires  the  unflinching  courage  and  Christian  integrity,  and  genuine 
republicanism  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  herewith  en. 
closes,  on  this  Glorious  Anniversary  of  British  emancipation,  to  the'  ! 
Treasurer  of  said  Society,  a gift  of  two  thousand  dollars.” — Let - 1 

Ur  to  James  Birney. 

HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE,  1 If 

Concerning  the  Effects  of  Immediate  Emancipation. 

When  the  question  of  immediate  abolition  was  first  started  in 
England,  the  friends  of  slavery  vociferated  nothing  more  loudly,  than 
the  danger  of  universal  insurrection  and  bloodshed ; and  nothing  took 
stronger  hold  of  the  sympathies  and  conscientious  fears  of  the  people, 
than  these  repeated  assertions.  This  is  precisely  the  state  of  things  in 
our  own  country,  at  the  present  time.  We  all  know  that  it  is  not 
according  to  human  nature  for  men  to  turn  upon  their  benefactors,  i 
and  do  violence,  at  the  very  moment  they  receive  what  they  have  long 
desired ; but  we  are  so  repeatedly  told  the  slaves  will  murder  their 
masters,  if  they  give  them  freedom,  that  we  can  hardly  help  believing 
that,  in  this  peculiar  case,  the  laws  of  human  nature  must  be  reversed.  : 
Let  us  try  to  divest  ourselves  of  the  fierce  excitement  now  abroad  in 
the  community,  and  calmly  inquire  what  is  the  testimony  of  history  on 
this  important  subject. 

In  June,  1793,  a civil  war  occurred  between  the  aristocrats  and 
republicans  of  St.  Domingo ; and  the  planters  called  in  the  aid  of  Great 
Britain.  The  opposing  party  proclaimed  freedom  to  all  slaves,  and 
armed  them  against  the  British.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  j I 
abolition  of  slavery  in  St.  Domingo  was  in  consequence  of  insurrections 
among  the  slaves ; but  this  is  not  true.  It  was  entirely  a measure  of 
political  expediency.  And  what  were  the  consequences  of  this  sudden 
and  universal  emancipation?  Whoever  will  take  the  pains  to  search  , 
the  histories  of  that  island,  will  find  the  whole  colored  population  . 
remained  faithful  to  the  republican  party  which  had  given  them  freedom.  ; 
The  British  were  defeated,  and  obliged  to  evacuate  the  island.  The  |.l 
sea  being  at  that  time  full  of  British  cruisers,  the  French  had  no  time 
to  attend  to  St.  Domingo,  and  the  colonists  were  left  to  govern  them-  . 
selves.  And  what  was  the  conduct  of  the  emancipated  slaves,  under 
these  circumstances  ? About  500,000  slaves  ha.d  instantaneously  ; 
ceased  to  be  property,  and  were  invested  with  the  rights  of  men  ; yet 
there  was  a decrease  of  crime,  and  every  thing  went  on  quietly  and 
prosperously.  Col.  Malenfant,  who  resided  on  the  island,  says,  in  his  . 
historical  memoir : “ After  this  public  act  of  emancipation,  the  negroes 
remained  quiet  both  in  the  south  and  west,  and  they  continued  to  work 
upon  all  the  plantations.  Even  upon  those  estates  which  had  been 


HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE. 


abandoned  by  owners  and  managers,  the  negroes  continued  their  labor 
where  there  were  any  agents  to  guide ; and  where  no  white  men  were 
left  to  direct  them,  they  betook  themselves  to  planting  provisions.  The 
colony  was  flourishing.  The  whites  lived  happy  and  in  peace  upon 
their  estates,  and  the  negroes  continued  to  work  for  them.” 

General  Lacroix,  in  his  memoirs,  speaking  of  the  same  period,  says: 
“ The  colony  marched  as  by  enchantment  towards  its  ancient  splendor ; 
cultivation  prospered;  every  day  produced  perceptible  proofs  of  its 
progress.” 

This  prosperous  state  of  things  lasted  about  eight  years ; and  would 
probably  have  continued  to  this  day,  had  not  Bonaparte,  at  the  insti- 
gation of  the  old  aristocratic  French  planters,  sent  an  army  to  deprive 
the  blacks  of  the  freedom  which  they  had  used  so  well.  It  was  the 
attempt  to  restore  slavery,  that  produced  all  the  bloody  horrors  of  St. 
Domingo.  Emancipation  produced  the  most  blessed  effects. 

In  June,  1794,  Victor  Hugo,  a French  republican  general,  retook 
the  island  of  Guadaloupe  from  the  British,  and  immediately  proclaimed 
freedom  to  all  the  slaves.  They  were  85,000  in  number,  and  the  whites 
only  13,000.  A’o  disasters  whatever  occurred  in  consequence  of  this  step. 

On  the  10th  of  October,  181 1,  the  congress  of  Chili  decreed  that 
every  child  born  after  that  day  should  be  free. 

In  1821,  the  congress  of  Colombia  emancipated  all  slaves  who  had 
borne  arms  in  favor  of  the  republic ; and  provided  for  the  emancipation 
ui  eighteen  years  of  the  whole  slave  population,  amounting  to  900,000. 

In  September,  1829,  the  government  of  Mexico  granted  immediate 
and  unqualified  freedom  to  every  slave.  In  all  these  cases , not  one 
instance  of  insurrection  or  bloodshed  has  ever  been  heard  of,  as  the  result 
f emancipation. 

In  July,  1823,  30,000  Hottentots  in  Cape  Colony,  were  emancipated 
’rom  their  long  and  cruel  bondage,  and  admitted  by  law  to  all  the 
•ights  and  privileges  of  the  white  colonists.  Outrages  were  predicted, 
is  the  inevitable  consequence  of  freeing  human  creatures  so  completely 
irutalized  as  the  poor  Hottentots but  all  went  on  peaceably ; and  as 
i gentleman  facetiously  remarked,  “Hottentots  as  they  were,  they 
worked  better  for  Mr.  Cask,  than  they  had  ever  done  for  Mr.  Lash.” 

In  the  South  African  Commercial  Advertiser  of  February,  1831,  it 
s stated : “ Three  thousand  prize  negroes  have  received  their  freedom ; 
bur  hundred  in  one  day ; but  not  the  least  difficulty  or  disaster  occured. 
Seramls  found  masters — masters  hired  servants — all  gained  homes,  and 
it  night  scarcely  an  idler  teas  to  be  seen. — To  state  that  sudden  eman- 
■ipation  would  create  disorder  and  distress  to  those  you  mean  to  serve, 
3 not  reason,  but  the  plea  of  all  men  adverse  to  abolition.” 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1834,  the  government  of  Great  Britain  eman- 
cipated the  slaves  in  all  her  colonies,  of  which  she  had  twenty ; seven- 
een  in  the  West  Indies,  and  three  in  the  East  Indies. 

The  numerical  superiority  of  the  negroes  in  the  West  Indies  is  great, 
n Jamaica  there  were  331,000  slaves,  and  only  37,000  whites.  By 
he  clumsy  apprenticeship  system,  the  old  stimulus  of  the  whip  was 
aken  away,  while  the  new  and  better  stimulus  of  wages  was  not 
ipplied.  The  negroes  were  aware  that  if  they  worked  well  they 


ST.  DOMINGO. 


should  not  be  paid  for  it,  and  that  if  they  worked  ill  they  could  not  b. 
flogged,  as  they  had  formerly  been.  Y et  even  under  these  disadvan 
tageous  circumstances,  no  difficulties  occurred  except  in  three  of  th< 
islands ; and  even  there  the  difficulties  were  slight  and  temporary 
The  worst  enemies  of  abolition  have  not  yet  been  able  ti 

SHOW  THAT  A SINGLE  DROP  OF  BLOOD  HAS  BEEN  SHED,  OR  A SINGLI 
PLANTATION  FIRED,  IN  CONSEQUENCE  OF  EMANCIPATION,  IN  ALL  TH1 

British  West  Indies! 

Antigua  and  Bermuda  did  not  try  the  apprenticeship  system  ; bu 
at  once  gave  the  stimulus  of  wages.  In  those  islands  not  the  sliglites 
difficulties  have  occured.  The  journals  of  Antigua  say  : “ The  grea 
doubt  is  solved ; and  the  highest  hopes  of  the  negro’s  friends  are  ful 
filled.  Thirty  thousand  men  have  passed  from  slavery  into  freedom 
not  only  without  the  slightest  irregularity,  but  with  the  solemn  am 
decorous  tranquillity  of  a Sabbath  !” 

In  Antigua  there  are  2,000  whites,  30,000  slaves,  and  4,500  Ire  m 
blacks. 

Antigua  and  St.  Christopher’s  are  within  gunshot  of  each  other 
both  are  sugar  growing  colonies  ; and  the  proportion  of  blacks  is  les 
in  St.  Christopher’s  than  it  is  in  Antigua  ; yet  the  former  island  ha 
had  some  difficulty  with  the  gradual  system,  wliile  the  quiet  of  th 
latter  has  not  been  disturbed  for  one  hour  by  immediate  emancipalim 
Do  not  these  facts  speak  volumes  ? 

The  results  of  the  British  Emancipation  Bill,  in  a pecuniary  poin 
of  view,  are  truly  surprising.  To  the  astonishment  of  even  the  mos1 
sanguine  friends  of  abolition,  the  plantations  of  the  colonies  are  mor 
productive,  more  easily  managed  and  accepted  as  securities  for  highe 
sums  on  mortgage  than  ever  they  were  under  the  slave  system.  1 
appears  from  an  official  statement,  that,  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  pre 
sent  year  there  is  an  increase  over  the  average  of  the  first  quarter  o 
the  three  years  preceding  (emancipation,)  of  the  great  staples  o, 
West  Indian  produce  exported. 

From  Georgetown,  (Demerara,)  20  per  cent  increase, 

From  Berbice,  50  per  cent  increase, 

and  on  coffee  about  100  per  cent ! 


ilit. 


The  hundred  million  indemnity  thus  appears  to  have  been  a con 
pensation  of  a novel  kind,  a compensation  for  being  made  richer.-' 
New  York  Evening  Post. 


ST.  DOMINGO. 


In  most  other  countries  we  have  ministers,  or  at  least  consuls  ! 
watch  over  the  interests  of  our  merchants  ; but  to  send  a minister  i| 
consul  to  St.  Domingo  would  be  so  revolting  to  the  feelings  of  oi 
southern  brethren,  that  they  would  probably  threaten  to  dissolve  tl 
Union,  and  so  our  merchants  are  left  to  take  care  of  their  own  interes 
there.  It  may  be  useful  to  compare  the  amount  of  those  interests  wil 
the  amount  of  their  interests  in  certain  other  countries,  where  we  hai 
consuls,  and  in  some  instances  ministers. 


Itich 
Mr. 
fere  n 
tali 


Ilian, 
linic 
ill  cor 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


HOWE  PETER. 

When  the  Marquis  of  Sligo  retired  from  the  government  of  the  is. 
land  of  Jamaica,  in  1836,  the  apprentices  raised  a contribution 
amounting  to  §>1,000,  to  procure  a suitable  testimonial  of  their  gra- 
titude to  his  lordship,  for  the  protection  and  kindness  afforded  by  Ins 
administration.  This  sum  was  sent  home  by  the  hand  of  Joseph 
Sturge,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  a committee  in  London,  consist- 
ing of  T.  F.  Buxton,  Esq.  Rt.  Hon.  Dr.  Lushington,  M.P.  Sir 
George  Stephen,  Capt.  Moorsom,  R.N.  W.  B.  Gurney,  Esq.  Rev.  John 
Dyer,  Rev.  John  Burnet,  Joseph  Sturge,  Esq.  and  John  Sturge. 
The  committee  procured  a splendid  silver  candelabrum,  which  they 
presented  to  his  lordship,  March  16,  1839,  with  a suitable  address, 
in  the  presence  of  Lord  Brougham,  Sir  George  Strickland,  Hon  C. 
P.  Villers,  M.P.  W.  Evans,  Esq.  M.P.  Jos.  Pease,  Esq.  M.P.  and 
others.  In  his  reply,  the  noble  Marquis  said, 

“ It  is  with  feelings  of  no  little  pride  that  I receive  this  testimonial 
of  the  gratitude  and  good  opinion  of  the  Negroes  of  Jamaica.  When 
I remember  that  the  subscription  for  its  purchase  was  made  after  I 
had  left  the  island,  when  no  advantage  could  be  gained  by  its  pro. 
motion,  and  that  it  is  the  only  instance  which  ever  has  occurred,  or 
can  occur  in  these  dominions,  of  the  presentation  of  such  a tribute 
of  respect  from  persons  still  in  a state  of  modified  slavery,  I value  it 
so  much  that  I would  not  exchange  it  for  the  highest  distinction 
which  the  favor  of  my  sovereign  could  bestow.” 

THE  INSCRIPTION. 

“ Presented  to  the  most  noble,  Howe  Peter,  Marquis  of  Sligo,  by 
the  Negroes  of  Jamaica,  in  testimony  of  the  grateful  remembrance 
they  entertain  for  Iris  unremitting  efforts  to  alleviate  their  sufferings 
and  to  redress  their  wrongs,  during  his  just  and  enlightened  admin- 
istration of  the  government  of  the  island,  and  of  the  respect  and 
gratitude  they  feel  towards  his  excellent  lady  and  family,  for  the 
kindness  and  sympathy  displayed  towards  them — 1837.” 


JOHN  SCOBLE. 

At  a meeting  in  Chatham  streets  chapel,  New- York  1839,  prayer 
having  been  offered  by  Rev.  S.  S.  Jocelyn,  Mr.  Scoble  was  intro- 
duced to  the  assembly  by  Arthur  Tappan,  Esq.  chairman  of  the  meet, 
ing,  and  stated  that  he  should  prefer,  that  instead  of  making  an  ad- 
dress, questions  be  put  to  him  that  would  elicit  any  information  of 
which  he  might  be  possessed. 

Mr.  Scoble  adduced  facts  to  show  that  the  planters,  as  a body, 
were  never  in  so  flourishing  circumstances  as  now.  Very  many  of 
them  have  paid  off  their  mortgages,  and  made  improvements  on  their 
estates.  He  then  read  an  interesting  passage  from  the  Jamaica  his- 
torian, Long,  and  documents  furnished  by  the  House  of  Assembly  at 
Jamaica,  giving  a disastrous  view  of  the  island  before  emancipation, 
and  contrasted  it  with  the  appearance  at  the  present  time.  One  of 
the  gentlemen  from  Jamaica  then  said,  he  admitted  that  they  did 
make  excellent  crops  of  sugar  and  coffee  in  1838. 


25 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Some  one  then  asked  about  the  comparative  value  of  estates  pre- 
vious  and  subsequent  to  emancipation.  Mr.  Scoble  replied  that  the 
value  had  increased  from  ten  to  fifty  per  cent  in  different  colonies. 

He  stated  that  a Mr.  Allen,  of  Barbados,  became  alarmed,  and  sold 
his  estates  for  £’27,000  sterling,  and  soon  afterwards  repurchased  it 
for  £30,000  sterling.  Indeed,  said  Mr.  Scoble,  the  lands  now  will 
sell  for  as  much  as  both  land  and  slaves  would  bring  under  the  sys- 
tem of  slavery. 

A question  was  then  put  relative  to  the  moral  character  of  the  ne- 
groes since  emancipation.  Mr.  Scoble  went  on  to  state  that  the  num- 
ber of  prisoners,  in  the  jails,  had  greatly  decreased  from  1836  to 
1839,  that  almost  all  those  confined  for  capital  offences  were  white 
men,  that  the  offences  committed  by  the  negroes  were  generally  petty 
assaults  on  each  other  ; that  there  had  not  been  one  conviction  for 
an}'  assault  by  a negro  on  a white  man  since  emancipation  ! He  pro- 
ceeded to  remark  that  now  marriage  was  sanctioned  by  law,  and  was 
“ honorable  in  all.”  A great  improvement  had  taken  place,  in  this 
respect,  among  the  whites  as  well  as  blacks.  That  during  his  whole 
tour  through  the  British  West  Indies  he  had  not  met  with  a single 
planter  who  said  he  was  willing  to  return  to  the  old  system.  He 
said  he  would  appeal  to  the  gentlemen  from  Jamaica  now  present,  if 
he  were  incorrect.  They  both  exclaimed,  “certainly  not.”  (Great 
applause.)  A planter  of  great  respectability  in  Barbados,  told  Mr. 
Scoble  that  he  remembered  the  time  when  he  thought  he  would  be 
doing  God  service  if  he  had  put  a pistol  ball  through  the  brains  of 
Wilberforce  or  Buxton  ; but  that  now  he  could  go  on  his  knees  and 
clasp  theirs,  and  bless  them  for  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

VICTORIA  REGINA. 

My  Lords  and  Gentlemen-. — “ It  is  with  great  satisfaction  that  I am 
enabled  to  inform  you,  that  throughout  the  whole  of  my  West  Indian 
possessions,  the  period  fixed  by  law  for  the  final  and  complete  eman- 
cipation of  the  negroes  has  been  anticipated  by  acts  of  the  colonial 
legislature,  and  that  the  transition  from  the  temporary  system  of  ap. 
prenticeship  to  entire  freedom,  has  taken  place  without  any  distur-  : 
bance  of  public  order  and  tranquillity.  Any  measures  which  may  be  1 
necessary  in  order  to  give  full  effect  to  this  great  and  beneficial  change  j 
will,  I have  no  doubt,  receive  your  c'areful  attention. — Speech  to 
Parliament,  Feb.  5,  1839. 

It  is  with  great  satisfaction,  I inform  you,  that  I have  concluded  : 
with  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  the  King  of  the  French,*  the  King  of 
Prussia,  and  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  a treaty  for  the  effectual  sup. 
pression  of  the  slave  trade,  which,  when  the  ratifications  shall  have  1 

been  exchanged,  will  be  communicated  to  Parliament Speech 

Feb.  3,  1842. 


Postponed 


JEAN  PIERRE  BOYER SIMON  BOLIVAR 


JEAN  PIERRE  BOYER. 

The  President  of  Hayti  lias  received,  with  your  letter  of  the  10th  of 
October  last,  the  different  publications  that  you  have  sent  him. 

His  Excellency  congratulates  you  on  the  perseverance  with  which 
you  have  pursued  the  work  of  abolition  of  slavery.  The  warmest 
desires  of  philanthropists  accompany  you  in  this  difficult  enterprise, 
and  the  President  of  Hayti  doubts  not  that  this  holy  cause  will  con- 
clude by  obtaining  the  triumph  it  merits. 

I seize,  sir,  this  occasion  of  assuring  you  of  the  particular  desire  I 
entertain  for  the  success  of  yrour  glorious  work,  and  renew  the  expres- 
sion of  my  high  esteem.  B.  Inginac. 

Letter  to  B.  Lundy,  Nov.  17,  1836. 

SIMON  BOLIVAR. 

I beg  as  fervently  of  my  country  as  I would  for  the  lives  of  my  chil- 
dren, that  you  will  never  consent  that  clime,  or  color,  or  creed,  should 
make  any  distinction  in  your  republic. — Address  to  the  Senators  of 
Colombia. 

Legislators ! Slavery  is  the  infringement  of  all  laws.  A law  having 
a tendency  to  preserve  slavery,  would  be  the  grossest  sacrilege.  Man 
to  be  possessed  by  Iris  fellow  man  ! — man  to  be  made  property  of! 
The  image  of  the  Deity  to  be  put  u:i  i r the  yoke ! Let  these  usurpers 
show  us  their  title-deeds  ! — Address  to  the  Legislature  of  Bolivia  and 
Peru. 

“ This  distinguished  man,  who  was  second  to  none  for  patriotism 
and  political  philanthropy  that  the  last  dozen  centuries  have  produced, 
is  no  more.  He  has  left  an  example  worthy  the  imitation  of  all  slave- 
holders of  every  country  and  dime. 

“ In  addition  to  Iris  great  and  untiring  efforts  to  break  the  chains  of 
clerical  and  political  bondage  that  oppressed  his  countrymen,  he  acted 
the.part  of  perfect  consistency  in  using  his  influence  for  the  enfran- 
chisement of  the  African  slaves,  who  were  there  reduced  to  abject  ser- 
vility. We  have  been  informed  that,  in  the  early  stage  of  the  Colom- 
bian revolution,  he  emancipated  from  700  to  1,000  slaves ; and  that 
he  strenuously  and  successfully  urged  the  total  abolition  of  slavery 
by  the  government.  -Since  his  death  it  is  stated  that  he  has  freed  150 
more  by  will,  who  were  still  held  by  him,  and  who  probably  preferred 
remaining  with  him  while  he  lived. 


Benjamin  Lundy.’ 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


COLOMBIA. 

The  anxiety  andefforts  of  the  Colombian  government  to  rid  them- 
selves of  the  curse  of  slavery,  and  to  reinstate  an  injured  class  of 
men  in  the  enjoyment  of  those  rights  which  our  Constitution  declares 
to  be  “ inalienable,”  put  to  the  blush  the  tardy  and  heartless  pro- 
ceedings of  the  United  States  Congress  on  the  subject.  Scarcely 
had  that  republic  established  its  own  freedom,  when  it  enacted  laws 
for  extending  the  like  privilege  to  enslaved  Africans  within  its  lim- 
its. Certain  revenues  arising  in  the  different  provinces  were  sa- 
credly set  apart  for  this  purpose,  beginning  with  those  who  were 
most  worthy  to  be  free,  and  always  proceeding  with  the  consent  of 
the  proprietors.  At  the  same  lime  it  was  provided  that  the  children 
of  slaves  born  after  a certain  period,  should  be  inviolably  free.  The 
number  of  slaves  since  the  law  went  inlo  operation,  is  probably  not 
less  than  20.000.  Let  this  system  be  continued  a few  years  longer, 
and  to  the  triumph  of  their  arms,  the  Columbians  will  add  this  great- 
er glory,  that  ihe  groans  of  a slave  are  not  heard  from  the  Orinoco 
to  the  Assuay.” — Niles  Register , August  Is/,  1829,  vol.  36,  p.  367. 

UR  AC  U AY. 

Uraguay  has  abolished  slavery  within  its  territory.  A decree  of 
the  Government  dated  12th  December,  1842,  thus  commences: 
“ From  and  after  the  promulgation  of  the  present  resolution,  there 
shall  be  no  slaves  in  this  republic.”  The  whole  civilized  world  is 
arraying  itself  against  the  atrocious  crime  of  slavery American. 

The  republic  of  Uraguay  in  South  America  is  about  as  large  as 
Texas  ; possessing  about  the  same  climate,  and  is  about  as  far  south 
of  the  Equator,  as  Texas  and  Florida  are  north  of  it.  It  possesses 
great  Commercial  advantages,  as  it  lies  north  and  immediately  bor- 
dering upon  the  great  Rivei  De  La  Plata  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 
It  contains  a population  of  85,000.  Its  principal  Commercial  town 
is  Montevideo. — Patriot. 

INDIA. 

Glorious  Triumph  in  India. — One  million  and  an  half  of  slaves 
made  freemen  ! No  slavery,  now,  under  the  entire  dominions  of 
Queen  Victoria  ! No  more  comfort  to  American  woman-whippers 
from  the  inconsistencies  of  Great  Britain.  The  Governor  General 
of  India  has  promulgated  the  following  law,  which  was  to  go  into 
operation  on  the  4lh  of  this  month, — Ibid. 

An  act  for  declaring  and  amending  the  law  regarding  the  condi- 
tion of  slavery  within  the  territories  of  the  East  India  Company. 

1.  It  is  hereby  enacted  and  declared,  that  no  public  officer,  in  ex- 
ecution of  any  decree  or  order  of  court,  or  for  the  enforcement  of 
any  demand  of  rent  or  revenue,  sell,  or  cause  to  be  sold,  any  person 
or  the  right  to  the  compulsory  labor  or  services  of  any  person,  on 
the  ground  that  such  a person  is  in  a state  of  slavery. 

2.  And  it  is  hereby  declared  and  enacted,  that  no  rights  arising 
out  of  an  alleged  property  ir,  the  person  and  services  of  another  as 
a slave,  shall  be  enforced  by  any  civil  or  criminal  court  or  magis- 
trate within  the  territories  of  the  East  India  Company. 


GREAT  BRITAIN. 


GREAT  BRITAIN. 


Act  of  3 and  4 William  IV,  chapter  lxxiii,  § 12. 

Be  it  enacted,  that  all  and  every  of  the  persons,  who,  on  the  first  day 
of  August,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty-four,  shall  be  holden 
in  slavery  within  any  such  British  colony  as  aforesaid,  shall,  upon,  and 
from  and  after  the  first  day  of  August,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
thirty-four,  become  and  be  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  free  and 
discharged  of,  and  from  all  manner  of  slavery,  and  shall  be  absolutely 
and  for  ever  manumitted ; and  that  the  children  thereafter  to  be  born 
to  any  such  persons,  and  the  offspring  of  such  children,  shall  in  like 
manner  be  free  from  their  birth ; and  that  from  and  after  the  first  day 
of  August,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty-four,  SLAVERY 
shall  be,  and  is  hereby  utterly  and  for  ever  ABOLISHED  and  declared 
unlawful  throughmd  the  British  colonies,  plantations,  and  possessions 
abroad. 


25* 


BLACIiSTONE SHARP THOMAS  CLARKSON. 


WILLIAM  BLACKSTONE. 

Those  rights  which  God  and- nature  have  established,  and  are, 
therefore,  called  natural  rights — such  as  life  and  liberty — need  not  the 
aid  of  human  laws  to  be  more  effectually  invested  in  every  man  than 
they  are ; neither  do  they  receive  any  additional  strength  when  declared 
by  the  municipal  laws  to  be  inviolable.  On  the  contrary,  no  human 
legislature  has  power  to  abridge  or  destroy  them,  unless  the  owner 
himseif  shall  commit  some  act  which  amounts  to  a forfeiture. 

The  first  and  primary  end  of  all  human  laws  is,  to  maintain  and 
regulate  those  absolute  rights  of  individuals.  The  absolute  rights  of 
man,  considered  as  a free  agent,  endowed  with  discernment  to  know 
good  from  evil,  and  with  power  of  choosing  those  measures  which 
appear  to  him  most  desirable,  arc  usually  summed  up  in  one  general 
appellation,  and  denominated  the  natural  liberty  of  mankind.  This 
natural  liberty  consists,  pioperly  in  a power  of  acting  as  one  thinks  fit, 
without  any  restraint  or  control,  unless  by  the  law  of  nature,  being  a 
right  inherent  in  us  by  birth,  and  one  of  the  gifts  of  God  to  man  at  his 
creation,  when  he  endued  him  with  the  faculty  office  will.  But  every 
man,  when  he  enters  into  society,  gives  up  a part  of  his  natural  liberty, 
as  the  price  of  so  valuable  a purchase ; and,  in  consideration  of  receiving 
the  advantages  of  mutual  commerce,  obliges  himself  to  coniform  to 
those  laws  which  the  community  has  thought  proper  to  establish. 

These  rights  and  liberties  are  no  other  than  either  that  residuum 
of  natural  liberty  which  is  not  required  by  the  laws  of  society  to  be 
sacrificed  to  public  convenience ; or  else  those  civil  privileges  which 
society  hath  engaged  to  provide  in  lieu  of  the  natural  liberties  so  given 
up  by  individuals. — These  are,  the  right  of  personal  security,  the  right 
of  personal  liberty,  and  the  right  of  private  property. — Commentaries. 


GRANVILLE  SHARP. 

“If  such  laws  are  not  absolutely  necessary  for  the  government  of 
slaves,  the  law-makers  must  unavoidably  allow  themselves  to  be  the 
most  cruel  and  abandoned  tyrants  upon  earth,  and,  perhaps  that  ever 
■were  on  earth.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  if  it  he  said  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  govern  slaws,  without  suck  inhuman  seventy  and  detestable 
injustice,  the  same  is  an  invincible  argument  against  the  hast  toleration 
of  slavery  among  Christian's;  because  temporal  profits,  cannot  com- 
pensate the  forfeiture  of  everlasting  welfare — that  llic  cries  of  these 
much  injured  people  will  certainly  reach  heaven — that  the  Scriptures 
denounce  a tremendous  judgment  against  the  man  who  shell  offend 
one  little  one — that  it  were  better  for  the  nation  that  their  American 
dominions  had  never  existed , or  even  that  they  had  sunk  in  the  sea,  than 
that  the  kingdom  of  Great  Brihrin  should  be  loaded  with  tiie  horrid  guill. 
of  tolerating  such  abominable  wickedness ,”  &c. — Journal,  Feb.  18 th,  1 772. 

THOMAS  CLARKSON. 


I passed  through  no  town  in  which  some  individual  had  not  left  off 
the  use  of  sugar.  In  the  smaller  towns  there  were  from  ten  to  fifty  by 
estimation,  and  in  the  larger,  from  two  to  five  hundred,  who  had  made 


■WILLIAM  WORDSWORTH WILBER  FORCE. 


this  sacrifice  to  virtue.  These  were  of  all  ranks  and  parties.  Rich 
and  poor,  churchmen  and  dissenters,  had  adopted  the  measure.  Even 
grocers  had  left  oft'trading  in  the  article  in  some  places.  In  gentlemen’s 
families,  where  the  master  had  set  the  example,  the  servants  had  often 
voluntarily  followed  it ; even  children,  capable  of  understanding  the 
African’s  sufferings,  excluded,  with  the  most  virtuous  resolution,  the 
accustomed  sweets  from  their  lips.  By  the  least  computation  I could 
make,  from  notes  taken  down  in  my  journey,  no  fewer  than  three 
hundred  thousand  (300,000)  persons  had  abandoned  the  use  of  sugar. 

This  account  of  the  manner  in  which  light  and  information  proceed  in 
a free  country,  furnishes  us  with  some  valuable  knowledge.  It  shows 
us,  first,  the  great  importance  of  education ; for  all  they  who  can  read 
may  become  enlightened.  They  may  gain  as  much  from  the  dead  as 
from  die  living.  They  may  see  the  sentiments  of  former  ages.  Thus 
they  may  contract,  by  degress,  habits  of  virtuous  inclination,  and 
become  fitted  to  join  with  others  in  the  removal  of  any  of  the  evils  of  life. 

It  shows  us,  secondly,  how  that  encouraging  maxim  may  become 
true,  That  no  good  effort  is  ever  lost.  For  if  he,  who  makes  the 
virtuous  attempt,  should  be  prevented  by  death  from  suceeding  in  it, 
can  he  not  speak  through  the  tomb  ? TV  ill  not  his  works  still  breathe 
his  sentiments  upon  it  ? May  not  the  opinions,  and  the  facts,  which 
he  has  recorded  meet  the  approbation  of  ten  thousand  readers  of  whom 
it  is  propable,  in  the  common  course  of  things,  that  some  will  branch 
out  of  him  as  authors,  and  others  as  actors  or  laborers,  in  the  same 
cause  ?* 

WILLIAM  WORDSWORTH. 

TO  THOMAS  CLARKSON. 

On  the  final  passing  of  the  Bill  for  the  abolition  of  the  Slave-trade,  March,  1807. 

Clarkson  ! it  was  an  obstinate  hill  to  climb : 

How  toilsome— nay,  how  dire  it  was,  by  thee 
Is  known,  by  none  perhaps,  so  feelingly  ; 

But,  thou,  who  starting  in  thy  fervent  prime 
Did’st  first  lead  forth  this  pilgrimage  sublime, 

Hast  heard  its  constant  voice  its  charge  repeat, 

Which  out  of  thy  young  heart’s  oracular  seat, 

First  roused  thee. — O true  yoke-fellow  of  time 
With  urabating  effort,  see,  tne  palm 
Is  won,  and  by  all  nations  shall  be  worn  I 
The  bloody  writing  is  for  ever  tom, 

And  thou  henceforth  shalt  have  a good  man’s  calm, 

A great  man's  happiness  ; thy  zeal  shall  find 
Repose  at  length  firm  friend  of  human  kind  ! 

WILLIAM  WILBER  FORGE. 

It  was  ridiculous  to  say  that  men  would  be  bound  by  theft:  interest, 
when  gain  or  ardent  passion  urged  them.  It  might  as  well  be  asserted 

* “ Resolved,  That  the  Speaker  be  requested  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  and 
acceptance  of  Clarkson’s  History  of  Slavery,  presented  by  the  American  Con- 
vention for  promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  improving  the  conuition  of 
the  Africans,  and  that  the  said  work  be  deposited  in  the  library” — House  of 
Representatives,  Feb.  18,  1809. 


WILLIAM  PITT EDMUND  BURKE. 


' that  a stone  could  not  be  thrown  into  the  air,  or  a body  move  from 
place  to  place,  because  the  principles  of  gravitation  bound  them  to  the 
surface  of  the  earth.  If  a planter  iound  himself  reduced  in  his  profits, 
he  did  not  usually  dispose  of  any  part  of  his  slaves;  and  his  own 
gratifications  were  never  given  up,  so  long  as  there  was  a possibility 
of  making  any  retrenchment  in  the  allowance  of  his  slaves. 

It  was  the  gracious  ordinance  of  Providence,  both  in  the  natural  and 
moral  world,  that  good  should  often  arise  out  of  evil.  Hurricanes 
cleared  the  air ; and  the  propagation  of  truth  was  promoted  by  perse- 
cu'ion.  Pride,  vanity,  and  profusion  contributed  often,  in  their  re- 
moter consequences,  to  the  happiness  of  mankind.  In  common,  what. 

W'as  itself  evil  and  vicious  was  permitted  to  carry  along  with  it  some  ! 
circumstances  of  palliation.  The  Arab  was  hospitable  ; the  robber 
brave.  We  did  not  necessarily  find  cruelty  associated  with  fraud,  or 
meanness  with  injustice.  But  here  the  case  was  far  otherwise.  It 
was  the  prerogative  of  this  detestable  traffic  to  separate  from  evil  its 
concomitant  good,  and  to  reconcile  discordant  mischiefs.  It  robbed  f1 
war  of  its  generosity  ; it  deprived  peace  of  its  security  ; W'e  saw  in  it 
the  vices  of  polished  society,  without  its  knowledge  or  its  comforts ; 
and  the  evils  of  barbarism  without  its  simplicity.  No  age,  no  sex,  no 
rank,  no  condition,  was  exempt  from  the  fatal  influence  of  this  wide- 
wasting  calamity.  Tims  it  attained  to  the  fullest  measure  of  pure,  un- 
mixed, unsophisticated  wdekedness  ; and,  scorning  all  competition  and 
comparison,  it  stood  without  a rival  in  the  secure,  undisputed  posses- 
sion of  its  detestable  pre-eminence. 

WILLIAM  PITT. 

Mr.  Pitt  rose,  and  said,  that  from  the  first  hour  of  his  having  had  the 
honor  to  sit  in  parliament  dow'n  to  the  present,  among  all  the  questions, 
whether  political  or  personal,  in  which  it  had  been  his  fortune  to  take 
a share,  there  never  had  been  one  in  which  his  heart  w'as  so  deeply  in- 
terested as  in  the  present ; both  on  account  of  the  serious  principles 
involved,  and  the  consequences  connected  with  it. 

The  present  w'as  not  a mere  question  of  feeling.  The  argument, 
which  ought  in  his  opinion  to  determine  the  committee,  was,  that  the  i i 
slave-trade  w’as  unjust.  It  was,  therefore,  such  a trade  as  it  was  im-  > I 
possible  for  him  to  support,  unless  it  could  be  first  proved  to  him,  that 
there  were  no  laws  of  morality  binding  upon  nations  ; and  that  it  was 
not  the  duty  of  a legislature  to  restrain  its  subjects  from  invading  the  I 
happiness  of  other  countries,  and  from  violating  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  justice. 

EDMUND  BURKE. 

Nothing  makes  a slave  but  a degraded  man.  In  proportion  as  the 
mind  grows  callous  to  its  degradation,  and  all  sense  of  manly  pride  is 
lost,  the  slave  feels  comfort.  In  fact,  he  is  no  longer  a man.  If  he 
were  to  define  a man,  he  would  say  with  Shakspeare, 

“ Man  is  a being,  holding  large  discourse, 

Looking  before  and  after.” 

But  a slave  was  incapable  of  looking  before  and  after.  He  had  no 


JOHN  COURTENAY CHARLES  JAMES  FOX. 


mot've  to  do  it.  He  was  a mere  passive  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
others,  to  be  used  at  their  discretion.  Though  living,  he  was  dead  as 
to  all  voluntary  agency.  Though  moving  amidst  the  creation  with  an 
erect  form,  and  with  the  shape  and  semblance  of  a human  being,  he 
was  a nullity  as  a man. 

He  said  the  slave-trade  was  directly  contrary  to  the  principles  of 
humanity  and  justice,  and  that  the  state  of  slavery  which  followed  it, 
however  mitigated,  was  a state  so  improper,  so  degrading,  and  so 
ruinous  to  the  feelings  and  capacities  of  human  nature,  that  it  ought 
not  to  be  suffered  to  exist. 

JOHN  COURTENAY. 

The  trade,  it  had  been  said,  was  conducted  upon  the  principles  of 
humanity.  Y es : we  rescued  the  Africans  from  what  we  were  pleased 
to  call  their  wretched  situation  in  their  own  country,  and  then  we  took 
credit  for  our  humanity  ; because,  after  having  killed  one  half  of  them 
ui  the  seasoning,  we  substituted  what  we  were  pleased  to  call  a better 
treatment  than  that  which  they  would  have  experienced  at  home. 

It  had  been  said  by  Air.  Stanley,  that  the  pulpit  had  been  used  as 
an  instrument  of  attack  on  the  slave-trade.  He  u'as  happy  to  leam  it 
had  been  so  well  employed  ; and  he  hoped  the  bishops  would  rise  up 
in  the  house  of  lords,  with  the  virtuous  indignation  which  became 
[hem,  to  abolish  a traffic  so  contrary  to  humanity,  justice,  and  religion. 

CHARLES  JAMES  FOX. 

Some  had  considered  this  question  as  a question  of  political,  whereas 
t was  a question  of  personal  freedom.  Political  freedom  was  un- 
doubtedly a great  blessing ; but,  when  it  came  to  be  compared  with 
personal,  it  sunk  to  nothing.  To  confound  the  two  served  therefore 
:o  render  all  arguments  on  either  perplexing  and  unintelligible.  Per- 
sonal freedom  was  the  first  right  of  every  human  being.  It  was  a right, 
if  which  he  who  deprived  a fellow  creature  was  absolutely  criminal  in 
so  depriving  him,  and  which  he  who  withheld  was  no  less  criminal  in 
withholding.  He  would  say  that  if  the  house,  knowing  what  the  trade 
was  by  the  evidence,  did  not  by  their  vote  mark  to  all  mankind  their 
abhorrence  of  a practice  so  savage,  so  enormous,  so  repugnant  to  all 
laws,  human  and  divine,  they  would  consign  their  characters  to  eter- 
nal infamy. 

But  what  was  our  motive  in  the  case  before  us?  To  continue  a 
rade  which  was  a wholesale  sacrifice  of  a whole  order  and  race  of  our 
fellow  creatures  ; which  carried  them  away  by  force  from  their  native 
country,  in  order  to  subject  them  to  the  mere  will  and  caprice,  the 
cyranny  and  oppression,  of  other  human  beings,  for  their  wffiole  natural 
iives,  them  and  their  posterity  for  ever ! ! O most  monstrous  wicked- 
ness ! O unparalleled  barbarity ! 

Let  them  remember  that  humanity  did  not  consist  in  a squeamish 
car.  It  did  not  consist  in  shrinking  and  starting  at  such  tales  as  these ; 
but  in  a diposition  of  the  heart  to  remedy  the  evils  they  unfolded. 
Humanity  belonged  rather  to  the  mind  than  to  the  nerves.  But,  if  so, 
it  should  prompt  men  to  charitable  exertion. 


PHILIP  FRANCIS MR.  HUDDLE  STONE. 


Let  them  make  the  case  their  own.  This  was  the  Christian  rule  of  ! 
judging;  and,  having  mentioned  Christianity,  he  was  sorry  to  find 
that  any  should  suppose  that  it  had  given  countenance  to  such  a system 
of  oppression.  So  far  was  this  from  being  the  case,  that  he  thought  it 
one  of  the  most  splendid  triumphs  of  this  religion,  that  it  had  caused 
slavery  to  be  so  generally  abolished  on  its  appearance  in  the  world.  It 
had  done  this  by  teaching  us,  among  other  beautiful  precepts,  that,  in 
the  sight  of  their  Maker,  all  mankind  were  equal.  He  knew,  how- 
ever, that  what  he  had  been  ascribing  to  Christianity  had  been  im- 
puted by  others  to  the  advances  which  philosophy  had  made.  Each 
of  the  two  parties  took  the  merit  to  itself  The  philosopher  gave  it  to 
philosophy,  and  the  divine  to  religion.  He  should  not  then  dispute 
with  either  of  them  ; but  as  both  coveted  the  praise,  why  should  they 
not  emulate  each  other  by  promoting  this  improvement  in  the  condition 
of  tile  human  race  ? 

PHILIP  FRANCIS. 

Having  himself  an  interest  in  the  West  Indies,  he  thought  that  what 
he  should  submit  to  the  house  would  have  the  double  effect  of  evidence  , 
and  argument ; and  he  stated  mist  unequivocally  his  opinion,  that  the 
abolition  of  the  slave-trade  would  tend  materially  to  the  benefit  of  the 
West  Indies. — Many  had  affirmed  that  the  slave-trade  was  politic  and 
expedient;  but  it  was  worthy  of  remark,  that  no  man  had  ventured  to 
deny  that  it  was  criminal.  Criminal,  however,  he  declared  it  to  be  in 
the  highest  degree ; and  he  believed  it  was  equally  impolitic.  Both  its 
inexpediency  and  injustice  had  been  established  by  the  honorable 
mover. 

He  instanced  an  overseer,  who,  having  thrown  a negro  into  a cop- 
per of  boiling  cane-juice  for  a trilling  offence,  was  punished  merely  by 
the  loss  of  his  place,  and  by  being  obliged  to  pay  the  value  of  his  slave. 
Pie  stated  another  instance  of  a girl  of  fourteen,  who  w^s  dreadfully 
whipped  for  coming  too  late  to  her  work.  She  fell  down  motionless 
after  it ; and  was  then  dragged  along  the  ground,  by  the  legs,  to  an 
hospital ; where  she  died.  This  was  a notorious  fact.  It  was  pub- 
lished in  the  Jamaica  Gazette : and  it  has  even  happened  since  the 
question  of  the  abolition  had  been  started. 

Tiie  only  argument  used  against  such  cruelties  was  the  master’s 
interest  in  the  slave.  But  he  urged  the  common  cruelty  to  horses,  in 
which  the  drivers  had  an  equal  interest  with  the  drivers  of  men  in  the 
colonies,  a s' a proof  that  this  was  no  secuiity.  He  had  never  heard  an 
instance  of  a master  being  punished  for  the  murder  of  his  slave. 

MR.  PIUDDLESTONE. 

Pie  said  that  a curse  attended  this  trade  even  in  the  mode  of  defend- 
ing it.  By  a certain  fatality,  none  but  the  vilest  arguments  were  brought 
forward,  which  corrupted  the  very  persons,  who  used  them.  Every 
one  of  these  were  built  on  the  narrow  ground  of  interest ; of  pecuniary 
profit ; of  sordid  gain  ; in  opposition  to  every  higher  consideration ; 
to  every  motive  that  had  reference  to  humanity,  justice,  and  religion  ; 
or  to  that  great  principle,  which  comprehended  them  all.  Place  only 


SAMUEL  WHITBREAD THOMAS  ERSKINE. 


before  the  most  determined  advocate  of  this  odious  traffic,  the  exact 
image  of  himself  in  the  garb  and  harness  of  a slave,  dragged  and 
whipped  about  like  a beast ; place  this  image  also  before  him,  and 
paint  it  as  that  of  one  without  a ray  of  hope  to  cheer  him  ; and  you 
would  extort  from  him  the  reluctant  confession,  that  he  would  not 
endure  for  an  hour  the  misery,  to  which  he  condemned  his  fellow- 
man  for  life. 

SAMUEL  WHITBREAD. 

No  eloquence  could  persuade  him,  that  the  Africans  were  torn  from 
their  country  and  their  dearest  connexions,  merely  that  they  might  lead 
a happier  life;  or  that  they  could  be  placed  under  the  uncontrolled 
dominion  of  others  without  suffering.  Arbitrary  power  would  spoil 
the  hearts  of  the  best.  Hence  would  arise  tyranny  on  the  one  side, 
and  a sense  of  injury  on  the  other.  Hence  the  passions  would  be  let 
loose,  and  a state  of  perpetual  enmity  would  follow”. 

He  needed  only  to  go  to  the  accounts  of  those  who  defended  the  sys- 
tem of  slavery,  to  show  that  it  was  cruel.  He  was  forcibly  struck  last 
year-  by  an  expression  of  an  honorable  member,  an  advocate  for  the 
trade,  who,  when  became  to  speak  of  the  slaves,  on  selling  off’ the  stock 
of  a plantation,  saiii,  that  they  fetched  less  than  the  common  price, 
because  they  were  damaged  ! Damaged!  What!  were  they  goods 
and  chattels?  What  an  idea  was  this  to  hold  out  to  our  fellow 
creatures  ! 

THOMAS  ERSKINE. 

Tire  Lord  Chancellor  (Erskine)  said,  “ From  information  which  he 
could  not  dispute,  he  was  warranted  in  saying,  that  on  this  continent 
[Africa]  husbands  w’ere  fraudulently  and  forcibly  severed  from  their 
wives,  and  parents  from  their  children  ; and  that  all  the  ties  of  blood 
and  affection  were  torn  up  by  the  roots.  He  had  himself  seen  the  un- 
happy natives  put  together  in  heaps  in  the  hold  of  a ship,  where,  with 
every  possible  attention  to  them,  their  situation  must  have  been  intole- 
rable. He  had  also  heard  proved  in  courts  of  justice,  facts  still  more 
dreadful  than  those  which  he  had  seen.  One  of  these  he  would  just 
mention.  The  slaves  on  board  a certain  ship  rose  in  a mass  to  liberate 
themselves;  and  having  far  advanced  in  the  pursuit  of  their  object,  it 
became  necessary  to  repel  them  by  force.  Some  of  them  yielded  ; 
some  of  them  were  killed  in  tire  scuffle;  but  many  of  them  actually 
jumped  into  the  sea  and  were  drowned  ; thus  preferring  death  to  the 
misery”  of  their  situation  ; while  others  hung  to  the  ship,  repenting  of 
their  rashness,  and  bewailing  with  frightful  noises  their  horrid  Tate. 
Thus  the  whole  vessel  exhibited  but  one  hideous  scene  of  wretched- 
ness. They”,  who  were  subdued,  and  secured  in  chains,  were  seized 
with  the  flux,  which  carried  many  of  them  off  These  things  were 
proved  in  a trial  before  a British  jury,  which  had  to  consider,  whether 
this  was  a loss,  which  fell  within  the  policy  of  insurance,  the  slaves 
being  regarded  as  if  they  had  been  only  a cargo  of  dead  matter.  He 
could  mention  other  instances,  but  they  were  much  too  shocking  to  be 
described.  Surely  their  lordships  could  never  consider  such  a traffic 
to  be  consistent  with  humanity  or  justice.” 


GRENVILLE SH AKSTEARE JOHNSON 


GEORGE  GRENVILLE. 

Lord  Grenville  then  read  a resolution  of  the  Commons.  “ This 
resolution,  he  said,  stated  first,  that  the  slave-trade  was  contrary  to 
humanity,  justice,  and  sound  policy.  That  it  was  contrary  to  humani- 
ty was  obvious  ; for  humanity  might  be  said  to  be  sympathy  for  the 
distress  of  others,  or  a desire  to  accomplish  benevolent  ends  by  good 
means.  But  did  not  the  slave-trade  convey  ideas  the  very  reverse  of 
the  definition  ? It  deprived  men  of  all  those  comforts,  in  which  it 
pleased  the  Creator  to  make  the  happiness  of  his  creature  to  consist,  of 
the  blessings  of  society,  of  the  charities  of  the  dear  relationships  of 
husband,  wife,  father,  son,  and  kindred  ; of  the  due  discharge  of  the 
relative  duties  of  these,  and  of  that  freedom,  which  in  its  pure  and 
natural  sense,  was  one  of  the  greatest  gifls"bf  God  to  man. 

“It  was  impossible  to  read  the  evidence,  as  it  related  to  this  trade, 
without  acknowledging  the  inhumanity  of  it  and  our  own  disgrace. 

“In  a state  of  nature,  man  had  a right  to  the  fruit  of  his  own  labour 
absolutely  to  himself ; and  one  of  the  main  purposes,  for  which  he  en- 
tered into  society,  was,  that  he  might  be  better  protected  in  the  posses- 
sion of  his  rights.  In  both  cases,  therefore,  it  was  manifestly  unjust, 
that  a man  should  be  made  to  labor  during  the  whole  of  his  life,  and 
yet  have  no  benefit  from  his  labor.  Hence  the  slave-trade  and  the 
colonial  slaver}-  were  a violation  of  the  very  principle,  upon  which  all 
law  for  the  protection  of  property  was  founded.  Whatever  benefit 
was  derived  from  that  trade  to  an  individual,  it  was  derived  from  dis-  i; 
honor  and  dishonesty.  He  forced  from  the  unhappy  victim  of  it  that, 
which  the  latter  did  not  wish  to  give  him  ; and  he  gave  to  the  same 
victim  that,  which  he  in  vain  attempted  to  show-,  was  an  equivalent  to 
the  thing  he  took,  it  being  a thing  for  which  there  was  no  equivalent, 
and  which,  if  he  had  not  obtained  by  force,  he  would  not  have  possess- 
ed at  all.  The  injustice  complained  of  was  not  confined  to  the  bare 
circumstance  of  robbing  them  of  the  right  to  their  own  labor.  It  was 
conspicuous  throughout  the  system.” 

WILLIAM  SHAKSPEARE. 

Skylock.  What  judgment  shall  I dread,  doing  no  wrong? 

You  have  among  you  many  a purchased  slave.* 

Which  like  your  asses,  and  your  dogs,  and  mules, 

You  use  in  abject  and  in  slavish  parts, 

Because  you  bought  them  : — shall  I say  to  you, 

Let  them  be  free,  marry  them  to  your  heirs  ? 

Why  sweat  thev  under  burthens  ? let  their  beds 
Be  made  as  soft  as  yours,  and  let  their  palates 
Be  season’d  with  such  viands  ? you  will  answer, 

The  slaves  are  ours  : — so  do  I answer  you : 

The  pound  of  flesh,  which  I demand  of  him, 

Is  dearly  bought,  is  mine,  and  I will  have  it  ; 

If  you  deny  me,  fie  upon  your  law  ! 

SAMUEL  JOHNSON. 

* This  argument,  considered  as  used  to  the  particular  persons,  seems  con- 
clusive. I see  not  how  Venetians  or  Englishmen,  while  they  practice  the  pur- 
chase and  sale  of  slaves,  can  much  enforce  or  demand  the  law  of  doing  to 
others  as  we  would  they  should  do  to  us. 


MILTON POPE ADDISON BURNS SMOLLETT, 


JOHN  MILTON. 

O execrable  son,  so  to  aspire 
Above  his  brethren,  he  himself  assuming 
Authority  usurped  from  God,  not  given. 

— Man  over  men 

He  made  not  lord  ; such  title  to  Himself 
Reserving,  human  left  from  human  free. 

In  all  things  that  have  beauty,  there  is  nothing  to  man  more  comely  than  liberty. 
Give  me  the  liberty  to  know,  to  utter,  and  to  argue  freely,  above  all  libe.ties 


ALEXANDER  POPE. 

Some  safer  world  in  depths  of  wood  embraced, 
Some  happier  island  in  the  watery  waste  ; 

Where  slaves  once  more  their  native  land  behold, 
No  fiends  torment,  no  Christians  thirst  for  gold. 

Essay  on  Man. 

God  fixed  it  certain,  that,  whatever  day 
Makes  man  a slave  takes  half  his  worth  away. 

Homer’s  Odyssey. 

JOSEPH  ADDISON. 

O Liberty , thou  goddess  heavenly  bright, 

Profuse  of  bliss,  and  pregnant  with  delight ! 
Eternal  pleasures  in  thy  presence  reign, 

And  smiling  plenty  leads  thy  wanton  train  : 

Eas’d  of  her  Joad,  subjection  grows  more  light, 
And  poverty  looks  cheerful  in  thy  sight ; 

Thou  mak’st  the  gloomy  face  of  nature  gay, 

Giv’st  beauty  to  the  sun,  and  pleasure  to  the  day. 

ROBERT  BURNS. 

I’m  designed  yon  lordling’s  slave, 

By  Nature’s  law  design’d, 

Why  was  an  independent  wish 
Ere  planted  in  my  mind  1 
If  not,  why  am  I subject  to 
His  cruelty  or  scorn  ? 

Or  why  has  man  the  will  and  power 
To  make  his  fellow  mourn  ? 

Then  let  us  pray  that  come  it  may. 

As  come  it  shall  for  a’  that, 

That  sense  and  worth  o’er  all  the  earth 
Shall  bear  the  gTee,  an’  a’  that. 

For  a’  that,  an’  a’  that, 

It’s  coming  yet,  for  a’  that ; 

When  man  to  man,  the  warld  all  o’er, 

Shall  brothers  be,  an’  a’  that. 


TOBIAS  SMOLLETT. 

Thy  spirit,  Indei^ndence  ! let  me  share. 

Lord  of  the  Lion-heart  and  Eagle-eye  ; — 

Thy  steps  I’ll  follow  with  my  bosom  bare, 

Nor  heed  the  storm  that  howls  along  the  sky 


26 


THOMAS  DAY S.  J.  PRATT WILLIAM  COWPER. 


THOMAS  DAY. 

And  better  in  the  untimely  grave  to  rot, 

The  world  and  all  its  cruelties  forgot, 

Than  dragg’d  once  more  beyond  the  western  main, 

To  groan  beneath  some  dastard  planter’s  chain, 

Where  my  poor  countrymen  in  bondage  wait 
The  slow  enfranchisement  of  ling’ring  fate. 

! my  heart  sinks,  my  dying  eyes  o’er  flow, 

When  memory  paints  the  picture  of  their  woe  ! 

For  I have  seen  them,  ere  the  dawn  of  day, 

Rous’d  by  the  lash  begin  their  cheerless  way  : 
Greeting  with  groans,  unwelcome  morn’s  return, 
While  rage  and  shame  their  gloomy  bosoms  burn  : 

And  chiding  every  hour  the  slow-pac’d  sun, 

Endure  their  toils  till  all  his*  race  was  run  ; 

No  eye  to  maik  their  sufferings  with  a tear, 

No  friend  to  comfort,  and  no  hope  to  cheer  ; 

Then,  like  the  dull  unpitied  brutes,  repair 
To  stalls  as  wretched,  and  as  coarse  a fare  ; 

Thank  heaven,  one  day  of  misery  was  o’er, 

And  sink  to  sleep  and  wish  to  wake  no  more. 

The  Dying  Negro. 


S.  J.  PRATT. 

Tyrants  o’er  brutes  with  ease  extend  their  plan, 
Then  rise  in  cruelty  from  beast  to  man  ; 

Their  sordid  policy  each  crime  allows, 

The  flesh  that  quivers,  and  the  blood  that  flows, 

The  furious  stripes  that  murder  in  a day, 

Or  tort’ring  arts  that  kill  by  dire  delay  ; 

The  fainting  spirit  and  the  bursting  vein, 

All,  all,  are  reconciled  to  Christian  gnin. 

The  Rights  of  Nature. 

WILLIAM  CCnVPER. 

Man  finds  his  fellow  guilty  of  a skin 
Not  colored  like  his  own  ; and  having  pow’r 
T’  enforce  the  wrong,  for  such  a worthy  cause 
Dooms  and  devotes  him  as  his  lawful  prey. 

Thus  man  devotes  his  brother,  and  destroys  ; 

And  worse  than  all,  and  most  to  be  deplor’d, 

As  human  nature’s  broadest,  foulest  blot, 

Chains  him,  and  tasks  him,  and  exacts  his  sweat 
With  stripes  that  mercy  with  a bleeding  heart. 
Weeps  when  she  sees  inflict  ed  on  a beast. 

Then  what  is  man  ? And  what  man,  seeing  this, 
And  having  human  feelings,  does  not  blush 
And  hang  his  head,  to  think  himself  a man  ! 

I would  not  have  a slave  to  till  my  ground, 

To  carry  me,  to  fan  me  while  I sleep, 

And  tremble  when  I wake,  for  all  the  wealth 
That  sinews  bought  and  sold  have  ever  earn’d. 
No  ! dear  as  freedom  is,  and  in  my  heart’s 
Just  estimation  priz’d  above  all  price, 

I had  much  rather  be  myself  the  slave, 

And  wear  the  bonds,  than  fasten  them  on  him. 


The  tender  ties  of  parent,  husband,  friend, 
All  bonds  of  Nature,  in  that  moment  end. 


OSCOE HANNAH  MORE MONTGOMERY. 


O most  degrading  of  all  ills  that  wait 
On  man,  (a  mourner  in  his  best  estate  !) 

All  other  sorrows  virtue  may  endure, 

And  find  submission  more  than  half  a cure  ; 

But  Slavery  ! ! Virtue  dreads  it  as  her  grave 
Patience  itself  is  meanness  in  a slave. 

Wait,  then,  the  dawning  of  a brighter  day, 

And  snap  the  chain  the  moment  when  you  may 
Nature  imprints  upon  whate’er  we  see 
That  has  a heart  and  life  m it,  “ Be  Free.” 


WILLIAM  ROSCOE. 

Form’d  with  the  same  capacity  of  pain, 

The  same  desire  of  pleasure  and  of  ease, 

Why  feels  not  man  for  man ! When  nature  shrink* 
From  the  slight  puncture  of  an  insect’s  sting, 
Faints,  if  not  screen’d  from  sultry  suns,  and  pine* 
Beneath  the  hardship  of  an  hour’s  delay 
Of  needful  nutriment ; — when  Liberty 
Is  prized  so  dearly,  that  the  slightest  breath 
That  ruffles  but  her  mantle,  can  awake 
To  arms  unwarlike  nations,  and  can  rouse 
Confed’rate  states  to  vindicate  her  claims 
How  shall  the  suff’rer  m . i his  fellow  doom 
To  ills  he  mourns  or  spurns  at  : tear  with  stripes 
His  quiv’ring  flesh  ; with  hunger  and  with  thirst 
Waste  his  emaciate  frame  ; in  ceaseless  toils 
Exhaust  his  vital  powers  ; and  bind  his  limbs 
In  gall  mg  chains  ! 


HANNAH  MORE. 

See  the  dire  victim  torn  from  social  life, 

The  shrieking  babe,  the  agonizing  wife  ! 

She  ! wretch  forlorn,  is  dragg’d  by  hostile  hands 
To  distant  tyrants,  sold  to  distant  lands, 
Transmitted  miseries  and  successive  chains, 

The  sole  sad  heritage  her  child  obtains  ! 

E’en  this  last  wretched  boon  their  foes  deny, 

To  live  together,  or  together  die. 

By  felon  hands,  by  one  relentless  stroke, 

See  the  fond  links  of  feeling  nature  broke  ! 

The  fibres  twisting  round  a parent’s  heart, 

Torn  from  their  grasp,  and  bleeding  as  they  part. 


JAMES  MONTGOMERY. 

Lives  there  a reptile  baser  than  a slave  ? 
Loathsome  as  death,  corrupted  as  the  grave. 
See  the  dull  creole,  at  his  pompous  board, 
Attendant  vassals  cringing  round  their  lord  ; 
Satiate  with  food,  his  heavy  eyelids  close, 
Voluptuous  minions  fan  him  to  repose; 

Prone  on  the  noonday  couch  he  lolls  in  vain, 
Delirious  slumbers  rack  his  maudlin  brain  ; 

He  starts  with  horror  from  bewildering  dream? 
His  bloodshot  eye  with  fire  and  frenzy  gleams 


CAMPBELL DARWIN 


ROBERT  SOUTHEY. 

Oh,  he  is  worn  with  toil ! the  big  drops  run 
Down  his  dark  cheek  ! hold — hold  thy  merciless  hand, 
Pale  tyrant ! for  beneath  thy  hard  command 
O’er  wearied  nature  sinks.  The  scorching  sun. 

As  pitiless  as  proud  Prosperity 

Darts  on  him  his  full  beams  ; gasping  as  he  lies, 

Arraigning  with  his  looks  the  patient  skies, 

While  that  inhuman  trader  lifts  on  high 
The  mangling  scourge.  O ! ye  who  at  your  ease 
Sip  the  blood-sweetened  beverage,  thoughts  like  these 
Haply  ye  scorn.  1 thank  thee  gracious  Gcd! 

That  I do  feel  upon  my  cheek  the  glow 
Of  indignation,  when  beneath  the  rod, 

A sable  brother  writhes  in  silent  woe. 

THOMAS  CAMPBELL. 

And  say  supernal  Powers  ; who  deeply  scan 
Ifc  xv’n’s  dark  decree,  unfathom’d  yet  by  man, 

W :en  shall  the  world  call  down  to  cleanse  her  shame, 
Tnat  embryo  spirit,  yet  without  a name, 

That  friend  of  Natuie,  whose  avenging  hands 
Shall  burst  the  Lybian’s  adamantine  bands  ? 

Who,  sternly  marking  on  his  native  soil, 

The  blood,  the  tears,  the  anguish,  and  the  toil, 

Shall  bid  each  righteous  heart  exult,  to  see 
Peace  to  the  slave,  and  vengeance  on  the  fre  c ! 

Yet,  yet,  degraded  man  ! th*  expected  day 
That  breaks  your  bitter  cup,  is  far  away  ; 

Trade,  wealth,  and  fashion,  ask  you  still  to  bleed, 

And  holy  men  give  scripture  for  the  deed  ; 

Scourg’d  and  debas’d,  no  Briton  stoops  to  save 
A wretch,  a coward  ; yes,  because  a slave  ! 

ERASMUS  DARWIN. 

Wrench’d  the  red  scourge  from  proud  Oppression’s  hands, 
And  broke,  curst  Slavery  ! thy  iron  bands. 

E’en  now,  e’en  now,  on  yonder  western  shores 
Weeps  pale  Despair,  and  writhing  Anguish  roars  , 

E’en  now  in  Afric’s  groves  with  hideous  yell 
Fierce  Slavery  stalks  and  slips  the  dogs  of  hell ; 

From  vale  to  vale  the  gathering  cries  rebound 
And  sable  nations  tremble  at  the  sound. — 

— Who  right  the  injured,  ana  reward  the  brave, 

Stretch  your  strong  arm,  for  ye  have  power  to  save  ! 
Throned  in  the  vaulted  heart,  his  dread  resort ; 

Inexorable  Conscience  holds  his  court ; 

With  still  small  voice  the  plots  of  guilt  alarms, 

Bares  his  masked  brow,  his  lifted  hand  disarms  ; 

But,  wrapp’d  in  night  with  terrors  all  his  own, 

He  speaks  in  thunders  when  the  deed  is  done. 

Hear  him,  ye  Senates  ! hear  this  truth  sublime, 
lie  who  allows  oppression  shares  the  crime. 

“ Botanic  Garden.” 


A friend  to  every  clime  ’ A Patriot  of  the  World. 


26* 


the  eecio.v  of  T.rn  n-iy, 


He  visited  all  Europe,  (and  the  east.,)  not  to  survey  the  sumptuous- 
ness of  palaces,  or  the  stateliness  of  temples  ; not  to  make  accurate 
measurements  of  the  remains  of  ancient  grandeur,  nor  to  form  a 
scale  of  the  curiosities  of  modern  art  ; not  to  collect  medals,  or  to 
collate  manuscripts : but  to  dive  into  the  depth  of  dungeons  ; to 
plunge  into  the  infection  of  hospitals;  to  survey  the  mansions  of  sor- 
row and  pain  ; to  take  the  guage  and  dimensions  of  misery,  oppres- 
sion and  contempt ; to  remember  the  forgotten  ; to  attend  to  the  neg 
lected  ; to  visit  the  forsaken  ; and  to  compare  and  collate  the  distres 
ses  of  all  men  in  all  countries.  His  plan  is  as  full  of  genius  as  it  is 
of  humanity.  It  was  a voyage  of  discovery,  a circumnavigation  of 
charity  ; and  already  the  benefit  of  his  labor  is  felt  more  or  less  in 
every  country. — Edmund  Burke. 

Nature  ! on  thy  maternal  breast 
Forever  be  his  worth  engraved  ! 

Thy  bosom  only  can  attest 
How  many  a life  his  toil  has  saved. 

1.  iger,  ho  steer’d  with  every  sail  unfurl’d 

v friend  to  every  clime!  a Patriot  of  the  World  ! — Wm.  Hayley. 

Oh  Charity  ! our  helpless  nature’s  pride, 

Thou  friend  of  him,  who  knows  no  friend  beside, 

Is  aught  so  fair  beneath  the  heavens’  gleam, 

As  from  thine  eye  the  meek  and  pensive  beam. 

Thine  are  the  ample  views  that  unconfin’d 
Stretch  to  the  utmost  walks  of  human  kind  ; 

Thine  is  the  spirit  that  with  widest  plan 
Brother  to  Brother  binds,  and  Man  to  Man. 


Bowles. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


HUMANITY,  or  Me' RIGHTS  OF  NATURE 

BY  S.  J.  PRATT. 

The  Muse  is  kneeling  at  Compassion’s  shrine, 

Her  opening  lay,  HUMANITY,  be  thine  ! 

Thee  she  invokes,  oh  ! soother  of  distress, 

Who  with  our  kindness  wove  our  happiness  ; 

For  as  thy  circling  virtues  round  us  move, 

From  our  best  deeds  thy  brightest  joys  we  prove; 

Good  is  of  good  productive,  ill,  of  ill, 

Conscience  o’er  both  exerts  her  empire  still, 

And  this  great  truth,  shall  ev’ry  tyrant  know, 

The  wo  he  gives,  shall  bf.  repaid  by  wo. 

The  Rights  of  Man  by  Nature  aye  are  due, 

To  men  of  every  clime  and  every  hue. 

Why  are  sires  torn  from  children  and  from  wife, 
Dragg’d  at  the  Car  of  Trade,  and  chain’d  for  life; 

And  why  do  human  hecatombs  expire, 

Smote  by  her  mangling  whip  and  murderous  fire? 

Those  stripes,  and  killing  shrieks  that  rend  the  air, 

111  fated  Africa  ! thy  wrongs  declare. 

Avarice,  the  founder  of  this  impious  trade, 

Made  him  a slave,  that  Nature  never  made, 

Tore  the  poor  Lybian  from  his  native  soil. 

And  chain’d  him  down  to  never-ending  toil. 

If  giant  Power  confers  this  wanton  sway, 

Subdues  the  strong,  and  makes  the  weak  obey, 

Does  Power  give  Right  ? beware  that  dangerous  plea. 
Perchance,  such  power  may  spread  its  right  to  thee. 

The  slave  once  stronger  than  thyself,  shall  stand, 

And  seize  the  sceptre  of  usurp’d  command ; 


HUMANITY,  OR  THE  RIGHTS  OF  NATURE. 

Arm’d  with  thy  iron  scourge  shall  bid  thee  toil, 

Scar  thy  white  skin,  and  chain  thee  to  the  soil : 

Thy  spirit  fainting  in  the  glare  of  day, 

Shall  bid  thee  naked,  brave  the  Syrian  ray, 

Thy  scorn  retort,  retaliate  all  thy  rage, 

Wear  out  thy  youth,  and  murder  thee  in  age  ; 

Tear  from  thy  fetter’d  arms  thy  child  and  wife, 

And  blast  the  budding  promises  of  life ; 

Repay,  in  turn,  each  stroke  thy  baseness  gave, 

And  make  Thee  feel  what  ’tis  to  be  a Slave. 

Ah  1 false  as  fatal ! to  the  Weak  and  Strong, 

Th’  inherent  Rights  of  Nature  still  belong  : 

No  partial  principles  the  just  impel 
To  thinking  wisely,  or  to  acting  well ; 

And  Liberty,  of  all  mankind  the  cause, 

Becomes  a forfeit  only  to  the  laws, 

Those  sacred  compacts  which  like  links  sustain, 
Connecting  parts  of  the  great  social  chain  : 

And  while,  with  these,  no  member  is  at  strife, 

As  full  the  right  to  liberty  as  life : 

Avaunt ! asserters  of  superior  right, 

And  vain  distinctions  between  black  and  white. 

Firm  and  immoveable  on  Nature’s  base, 

Stands  the  grand  charter  of  the  human  race : 

And  He  who  gave  the  blessing  gave  it  free  : 

Life  were  a curse  if  robb’d  of  Liberty ! 

Vain  all  dispute  of  color,  form  or  size, 

In  pride,  in  pride  alone  the  difference  lies  ; 

Whence,  then,  presumptuous  man,  deriv’d  thy  right, 
And  by  what  law  does  olive  yield  to  white  ? 

Their  nature,  origin,  and  end,  the  same, 

Why  has  not  brown,  black,  copper,  equal  claim  ? 
Though  shifting  colors  like  their  parent  earth, 

Alike  their  species  and  alike  their  birth. 

Tyrants  o’er  brutes  with  ease  extend  the  plan, 

And  *ise  in  cruelty  from  beast  to  man  : 

Their  sordid  policy  each  crime  allows, 

The  flesh  that  quivers  and  the  blood  that  flows, 

The  furious  stripes  that  murder  in  a day, 

Or  torturing  arts  that  kill  by  dire  delay  ; 

The  fainting  spirit,  and  the  bursting  vein, 

All,  all  are  reconcil’d  to  Christian  gain. 

In  cold  barbarian  apathy  behold, 

Sits  the  slave  agent  bending  o’er  his  gold  ; 

That  base  contractor  for  the  chain  and  rod, 

Who  buys  and  sells  the  image  of  his  God. 

Callous  to  ev’ry  touch  that  Nature  lends, 

The  bond  that  ties  him  to  his  kind  he  rends, 

Robber  at  once  and  butcher  of  his  slaves, 

Nor  grief,  nor  sickness,  age  nor  sex,  he  saves, 

But  plung’d  in  traffic,  coldly  can  debate, 


HUMANITY,  OR  THE  RIGHTS  OF  NATURE, 


The  parent’s  destiny,  the  infant’s  fate  ; 

The  teeming  mother  of  her  hope  despoil ; 

And  poise  the  gains  of  child-birth  or  of  toil ; 

The  sighs  and  groans  which  spring  from  both  he  spurns, 
For  life  or  death  ’tis  gold  the  balance  turns. 

O pride  enormous  ! impudence  of  man  ! 

But  let  not  Britons  imitate  the  plan, 

Frame  no  false  systems  and  then  call  them  wise, 

Or  make  distinctions  where  no  difference  lies ; 

Alas  ! full  oft  the  fair  European  face, 

Masks  a mind  darker  than  the  darkest  race ; 

The  Negro’s  heart  may  be  a purer  shrine, 

For  thoughts  devout,  O ! haughty  White,  than  thine, 
Acceptance  find  more  gracious  from  its  God, 

Than  the  proud  master  who  uplifts  the  rod. 

Oh  ! tyrant  White,  forget  alike  thy  gold, 

And  every  virtue  in  thy  Black  behold, 

All  that  is  honor’d,  lov’d,  or  priz’d  by  thee, 

In  thy  scourg’d  Negro,  blushing,  shalt  thou  see. 

Yet  who  the  Negroe’s  sufferings  can  relate, 

Or  mark  the  varied  horrors  of  their  fate ; 

Where,  blushing  Truth  ! shall  we  their  griefs  begin, 

Or  how  commence  the  catalogue  of  Sin  ? 

Demons  of  torture ! ye  who  mock  at  wo, 

And  smile  to  see  the  crimson  blood-track  flow, 

In  horrid  triumph  rise  from  central  Hell, 

Th’  inventive  pangs  of  Christian  growth  to  tell, 

Oh  ! aid  the  shuddering  Muse  to  paint  the  grief, 

Which  calls  on  death  for  pity  and  relief ; 

Oh  ! powers  of  Mercy,  loose  that  massy  yoke, 

Oh  ! hold  that  Arm,  for  murder’s  in  the  stroke  ! 

Behold  that  axe  the  quivering  limb  assails, 

Behold  that  body  weltering  in  its  wails ! 

Ah  ! hear  that  bludgeon  fall,  that  lash  resound, 

And  see  those  wretches  writhing  on  the  ground  1 
See  yonder  mangled  mass  of  Atoms  lie, 

Behold  that  Christian’s  hands  the  flames  apply, 

At  the  bare  feet  is  laid  that  sulphurous  train, 

It  climbs  the  heart  and  burns  into  the  brain  1 

Ye  friends  of  man ! whose  souls  with  mercy  glow, 
Throb  not  your  breasts  with  sympathising  wo  ? 

Fires  not  the  social  blood  within  your  veins, 

To  make  the  White  Man  feel  the  Negro’s  pains  ? 

Beat  not  your  hearts  the  miscreant  arms  to  bind, 

Of  the  proud  Christian  with  a savage  mind  ? 

Do  you  not  pant  to  snap  the  impious  chain. 

And  rush  to  succor  the  insulted  train  ? 

From  servile  bonds,  to  free  the  hapless  race, 

And  fix  the  haughty  tyrants  in  their  place? 

Make  them  the  weight  of  Slav’ry  to  know, 


HUMANITY,  OR  the  EIGHTS  OE  NATURE. 

Till  their  hard  natures  melt  in  mutual  wo, 

Nor  till  they  humanize  to  social  men, 

Would  ye  restore  them  to  their  rights  again 
Oh  ! Freedom,  sacred  Goddess  ! who  inspires 
Th’  unlutor’d  Savage  with  sublimest  fires, 

Oft  have  their  Chiefs  o’er  listed  troops  prevail’d, 

And  Nature’s  warriors  sped  where  armies  fail’d  ; 

While  the  bought  soldier  in  his  trade  of  death, 

With  sordid  contracts  bargains  for  his  breath, 

And  the  brave  Indian  from  his  fetters  broke 
Ev’n  Famine  braves  to  feel  no  more  the  yoke. 

What  will  not  Freedom’s  Heav’n-descended  fire, 

In  cultur’d,  or  untutor’d  Souls  inspire  ? 

The  Rights  of  Nature  and  of  God  to  save, 

Men  scoop  the  rock  and  build  upoi  the  wave. 

And  lo  ! methinks,  on  Fancy’s  wing  convey’d, 

The  Muse  already  gains  the  palmy  shade, 

Herself  the  messenger,  to  Southern  plains 
Ardent  she  flies  to  break  the  tyrant-chains. 

“ I come,  I come  to  set  the  Captive  free, 

Ye  suffering  Heirs  of  sweet  HUMANITY, 

Whose  Minds  can  reason,  and  whose  Hearts  can  move, 
With  all  the  joys  and  agonies  of  Love, 

Sublime  on  Nature’s  scale  again  ye  rise 
Equals  on  Earth,  as  equals  in  the  skies. 

Where  Freedom  bids,  now  take  your  blithsome  way. 
Yours  the  fair  morn,  and  yours  the  closing  day, 

Yours  is  the  jocund  eve,  its  sports  command 
Or  on  the  cooling  wave  or  burning  sand, 

If  in  your  breasts  the  Patriot  passions  burn 
To  your  lov’d  Country,  to  your  Homes  return, 

Free,  unconfin’d,  where’er  your  course  ye  bend, 

Still,  still  shall  Liberty  your  steps  attend  ! 

Negroes  are  Men,  and  Men  are  Slaves  no  more 
Fair  Freedom  reigns,  and  Tyranny  is  o'er  /” 

WILLIAM  SEWARD  HALL. 

Is  not  the  slave  a man 
God’s  noblest  work  ? Does  not  the  negro  bear 
The  stamp  of  man  ? the  impress  of  the  Deity  ? 

Canst  thou  boast  more,  assuming  polish’d  white  ? 

In  ages  past,  in  Rome’s  Augustrian  days 
Did  Britons  higher  stand  in  mental  rank 
Than  in  the  nineteenth  century,  Afric’s  sons  ? 

Vile  slavery,  heart-sinking  doleful  name, 

Thou  fell  destroyer  of  the  dearest  right 
That  nature  gave  to  man  ; thou  art  abhorr’d 
By  every  British  soul.  Thou  odious  fiend, 

Cease  thy  infernal  sway  o’er  land  that  claim 
Protection  ’neath  Britannia’s  sheltering  wing. 

Empire  of  Philanthropy. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Freedom's  glorious  Sun  dispelling  the  black  chaos  of  Slavery. 


PERCY  BYSCHE  SHELLEY. 

ODE  TO  LrBERTY. 

Oh,  keener  thy  gaze  than  the  Lightning’s  glare, 
And  swifter  thy  step  than  the  Earthquake’s  tramp  ; 
Thou  deafenest  the  rage  of  the  Ocean  ; thy  stare 
Makes  blind  the  Volcanos;  thaaSun’s  bright  lamp 
To  thine  is  a fenfire  damp. 

From  billow  and  mountain  and  exhalation 
The  sunlight  is  darted  through  vapor  and  blast ; 
From  spirit  to  spirit,  from  nation  to  nation, 

From  city  to  hamlet  thy  dawning  is  cast, — 

And  tyrants  and  slaves  are  like  shadows  of  night 
In  the  van  of  the  Morning  Light ! 


Nor  where  the  tropics  bound  the  realms  of  day, 

W as  man  a nobler  being  ; Slavery 
Had  crushed  him  to  his  country’s  blood-stained  dust ; 
Or  he  was  bartered  for  the  fame  of  power 
Which  all  internal  impulses  destroying, 

Makes  human  will  an  article  of  trade  ; 

Or  he  was  changed  with  Christians  for  their  gold 
And  dragged  to  distant  isles,  where  to  the  sound 
Of  the  flesh-mangling  scourge,  he  does  the  wor' 

Of  all-polluting  luxury  and  wealth, 

Which  doubly  visits  on  the  tyrants’  heads, 

The  long  protracted  fullness  of  their  woe. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


GEORGE  GORDON  BYRON. 

And  thus  they  plod  in  sluggish  misery, 

Rotting  from  sire  to  son,  and  age  to  age, 

Proud  of  their  trampled  nature,  and  so  die, 

Bequeathing  their  hereditary  rage 

To  the  new  race  of  inborn  slaves,  who  wage 

War  for  their  chains,  and  rather  than  be  free, 

Bleed,  gladiator-like,  and  still  engage 
Within  the  same  arena,  where  they  see 
Their  fellows  fall  before,  like  leaves  of  the  same  tree. 

Yet  let  us  ponder  boldly — ’tis  a base 
Abandonment  of  reason  to  resign 
Our  right  of  thought — our  last  and  only  place 
Of  refuge  ; this,  at  least,  shall  still  be  mine  : 

Though  from  our  birth  the  faculty  divine 
Is  chain’d  and  tortured — cabin’d,  cribb’d,  confined. 

And  bred  in  darkness,  lest  the  truth  should  shine 
Too  brightly  on  the  unprepared  mind, 

The  beam  pours  in,  for  time  and  skill  will  couch  the  blind. 


JOHN  MILTON, 

Wrote  the  following  lines  in  reference  to  the  detraction  which 
'led  him  on  account  of  his  writing  in  favor  of  liberty : 

I did  but  prompt  the  age  to  quit  their  clogs, 

By  the  known  rules  of  ancient  Liberty, 

When  straight  a barbarous  noise  environs  me, 

Of  owls  and  cuckoos,  asses,  apes  and  dogs ; 

As  when  those  hinds,  that  were  transformed  to  frogs, 

Rail’d  at  Latona’s  twin-born  progeny, 

Which  after  hold  the  sun  and  moon  in  fee. 

But  this  is  got  by  casting  pearl  to  hogs 
That  bawl  for  freedom  in  their  senseless  mood, 

And  still  revolt  when  TRUTH  would  set  them  free. 
License  they  mean  when  they  cry  liberty  ; 

For  who  loves  THAT  must  first  be  wise  and  good: 

But  from  that  mark  how  far  they  rove  we  see, 

For  all  this  waste  of  wealth,  and  loss  of  blood. 

ON  HIS  BLINDNESS. 

Cyriac,  this  three-year’s-day  these  eyes,  though  clear 
To  outward  view,  of  blemish  or  of  spot, 

Bereft  of  light,  their  seeing  have  forgot ; 

Nor  to  their  idle  orbs  doth  sight  appear 
Of  sun,  or  moon,  or  star,  throughout  the  year, 

Or  man,  or  woman.  Yet  I argue  no! 

Against  Heaven’s  hand  or  will ; nor  bate  a jot 
Of  heart  and  hope  ; but  still  bear  up  and  steer 
Right  onward.  What  supports  me,  dost  thou  ask  ? 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY 


The  conscience,  friend,  to  have  lost  them  overplied 
IN  LIBERTY’S  DEFENCE,  MY  NOBLE  TASK, 

Of  which  all  Europe  rings  from  side  to  side. 

This  thought  might  lead  me  through  the  world’s  vain  mask — 
Content,  though  blind,  I had  no  better  guide. 


ROBERT  POLLOCK. 

Who  blushed  alike  to  be,  or  have  a slave 

Unchristian  thought ! on  what  pretence  soe’er, 

Of  right  inherited,  or  else  acquired  ; 

Of  loss,  or  profit,  or  what  plea  you  name, 

To  buy  or  sell,  to  barter,  whip,  and  hold 
In  chains  a being  of  celestial  make — 

Of  kindred  form,  of  kindred  faculties, 

Of  kindred  feelings,  passions,  thoughts,  desires ; 

Born  free,  and  heir  of  an  immortal  hope  ! 

Thought  villanious,  absurd,  detestable  .' 

Unworthy  to  be  harbored  in  a fiend  ! — Course  of  Time. 


JAMES  GRAINGER. 

Oh,  did  the  tender  muse  possess  the  power, 
Which  monarchs  have  and  monarchs  oft  abuse  : 
’Twould  be  the  fond  ambition  of  her  soul 
To  quell  tyrannic  sway  ; knock  off  the  chains 
Of  heart  debasing  slavery  ; give  to  man 
Of  every  color,  and  of  every  clime, 

Freedom,  which  stamps  him  image  of  his  God. 
Then  laws,  Oppression’s  scourge,  fair  virtue’s  prop, 
Offspring  of  wisdom  ! should  impartial  reign, 

To  knit  the  whole  in  well  accorded  strife  : 

Servants,  not  slaves ; of  choice,  and  not  compelled. 


THOMAS  PRINGLE. 

Oh  Slavery  1 thou  art  a bitter  draught  ! 

And  twice  accursed  is  thy  poisoned  bowl, 

Which  taints  with  leprosy  the  white  man’s  soul. 

Not  less  than  his  by  whom  its  dregs  are  quaffed. 

The  slave  sinks  down,  o’ercome  by  cruel  craft, 

Like  beast  of  burthen  on  the  earth  to  roll. 

The  Master,  though  in  luxury’s  lap  he  loll, 

Feels  the  foul  venom,  like  a rankling  shaft, 

Strike  through  his  reins.  As  if  a demon  laughed, 
He,  laughing,  treads  his  victim  in  the  dust — 

The  victim  of  his  avarice,  rage,  or  lust. 

But  the  poor  Captive’s  moan  the  whirlwinds  waft 
To  Heaven — not  unavenged.  The  oppressor  quakes 
With  secret  dread,  and  shares  the  hell  he  makes. 


27 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


GEORGE  W.  F.  HOWARD. 

Lord  Morpeth. 

Proudly  on  Cressy’s  tented  world 
Tlie  Lion  flag  of  England  flew  ; 

As  proudly  gleamed  its  crimson  fold 
O’er  the  dun  heights  of  Waterloo : 

But  other  lyres  shall  greet  the  brave, 

Sing  now,  that  we  have  freed  the  slave. 

Bright  Science,  through  each  field  of  space, 
Has  urged  her  mist-dispelling  car, 

Coy  Nature’s  hidden  reign  to  trace, 

Tb  weigh  each  wind,  and  count  each  star . 
Yet  stay,  thou  proud  Philosophy, 

First  stoop  to  bid  Mankind  be  Free. 

Ah  ! for  the  tale  the  slave  could  speak, 

Ah  1 for  the  shame  of  Britian’s  sway, 

On  Afric’s  sands  the  maddened  shriek, 

’Neath  Indian  suns  the  burning  day : 

Ye  sounds  of  guilt — ye  sights  of  gore — 
Away  1 for  Slavery  is  no  more. 


ALEXANDER  CARLILE. 

Land  of  the  Free!  shall  that  proud  name 
Be  blent  with  tyrant  guilt  and  shame  ? 

Lend  all  its  lustre  to  a land, 

Where  man’s  o’er  rules  God’s  great  command ; 
Inverts  the  sacred  order  given 
To  moral  claims  by  righteous  Heaven ; 

Yea,  sets  low  Avarice  above 

What  gives  to  man  God’s  image — Love 

Says  Mercy  may  her  bosom  steel, 

So  ’tis  an  alien  race  that  feel  ; 

And  Justice  may  the  blood  first  test, 

Then  say  which  counter  claim  is  best; 
Adjudging  each  high  claim  of  right, 

Just  as  the  skin  is  dark  or  light  ? 

JOSEPH  ADDISON. 

What  is  Life  ? 

’Tis  not  to  stalk  about  and  draw  fresh  air 
From  time  to  time,  or  gaze  upon  the  sun  \— 
’Tis  to  be  free  ! — 

A day — an  hour  of  virtuous  Liberty 
Is  worth  a whole  eternity  of  bondage  ! 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY- 


JAMES  THOMPSON. 

Kind  equal  rule,  the  government  of  laws, 

And  all-protecting  Freedom,  which  alone, 

Sustains  the  name  and  dignity  of  man  ; 

These  are  not  theirs.  Tne  parent-sun  himself 
Seems  o’er  this  world  of  slaves  to  tyrannize. — 

Here  dwells  the  direful  shark,  lur’d  by  the  scent, 

Of  steaming  crowds,  of  rank  disease  and  death, 

He,  from  the  partners  of  that  cruel  trade, 

Which  spoils  unhappy  Guinea  of  her  sons, 

Demands  his  share  of  prey — demands  themselves. 

The  stormy  fates  descend  : one  death  involves 
'Tyrants  and  slaves. — The  Seasons. 

O great  design, 

Ye  sons  of  mercy  ! O complete  your  work; 

Wrench  from  oppression’s  hand  the  iron  rod, 

And  bid  the  cruel  feel  the  wounds  they  give — 

Man  knows  no  master  save  creating  heaven, 

Or  those  whom  choice  and  common  good  ordains. 

The  Poem  Liberty. 

JOHN  BOWRING. 

Liberty  for  the  white,  the  few, 

From  the  oppressor’s  thrall, 

Nay!  but  Liberty,  Liberty  too, 

For  the  blacks,  for  ALL  ! 

Slavery  shall  not  stamp  her  ban 
On  any  men,  or  man. 

Despised  there  is  none,  degraded  none  ; 

Each  holds  its  ordered  place, 

But  ’tis  man,  usurping  man  alone, 

Who  hath  stigmatized  his  race  ; 

Who  hath  given  his  fellow — O shame  ! O shame! 
A slave's  ignoble  name. 

JOHN  ANGELL  JAMES. 

How  great  and  noble  will  your  natign  appear  ; how  united  will 
it.  be ; and  how  prepared  for  every  glorious  moral  enterprise,  when 
this  plague-spot  shall  be  effaced  from  her  body,  and  this  cause  of  in- 
ternal weakness  removed  ; then  when  your  eagle  shall  no  longer  be 
seen  with  the  blood  of  the  slave  upon  his  talons,  or  the  foul  impuri- 
ty of  the  slave's  tyrant  upon  his  plumage,  how  majestically  will  he 
soar  amidst  the  full  blaze  of  liberty,  and  piety,  with  an  eye  that  nev- 
er blinks,  and  a wing  that  never  wearies  ; the  symbol  of  vour  own 
glory,  and  the  object  of  admiration  to  the  world. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JOHN  LOCKE. 

Slavery  is  so  vile  and  miserable  an  estate  of  man,  and  so  directly 
iposite  to  the  generous  temper  and  courage  of  our  nation,  that  it  is 
u'd  to  be  conceived  that  an  Englishman,  much  less  a gentleman, 
iould  plead  for  it.  The  natural  liberty  of  man  is  to  be  free  from 
ly  superior  power  on  earth,  and  not  to  be  under  the  will  of  legisla- 
ve  authority  of  man,  but  to  have  only  the  law  of  Nature  for  his 
ale.  The  liberty  of  man,  in  society,  is  to  be  under  no  other  legisla- 
te power,  but  that  established,  by  consent,  in  the  commonwealth ; 
nor  under  the  dominion  of  any  will,  or  restraint  of  any  law,  but 
what  that  legislature  shall  enact,  according  to  the  trust  put  in  it. 
Every  body  has  a property  in  his  own  person  that  nobody  has  any 
right  to  but  himself.  The  labor  of  his  body  and  the  work  of  his 
hands  we  may  say  are  properly  his. — Treatise  on  Government 


ADAM  SMITH. 

Though  the  wear  and  tear  of  a free  servant  be  equally  at  the  ex- 
pense of  his  master,  it  generally  costs  him  much  less  than  that  of  a 
slave.  The  fund  destined  for  replacing  or  repairing,  if  I may  say  so, 
the  wear  and  tear  of  the  slave,  ;s  commonly  managed  by  a negligent 
master  or  careless  overseer.  Tnat  destined  for  performing  the  same  ■ 
office  with  regard  to  the  free  man,  is  managed  by  the  free  man  him- 
self. The  disorders  which  generally  prevail  in  the  economy  of  the 
rich,  naturally  introduce  themselves  inlo  the  management  of  the 
former  ; the  strict  frugality  and  parsimonious  attention  of  the  poor, 
as  natural!}'  establish  themselves  in  that  of  the  latter.  Under  such 
different  management,  the  same  purpose  must  require  very  different 
degrees  of  expense  to  execute  it.  If  great  improvements  are 
seldom  to  be  expected  from  great  proprietors,  they  are  least  of  all 
to  be  expected  when  they  employ  slaves  for  their  workmen.  The 
experience  of  all  ages  and  nations,  I believe,  demonstrates  that  the 
work  done  by  slaves,  though  it  appears  to  cost  only  their  mainte- 
nance, is  in  the  end  the  dearest  of  any.  A person  who  can  acquire 
no  property,  can  have  no  interest  but  to  eat  as  much,  and  to  labor 
as  little  as  possible.  Wha<ever  work  he  does  beyond  what  is  suffi 
cient  to  purchase  his  own  maintenance,  can  be  squeezed  out  of  him 
by  violence  only,  and  not  b)»any  interest  of  his  own.  In  ancient 
Italy,  how  much  the  cultivation  of  corn  degenerated,  how  unprofi. 
table  it  became  to  the  master,  when  it  fell  under  the  management  of 
slaves,  is  remarked  by  both  Pliny  and  Columella.  In  the  time  of 
Aristotle  it  had  not  been  much  belter  in  ancient  Greece. 

As  the  profit  and  success  of  the  cultivation  which  is  carried  on  by 
means  of  cattle,  depend  very  much  upon  the  good  management  of 
those  cattle  ; so  the  profit  and  success  of  that  which  is  carried  on  by 
slaves,  must  depend  equally  upon  the  good  management  of  those 
slaves ; and  in  the  good  management  of  their  slaves,  the  French 
planters,  I think  it  is  generally  allowed,  are  superior  to  the  English. 
The  law,  so  far  as  it  gives  some  weak  protection  to  the  slave  against 


WILLIAM  PALEY. 


the  violence  of  his  master,  is  likely  to  be  better  executed  in  a colony 
where  the  government  is  in  a great  measure  arbitrary,  than  in  one 
where  it  is  altogether  free.  In  every  country  where  the  unfortunate 
law  of  slavery  is  established,  the  magistrate,  when  he  protects  die 
slave,  intermeddles  in  some  measure  in  the  management  of  the  pri- 
vate property  of  the  master  ; and,  in  a free  country,  where  the  mas- 
ter is  perhaps  either  a member  of  the  colony  assembly,  or  an  elector 
of  such  a member,  he  dares  not  do  this,  but  with  the  greatest  cau- 
tion and  circumspection.  The  respect  which  he  is  obliged  to  pay  to 
the  master,  renders  it  more  difficult  for  him  to  protect  the  slave.  But 
in  a country  where  the  government  is  in  a great  measure  arbitrary, 
where  it  is  usual  for  the  magistrate  to  intermeddle  even  in  the  pri- 
vate property  of  individuals,  and  to  . send  them,  perhaps,  a lettre  de 
cachet,  if  they  do  not  manage  it  according  to  his  liking,  it  is  much 
easier  for  him  to  give  some  protection  to  the  slave  ; and  common  hu- 
manity naturally  disposes  him  to  do  so.  The  protection  of  the  ma- 
gistrate renders  the  slave  less  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  his  master, 
who  is  thereby  induced  to  consider  him  with  more  regard,  and  to 
treat  him  with  more  gentleness.  Gentle  usage  renders  the  slave  not 
only  more  faithful,  but  more  intelligent,  and  therefore,  upon  a dou- 
ble account,  more  useful.  He  approaches  more  to  the  condition  of  a 
free  servant,  and  may  possess  some  degree  of  integrity  and  attach- 
ment to  his  master’s  interest ; virtues  which  frequently  belong  to  free 
servants,  but  which  can  never  belong  to  a slave,  who  is  treated  as 
slaves  commonly  are  in  countries  where  the  master  is  prefectly  free 
and  secure.  That  the  condition  of  a slave  is  better  under  an  arbi- 
trary than  under  a free  government,  is,  I believe,  supported  by  the 
history  of  all  ages  and  nations. — Wealth  of  Nations. 

WILLIAM  PALEY. 

I define  slavery  to  be  “ an  obligation  to  labor  for  the  benefit  of  the 
master,  without  the  contract  or  consent  of  the  servant.”  This  ob- 
ligation may  arise,  consistently  with  the  law  of  Nature,  from  three 
causes:  1.  From  crimes.  2.  From  captivity.  3.  From  debt.  In 
the  first  case,  the  continuance  of  the  slavery,  as  of  any  other  punish- 
ment, ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the  crime;  in  the  second  and  third 
cases,  it  ought  to  cease,  as  soon  as  the  demand  of  the  injured  na- 
tion, or  private  creditor,  is  satisfied. 

The  slave  trade  upon  the  coast  of  Africa  is  not  excused  by  these 
principles.  When  slaves  in  that  country  are  brought  to  market,  no 
questions,  I believe,  are  asked  about  the  origin  or  justice  of  the  ven- 
der’s title.  It  may  be  presumed,  therefore,  that  this  title  is  not  al- 
ways, if  it  be  ever,  founded  in  any  of  the  causes  above  assigned. 

But  defect  of  right  in  the  first  purchase  is  the  least  crime,  with 
which  this  traffick  is  chargeable.  The  natives  are  excited  to  war  and 
mutual  depredation,  for  the  sake  of  supplying  their  contracts,  or 
furnishing  the  market  with  slaves.  With  this  the  wickedness  begins. 
The  slaves,  torn  away  from  parents,  wives,  children,  from  their 
friends  and  companions,  their  fields  and  flocks,  their  home  and»coun- 
try,  are  transported  to  the  European  settlements  in  America,  with 


*27 


THOMAS  CHALMERS. 


no  other  accommodation  on  ship-board  than  what  is  provided  for 
brutes.  This  is  the  second  stage  of  cruelty ; from  which  the  misera- 
ble exiles  are  delivered,  only  to  be  placed,  and  that  for  life,  in  sub- 
jection to  a dominion  and  system  of  laws,  the  most  merciless  and  ty. 
rannical  that  ever  were  tolerated  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  : and 
from  all  that  can  be  learned  by  the  accounts  of  the  people  upon  the 
spot,  the  inordinate  authority,  which  the  plantation  laws  confer 
upon  the  slaveholder,  is  exercised,  by  the  English  slaveholder  es- 
pecially, with  rigor  and  brutality. 

But  necessity  is  pretended  ; the  name  under  which  every  enormity 
is  attempted  to  be  justified.  And,  after  all,  what  is  the  necessity? 
It  has  never  been  proved  that  the  land  could  not  be  cultivated  there, 
as  it  is  here,  by  hired  servants.  It  is  said  that  it  could  not  be  cul- 
tivated with  quite  the  same  conveniency  and  cheapness,  as  by  the 
labor  of  slaves ; by  which  means  a pound  of  sugar,  which  the  plan- 
ter now  sells  for  sixpence,  could  not  be  afforded  under  six  pence  half 
penny  ; — and  this  is  the  necessity  — Principles  of  Moral  and  Po- 
litical Philosophy. 


THOMAS  CHALMERS. 

I shall  never  withhold  the  tribute  of  my  reverence  from  that  go- 
vernment which  put  an  end  to  the  atrocities  of  the  slave-trade.  I 
shall  never  forget  the  triumph,  which,  in  that  proudest  day  of  Bri- 
tain’s glory,  the  cause  of  humanity  gained  within  the  walls  of  our 
enlightened  parliament.  Let  my  right  hand  forget  her  cunning,  ere 
I forget  that  country  of  my  birth,  where,  in  defiance  to  all  the 
clamors  of  mercantile  alarm,  every  calculation  of  interest  was  given 
to  the  wind,  and  braving  every  hazard,  she  nobly  resolved  to  shake 
off  the  whole  burden  of  infamy,  which  lay  upon  her.  I shall  never 
forget,  that  how  to  complete  the  object  in  behalf  of  which  she  has  so 
honorably  led  the  way,  she  has  walked  the  whole  round  of  civilized 
society,  and  knocked  at  the  door  of  every  government  of  Europe, 
and  lifted  her  imploring  voice  for  injured  Africa,  and  plead  with  the  , 
mightest  monarchs  of  the  world,  the  cause  of  her  outraged  shores,  i 
and  her  distracted  families.  I can  neither  shut  my  heart  nor  my 
eyes  to  the  fact,  that  at  this  moment  she  is  stretching  forth  the  pro- 
tection of  her  naval  arm,  and  shielding,  to  the  uttermost  of  her 
vigor,  that  coast  where  an  inhuman  avarice  is  still  plying  its  guilty 
devices,  and  aiming  to  perpetuate  among  an  unoffending  people,  a 
trade  of  cruelty,  with  all  the  horrid  train  of  its  terrors  and  abomina- 
tions. Were  such  a government  as  this  to  be  swept  from  its  base, 
either  by  the  violence  of  foreign  hostility,  or  by  the  hands  of  her 
own  misled  and  infatuated  children,  I should  never  cease  to  deplore 
it  as  the  deadliest  interruption,  which  ever  had  been  given  to  the 
interests  of  human  virtue,  and  to  the  march  of  human  improve- 
ment.”— Thoughts  on  Peace. 

The  multiplicity,  and  the  fearful  aggravation,  of  the  unredressed 
wrongs  inflicted  efery  day  by  man  upon  his  fellows — The  history  of 
human  society  teems  with  these  , and  the  unappeased  cry,  whether 
for  vengeance  or  reparation,  rises  to  heaven  because  of  them.  We 


WILLIAM  SINCLAIR. 


( 


might  here  expatiate  on  the  monstrous,  the  wholesale  atrocities,  per. 
petrated  on  the  defenceless  by  the  strong  ; and  which  custom  has 
almost  legalized — having  stood  their  ground  against  the  indignation 
of  the  upright  and  the  good  for  many  ages.  Perhaps  for  the  most 
. gigantic  example  of  this,  in  the  dark  annals  of  our  guilty  world,  we 
should  turn  our  eyes  upon  injured  Africa — that  devoted  region,  where 
the  lust  of  gain  has  made  the  fiercest  and  fellest  exhibition  of  its  har- 
I dihood ; and  whose  weeping  families  are  broken  up  in  thousands 
every  year,  that  the  families  of  Europe  might  the  more  delicately 
and  luxuriously  regale  themseves.  It  is  a picturesque,  and  seems  a 
i powerful  argument  for  some  future  day  of  retribution,  when  we  look 
i on  the  one  hand,  to  the  prosperity  of  the  lordly  oppressor,  wrung 
, from  the  sufferings  of  a captive  and  subjugated  people ; and  look,  on 
,>  the  other,  to  the  tears  and  the  untold  agony  of  the  hundreds  beneath 
| him,  whose  lives  of  dreariness  and  hard  labor  are  tenfold  embittered, 
■ by  the  imagery  of  that  dear  and  distant  land,  from  which  they  have 
f been  irrecoverably  torn.” — Natural  Theology. 

— 

WILLI  AM  SINCLAIR. 

Scotland,  thou  hast  not  slept ! for  years  on  years 
Thou  hast  denounced  the  trade  of  blood  and  tears ; 

Yet  still  thine  arm  is  powerful — other  climes 
Traffic  in  blood,  and  shame  the^vorld  with  crimes ; 

America — the  temple  of  the  Free — 

The  boasted  scene  and  stage  of  Liberty, — 

Dark  with  oppression,  groans  beneath  a load 
Unjust  to  man  and  hateful  unto  God, 

Blacker  and  fouler,  stained  with  deeper  shame, 

Because  it  rests  on  Freedom’s  lofty  name  ; 

Then  let  thy  means  be  ever  freely  given, 

Thine  influence  lent,  thy  prayers  ascend  to  heaven, 

Thy  triumph-banner  never  more  be  furled, 

Till  freedom  reigns — oppression  flies  the  world ! 

Edinburgh,  July  30,  1834. 

WILLIAM  MACLURE. 

The  language  of  children  in  all  countries  where  negroes  are  the 
nurses  and  servants,  is  sufficient  proof  of  the  imitation  of  sounds ; 
and  a further  examination  of  the  characters  formed  by  the  unfortu- 
nate mixture  of  abject  submission,  cringing  flattery,  and  low,  artful 
cunning,  would  finish  the  disagreeable  picture  of  the  characters  of 
those,  so  unfortunate  as  to  have  slaves  for  their  first  companions  and 
teachers. 

Of  all  the  animals,  man  or  what  is  called  the  better  or  higher  or 
ders,  is  the  only  class  that  do  not  attend  to  the  instruction  of  their 
offspring  themselves,  but  leave  that  essential  duty  to  hirelings.  Wa 


WILLIAM  MACLURE. 


should  naturally  suppose,  that  in  doing  so,  they  would  at  least  em- 
ploy all  their  faculties  of  discrimination  and  selection,  in  the  choice 
of  the  person  or  persons  to  whom  they  delegated  that  important  trust; 
that  they  would  surround  their  innocent  progeny,  with  mildness, 
benevolence,  friendship  and  good  will  towards  man : so  that  every 
action  they  saw,  and  every  expression  they  heard,  should  breathe 
nothing  but  peace,  unanimity  and  friendly  feeling,  towards  the  whole 
human  species.  But  how  are  these  objects  effected,  when  the  forma, 
tion  of  the  infant  mind  is  entrusted  to  an  untaught  and  therefore  ig- 
norant slave  ? 

[ Slaves,  in  this  free  country,  though  physically  better  treated,  yet 
morally,  by  the  contrast,  are  in  a much  more  tantalizing  situation, 
than  in  countries  under  despotism,  where  all  are  a kind  of  slaves, 
and  not  a ray  of  freedom  flashes  across  the  dismal  field  of  universal 
coercion.  When  comparing  their  destiny  with  those  around  them, 
then-  motives  for  disobedience,  discontent,  revenge,  &c.  are  much 
stronger,  than  in  countries,  where  the  chain  of  arbitrary  power, 
though  lighter  near  the  source,  yet  weighs  more  or  less  heavily  on  all 
classes  and  descriptions  of  men. 

In  all  countries  where  there  are  slaves,  whether  white  or  black, 
there  is  a perpetual  war  between  force  and  fraud.  The  master,  as 
legitimate  owner  of  all  production  of  the  slave,  seizes  the  whole,  and 
the  slave,  to  recover  part  for  his  own  use,  exercises  his  ingenuity  to 
purloin,  what  has  been  considered  by  law  and  habit,  the  property  ot 
the  master.  This  alternation  of  legal  and  illegal  hostilities,  leaves 
both  parties  in  a state  of  irritable  retaliation,  manifested  by  force  on 
the  part  of  the  master,  and  retorted  by  cunning,  subterfuge,  deceit, 
and  hypocrisy,  by  the  slave  ; a state  of  society  which,  while  it  clothes 
the  master  with  an  arbitrary  power,  necessary  to  its  continuance,  in- 
creases the  temptation  to  crime  on  the  part  of  the  slave ; and  thus 
becomes  the  cause  of  a partial  demoralization  of  both.  Between  this 
high-handed  violence,  and  low,  deceitful  cunning,  can  the  imitative 
minds  of  children  become  otherwise  than  corrupted  and  vitiated  ? 

It  is  the  monopoly  of  property,  knowledge  and  power,  that  has 
supported  the  assumed  superiority  of  the  whites  over  the  colored  peo- 
ple in  all  the  European  colonies.  In  Mexico,  the  vast  number  of 
native  Mexicans  must  command  power,  when  property  and  know 
ledge  shall  lend  their  assistance,  and  join  the  strongest. 

The  tyranny  of  the  strongest  over  the  weakest  has  been  manifested 
in  all  states  of  society,  even  where  civilization  has  made  some  pro- 
gress. The  women  are  prevented,  by  the  oppression  of  men,  from 
being  so  useful  either  to  themselves  or  others,  as  they  would  be,  if 
freed  from  the  arbitrary  control  of  those  who  are  only  superior  to 
them  in  physical  strength.  The  improvement  of  mankind,  has  lost 
the  aid  and  assistance  of  half  the  population,  by  the  education  of 
women  being  confined. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JEREMY  BENTHAM. 

As  soon  as  slavery  is  established,  it  becomes  the  lot  of  the  great- 
est number.  A master  counts  his  slaves  as  his  flocks,  by  hundreds, 
by  thousands,  by  tens  of  thousands.  The  advantage  is  only  on  the 
side  of  a single  person  ; the  disadvantages  are  on  the  side  of  the  mul- 
titude. If  tiie  evils  of  slavery  were  not  great,  its  extent  alone  would 
suffice  to  make  it  considerable.  Generally  speaking,  and  every 
consideration  apart,  there  can  therefore,  be  no  ground  for  hesitation 
between  the  loss  that  would  result  to  the  masters  from  enfranchise- 
ment, and  the  gain  which  would  result  from  it  to  the  slaves. 

Another  strong  augument  against  slavery  may  be  drawn  from  its 
influence  upon  the  wealth  and  powerof  nations.  A free  man  pro- 
duces more  than  a slave.  Set  at  liberty  all  the  slaves  which  a mas- 
ter possesses,  this  master  would,  without  doubt,  lose  a part  of  his 
property  ; but  slaves  taken  together  would  produce  not  only  what 
he  lost,  but  still  more.  But  happiness  cannot  be  augmented  with 
abundance,  whilst  public  power  increases  in  the  same  proportion. 

Two  circumstances  concur  in  diminishing  the  produce  of  slaves, 
the  absence  of  the  stimulus  of  reward,  and  the  insecurity  of  their 
condition. 

It  is  easily  perceived  that  the  fear  of  punishment  is  little  likely  to 
draw  from  a laborer  all  the  industry  of  which  he  is  capable,  all  the 
work  he  can  furnish.  Fear  leads  him  to  hide  his  powers  rather 
than  to  show  them  ; to  remain  below  rather  than  to  surpass  him- 
self. 

By  a work  of  supererogation,  he  would  prepare  punishment  for 
himself;  he  would  only  raise  the  measure  of  his  ordinary  duties  by 
displaying  superior  capacity.  His  ambition  is  the  reverse  of  that 
of  a freeman  ; and  he  seeks  to  descend  in  the  scale  of  industry,  rath- 
er than  to  ascend.  Not  only  does  he  produce  less;  he  consumes 
more,  not  in  enjoyment,  but  lavishly,  wastefully,  and  by  bad  econo- 
my. Of  what  importance  to  him  are  interests  which  are  not  his 
own  ? Every  thing  which  saves  his  labor  is  a gain  for  him  ; every 
thing  which  he  allows  to  be  lost,  is  only  the  loss  of  his  master.  Why 
should  he  invent  new  methods  of  doing  more  or  better  ? In  making 
improvements  he  must  think  ; and  thinking  it  a labor  to  which  no 
one  gives  himself  without  a motive.  Degraded  to  a beast  of  burden, 
a slave  never  raises  himself  above  a blind  routine,  and  one  genera- 
tion succeeds  another  without  any  progress  in  improvement. 

Principles  of  the  Civil  Code. 

The  happiness  of  the  people  ought  to  be  the  aim  of  the  legislator ; 
general  utility  ought  to  be  the  principle  of  reasoning  in  legislation. 
What  is  conformable  to  utility,  or  to  the  interest  of  a community,  is 
whatever  tends  to  augment  the  sum-tolal  of  the  happiness  of  the  in- 
dividuals composing  that  community.  Moral  good  is  a good  only 
because  of  its  tendency  to  produce  physical  (and  mental)  good  ; moral 
evil  is  bad  only  because  of  its  tendency  to  produce  physical  (and 
mental)  evil. 


THE  LEGION  OE  LIBERTY. 


FRANCES  WRIGHT. 


Men  are  virtuous  in  proportion  as  they  are  happy , and  happy  in 
proportion  as  they  are  free.  This  truth  is  exemplified  in  the  history 
of  modern  as  of  ancient  times.  Every  where  knowledge,  mental  re- 
finement,  and  the  gentler,  as  the  more  ennobling,  feelings  of  hu- 
manity, have  kept  pace,  influx  or  reflux,  with  the  growth  or  depres- 
sion of  the  spirit  of  freedom. 

Liberty  without  equality,  what  is  it  but  a chimera  ? and  equality, 
what  is  it  also  but  a chimera  unless  it  extend  to  all  the  enjoyments, 
exertions,  and  advantages,  intellectual,  and  physical,  of  which  our 
nature  is  capable  ? 

By  political  liberty  we  may  understand  the  liberty  of  speech  and 
of  action  without  incurring  the  violence  of  authority  or  the  penalties 
of  law.  By  moral  liberty  may  we  not  understand  the  free  exercise 
of  the  liberty  of  speech  and  action,  without  incurring  the  intolerance 
of  popular  prejudice  and  ignorant  public  opinion  ? 

The  strength  of  the  prejudice  of  color,  as  existing  in  the  United 
States  and  in  the  European  colonies,  can  in  general  be  little  con- 
ceived, and  less  understood  in  the  old  continent ; yet,  however  whim- 
sical it  may  there  appear,  is  it,  in  fact,  more  ridiculous  than  the  Eu- 
ropean prejudice  of  birth  ? The  superior  excellence  which  the  one 
supposes  in  a peculiar  descent,  or  merely  in  a peculiar  name,  the 
other  imagines  in  a peculiar  complexion  or  set  of  features  ; and  per- 
haps it  is  only  by  considering  man  in  many  countries,  and  ebserving 
all  his  varying  and  contradictory  prejudices,  that  we  can  discever  the 
equal  absurdity  of  all. 

There  is  a vulgar  persuation,  that  the  ignorance  of  women,  by 
favoring  their  subordination,  ensures  their  utility.  ’Tis  the  same  ar- 
gument employed  by  the  ruling  few  against  the  subject  many  in  aris. 
tocracies ; by  the  rich  against  the  poor  in  democracies ; by  the  learned 
professions  against  the  people  in  all  countries.  And  let  us  observe, 
that  if  good  in  one  case,  it  should  be  good  in  all ; and  that,  unless 
you  are  prepared  to  admit  that  you  are  yourselves  less  industrious  in 
proportion  to  your  intelligence,  you  must  abandon  the  position  with 
respect  to  others.  But,  in  fact,  who  is  it  among  men  that  best 
struggle  with  difficulties  ? — the  strong  minded  or  the  weak  ? Who 
meet  with  serenity  adverse  fortune  ? — the  wise  or  the  foolish  ? Who 
accommodate  themselves  to  irremediable  circumstances  ? or  when 
remediable,  who  control  and  mould  them  at  will  ? — the  intelligent  or 
the  ignorant  ? Let  your  answer  in  your  own  case  be  your  answer  in 
that  of  women. 


WILLIAM  THOMPSON. 


The  few  intelligent  and  benevolent  men  who  are  clear  sighted 
enough  to  see  their  interest  in  refraining  from  the  use  of  an  odious 
power  of  making  their  fellow-creatures  wretched,  admit  the  useless, 
ness  of  such  power  to  good  purposes.  Why  is  therefore  this  pesti- 
ferous  power  to  oppress  retained  ? Not  by  the  wise  for  good,  but  by 
the  ignorant  and  brutal  for  bad  purposes  ; to  save  them  the  trouble 
of  cultivating  their  intellectual  powers,  of  learning  the  art  of  per- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


shading,  of  convincing  the  understanding  of  their  equals,  of  influ- 
encing by  the  cultivation  of  sympathy  and  benevolence  ! To  save 
such  troublesome,  such  unmanly  operations,  the  brute,  though  pos- 
sessing superior  strength  and  affecting  the  self  complacency  of  su. 
perior  knowledge, — means  abundantly  sufficient,  if  not  more  than 
sufficient  for  all  purposes  of  useful  influence, — seizes  on  the  power  to 
I command ; and  from  that  moment  seals  his  own  misery,  as  far  as 
dependent  on  his  connexion  in  marriage,  with  the  degradation  of  his 
slave.  If  this  power  of  command,  not  necessary  for  any  useful  pur- 
t poses,  not  used  by  the  good,  is  still  retained,  what  does  it  prove  ? 
That  it  is  retained  for  bad  purposes,  for  gratifying  the  lust  of  domi- 
nation of  the  stronger  over  the  weaker,  for  securing  to  the  stronger 
all  those  exclusive  means  of  happiness  which  he  may  think  fit  to  re- 
r serve  to  himself,  for  gratifying  him  with  the  vicious  pleasure  of  hold- 
ing tire  destinies,  the  happiness  or  misery  of  another  human  being, 
at  his  absolute  and  unaccountable  will,  that  he  may  be  enabled,  if  so 
; inclined,  to  exercise  all  the  passions  of  a fiend  on  his  caged  victim, 
to  whom  death,  or  his  destruction,  is  the  only  refuge  from  his  perse- 
I cution ; all  human  aid,  all  human  sympathy  barred  out.  Despotism 
) is  a power  which  will  never  be  accepted  of  by  the  wise  and  good, 
which  can  be  sought  for  by  the  ignorant  and  the  wicked  alone. — Ap. 
, peal  of  Women. 

JOHN  MASON  GOOD. 

We  have  instances  of  a black  man  being  suddenly  bleached  into 
a white  man.  These  instances  are  indeed  of  rare  occurrence  ; but 
they  are  sufficient  to  show  the  absurdity  of  the  argument  for  a plu- 
rality of  human  stocks  or  species,  from  a mere  difference  in  the  color 
of  the  skin  ; an  argument  thus  proved  to  be  altogether  superficial, 
and  which  we  may  gravely  assert  to  be  not  more  than  skin-deep. 
The  whole  difference  between  the  cranium  of  a Negro  and  that  of 
an  European  is  in  no  respect  greater  than  that  which  exists  between 
the  cranium  of  the  wild  boar  and  that  of  the  domestic  swine.  Those 
who  are  in  possession  of  Daubenton’s  drawings  of  the  two,  must  be 
sensible  of  this  the  first  moment  they  compare  them  together. 

Nor  is  it  to  a few  casual  individuals  among  the  black  tribes,  ap- 
pearing in  distant  countries,  and  at  distant  aeras,  that  we  have  to  look 
for  the  clearest  proofs  of  human  intelligence.  At  this  moment,  scat- 
tered like  their  own  oases,  their  islands  of  beautiful  verdure,  over  the 
eastern  and  western  deserts  of  Africa,  multitudes  of  little  principali- 
ties of  Negroes  are  still  existing, — multitudes  that  have  of  late  years, 
been  detected  and  are  still  detecting,  whose  national  virtues  would 
do  honour  to  the  most  polished  states  of  Europe. 

JOHN  STEWART. 

It  is  from  the  fatal  preponderance  of  passion  over  reason,  that  the 
atrocious  and  damnable  Trade  in  Human  Flesh  is  sanctified;  an 
act  so  infamous,  that  could  all  the  crimes  which  history  records  be 


SIR  WILLIAM  JONES E.  L.  BULWER. 


| 

collected  and  consolidated  into  one,  it  would  lose  its  nature  of  atrocity 
and  become  a virtue,  when  placed  in  comparison  with  the  slave-trade, 
considered  in  its  double  flagitiousness  of  first  buying  the  human  species  l 
and  then  destroying  thorn.  It  is  inconceivable,  that  an  assembly  of  a 
nation  can  be  guilty  of  an  act,  that  no  individual  who  has  not  degraded 
himself  below  his  species,  and  familiarized  his  ear  to  the  association  of 
his  name  with  that  of  villain  and  scoundrel  but  would  feel  a horror  of 
committing.  Though  legislative  accomplices  may  cover  his  shame,  | 
and  screen  him  from  public  censure,  yet  how,  in  the  name  of  truth,  if 
he  possesses  a well-organized  mind  and  body,  and  but  a common  i 
share  of  reflection,  (or  rather  the  pre-eminent  and  characteristic  share 
of  an  Englishman,)  how  can  he  esteem  himself,  when  conscience  will 
ever  upbraid  him  with  the  participation  in  an  act  whose  flagitiousness  is 
so  great,  that  unless  he  renounces  the  character  of  man,  his  very  share 
would  be  sufficient  to  sink  him  into  the  most  ignominious  contempt, 
and  draw  upon  him  more  remorse  than  would  the  catalogue  of  all  the 
acted  and  imagined  crimes  in  nature. — The  Moral  State  of  Nations. 

SIR  WILLIAM  JONES. 

I pass  with  haste  by  the  coast  of  Africa,  whence  my  mind  turns 
with  indignation  at  the  abominable  traffic  in  the  human  species,  from 
which  a part  of  our  countrymen  dare  to  derive  their  inauspicious  wealth. 
Sugar,  it  has  been  said,  would  be  dear  if  it  were  not  worked  by  blacks; 
as  if  the  most  laborious,  the  most  dangerous  works  were  not  carried 
on  in  every  country  by  freemen  ; in  fact,  they  are  so  carried  on  with  • 
infinitely  more  advantage,  for  there  is  alacrity  in  a consciousness  of  ! 
freedom,  and  a gloomy,  sullen  indolence  in  a consciousness  of  slavery,  ;| 
But  let  sugar  be  as  dear  as  it  may,  it  is  better  to  eat  none,  to  eat  honey,  i 
if  sweetness  only  be  palatable ; better  to  cat  aloes  or  coloquintida,  than 
violate  a primary  law  of  nature,  impressed  on  every  heart  not  imbruted  J 
by  avarice ; than  rob  one  human  creature  of  those  eternal  rights  of 
which  no  law  upon  earth  can  justly  deprive  him. 

EDWARD  LYTTON  BULWER. 

It  is  in  vain  that  they  oppose  OPINION ; any  thing  else  they  may 
subdue.  They  may  conquer  wind,  water,  nature  itself ; but  to  the 
progress  of  that  secret,  subtile,  pervading  spirit,  their  imagination  can 
devise,  their  strength  can  accomplish,  no  bar ; its  votaries  they  may 
seize,  they  may  destroy ; itself,  they  cannot  touch.  If  they  check  it  in 
one  place,  it  invades  them  in  another.  They  cannot  build  a wall 
across  the  whole  earth  ; and  even  if  they  could,  it  would  pass  over  its 
summit ! Chains  cannot  bind  it,  for  it  is  immaterial — nor  dungeons 
enclose  it,  for  it  is  universal.  Over  the  faggot  and  the  scaffold — over 
the  bleeding  bodies  which  they  pile  against  its  path,  it  sweeps  on  with 
a noiseless,  but  unceasing  march.  Do  they  bring  armies  against  it,  it 
presents  to  them  no  palpable  object  to  oppose.  Its  camp  is  the 
universe;  its  asylum  the  bosoms  of  their  own  soldiers.  Let  them 
depopulate,  destroy  as  they  please,  to  each  extremity  of  the  earth ; but 
as  long  as  they  have  a single  supporter  themselves — as  long  as  they 


HENRY  BROUGHAM. 


;■  leave  a single  individual  into  whom  that  spirit  can  enter,  so  long  the 
will  have  the  same  labors  to  encounter,  and  the  same  enemy  to  subdue 
I The  Spanish  Patriot  Riego's  Reflection's  oji  Tyrants . 


Oh,  Freedom  ! with  prophet’s  voice, 

Bid  the  ends  of  the  earth  rejoice  ! 

Wherever  the  proud  are  strong, 

And  right  is  oppressed  by  wrong — 

S Wherever  the  dim  day  shines, 

Through  the  cell  where  the  oaptive  pines. — 

I .Go  forth  with  a trumpet’s  sound ! 

And  tell  to  the  nations  round — 

On  the  hills  where  the  heroes  trod, — 

In  the  shrines  of  the  saints  of  God, — 

In  the  ruler’s  hall  and  the  martyr’s  prison, 

That  the  slumber  is  broke  and  the  sleeper  arisen ! 

That  the  day  of  the  scourge  and  the  fetter  is  o’er, 

And  earth  feels  the  tread  of  the  freeman  once  more  ! 

HENRY  BROUGHAM. 

Tell  me  not  of  rights — talk  not  of  the  property  of  the  planter  in 
l his  slaves.  ] deny  the  right — I acknowledge  not  the  property.  The 
1 principles,  the  feelings,  of  our  common  nature,  rise  in  rebellion  against 
it.  Be  the  appeal  made  to  the  understanding  or  to  the  heart,  the  sen- 
l tence  is  the  same  that  rejects  it.  In  vain  you  tell  me  of  laws  that 
: sanction  such  a claim  ! There  is  a law  above  all  the  enactments  of 
human  codes — the  same  throughout  the  world,  the  same  in  all  times — 
such  as  it  was  before  the  daring  genius  of  Columbus  pierced  the  night 
of  ages,  and  opened  to  one  world  the  sources  of  power,  wealth,  and 
knowledge;  to  another,  all  unutterable  woes ; such  it  is  at  this  day: 
it  is  the  law  written  by  the  finger  of  God  on  the  heart  of  man ; and  by 
that  law,  unchangeable  and  eternal,  while  men  despise  fraud,  and 
loathe  rapine,  and  abhor  blood,  they  shall  reject  with  indignation  the 
wild  and  guilty  fantasy,  that  man  can  hold  property  in  man  ! In  vain 
you  appeal  to  treaties,  to  covenants  between  nations.  The  covenants 
of  the  Almighty,  whether  the  old  or  the  new,  denounce  such  unholy 
pretensions.  To  those  laws  did  they  of  old  refer,  who  maintained  the 
African  trade.  Such  treaties  did  they  cite,  and  not  untruly ; for  by 
one  shameful  compact,  you  bartered  the  glories  of  Blenheim  for  the 
traffic  in  blood!  Yet,  in  despite  of  law  and  of  treaties,  that  infernal 
traffic  is  now  destroyed,  and  its  votaries  put  to  death  like  other  pirates. 
How  came  this  change  to  pass  ? Not  assuredly  by  parliament  leading 
the  way;  but  the  country  at  length  awoke;  the  indignation  of  the 
people  was  kindled  ; it  descended  in  thunder,  and  smote  the  traffic, 

and  scattered  its  guilty  profits  to  the  winds 

One  word  before  I sit  down,  and  that  shall  be  in  reference  to  those 
other  countries  which,  by  a singular  coincidence,  obtained  their  freedom 
about  the  same  period  when  we  began  our  effective  struggle — the  Ameri- 
cans having  obtained  their  political  freedom  about  the  time  when  Thomas 
Clarkson  began  to  agitate  the  question  of  the  slave-trade,  and  the 
French  having  obtained  their  restoration  to  freedom  in  the  very  same 
month  when  Yorkshire  enabled  us,  by  the  spirit  which  it  then  exhibited, 


28 


THOMAS  FOWELL  BUXTON. 


to  accomplish  the  great  object  of  emancipation,  for  which  we  had 
previously  so  long  struggled  in  vain.  That  being  the  case,  is  it  not 
melancholy  as  it  regards  France — is  it  not  unspeakably  mournful — 
nay,  is  it  not  absolutely  monstrous  (I  use  the  term  without  meaning 
offence,)  as  regards  America — is  it.  not  matter  of  the  profoundest  won- 
der, that  in  a country  which  boasts  of  being  the  freest  (and,  politically 
speaking,  it  is  one  of  the  freest  on  the  face  of  the  earth,)  should  be  the 
country  which  seems  to  cling  the  most  closely  to  the  slavery  of  the  1 
negroes,  a slavery  which  when  compared  with  the  fetters  which  they  i 
(the  Americans)  so  nobly  burst  asunder,  in  their  resistance  to  the 
oppressions  of  the  mother  country,  may  be  compared  to  straw's  laid 
upon  the  back  of  a camel?  (Cheers.)  Can  this  endure — can  such 
an  anomaly  be  perpetuated — can  so  gross,  so  violent,  so  egregious 
an  inconsistency  continue  among  13,000,000  of  enlightened  men  ? I 
pronounce  it  impossible.  (Hear,  hear.)  1 have  always  stood  forward 
as  the  fast  friend  of  America.  1 have  no  doubt  that  the  advice  I now  • 
give  her  in  the  spirit  of  candor  and  friendship,  will  be  received  by  her 
111  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  offered. 

THOMAS  FOWELL  BUXTON. 

Mr.  T.  F.  Buxton,  in  bringing  forward  his  promised  motion  on  the 
subject  of  the  slave-trade,  observed,  that  no  person  who  had  not  wit- 
nessed the  atrocities  of  that  abominable  traffic,  could  have  an  adequate 
conception  of  the  crimes,  miseries,  and  cruelties  to  which  it  gave  rise. 
He  requested  the  attention  of  the  house  to  facts  which  he  should  lay 
before  them  from  parliamentary  documents — facts  that  indicated  the 
extent  to  which  the  slave-trade  was  now  carried  on. 

In  three  years  and  a half,  150,537  slaves  were  introduced  into  Brazil 
through  the  single  port  of  Rio  de  Janerio.  But  this  did  not  include  the  ! 
whole  number  departed  from  Africa;  it  only  extended  to  the  number  I 
introduced  alive:  we  know  nothing  of  the  amount  of  mortality  that  i 
occurred  among  the  slaves  on  their  passage.  In  1830  the  slave-trade 
had  been  legally  abolished,  notwithstanding  which,  however,  he  was 
sorry  to  say  it  now  proceeded  with  almost  as  much  activity  as  ever. 
This  he  gathered  from  the  report  of  the  Minister  of  Marine  to  the 
Legislative  Assembly,  which  was  as  follows: — “Rio  dc  Janeiro,  June 
17,  1333. — Well  known  are  the  tricks  resorted  to  by  speculators,  as  ^ 
sordid  as  they  are  criminal,  to  continue  the  disgraceful  traffic  in  slaves, 
in  spite  of  all  the  legislative  provisions  and  orders  issued  respecting  it, 
which  have  been  most  scandalously  eluded.  It,  therefore,  appears 
necessary  to  the  government  to  have  recourse  to  the  most  efficacious 
means,  which  are,  to  arm  a sufficient  number  of  small  vessels  to  form 
a sort  of  cordon  sanitaire,  which  may  prevent  the  access  to  our  shores 
of  those  swarms  of  Africans  that  are  continually  poured  forth  from  | 
ships  employed  in  so  abominable  a traffic.” 

Before  concluding,  he  would  mention  one  fact,  which  had  made  a j 
greater  impression  on  his  mind  than  almost  any  thing  else.  In  addition  ! 
to  the  desolation  which  this  shameful  traffic  created  in  Africa,  it  wa  I 
tire  cause  of  the  destruction  of  not  less  than  100,000  persons,  year  by 


ELIZABETH  HETRICK HARRIET  MARTINEAU. 


I year,  and  this  large  number  of  human  beings  were  sacrificed  for  the 
‘ purpose  of  enriching  miscreants,  the  acknowledged  enemies  of  the 
human  race,  who,  if  justice  had  been  done,  would  undoubtedly  have 
died  the  death  of  murderers  and  pirates.  (Hear,  hear.) — Speech  in  the 
British  House  of  Commons,  May,  12,  1S35. 

ELIZABETH  IIEYRICK. 

An  immediate  emancipation  is  the  object  to  be  aimed  at ; it  is  more 
wise  and  rational — more  politic  and  safe,  as  well  as  more  just  and 
humane,  than  gradual  emancipation.  The  interests,  moral  and  political, 
temporal  and  eternal,  of  all  parties  concerned,  will  be  best  promoted 
by  immediate  emancipation.  The  sooner  the  planter  is  obliged  to 
abandon  a system  which  torments  him  with  perpetual  alarms  of  insur- 
rection and  massacre — which  keeps  him  in  the  most  debasing  moral 
bondage — subjects  him  to  a tyranny,  of  all  others  the  most  injurious 
and  destructive,  that  of  sordid  and  vindictive  passions ; the  sooner  he 
is  obliged  to  adopt  a more  humane  and  more  lucrative  policy  in  the 
. cultivation  of  his  plantations ; the  sooner  the  over-labored,  crouching 
slave  is  converted  into  a free  laborer — his  compulsory,  unremunerated 
toil,  under  the  impulse  of  the  cart-whip,  exchanged  for  cheerful,  well 
recompensed  industry, — his  bitter  sufferings  for  peaceful  enjoyment — 
r his  deep  execration  of  his  merciless  tyrants,  for  respectful  attachment 
to  his  humane  and  equitable  master- : the  sooner  the  government  and 
' the  people  of  this  country’  purify  themselves  from  the  guilt  of  supporting 
cr  tolerating  a system  of  such  monstrous  injustice,  productive  of  such 
. complicated  enormities — the  sooner  all  this  mass  of  impolicy,  crime, 
and  suffering,  is  got  rid  of,  the  better. 

HARRIET  MARTINEAU. 

I believe  that  I have  heard  every  argument  that  can  possibly  be 
adduced  in  vindication  or  palliation  of  slavery,  under  any  circumstances 
now  existing;  and  I declare  that  of  all  displays  of  intellectual  perversion 
and  weakness,  that  I have  witnessed,  I have  met  with  none  so  hum- 
bling and  so  melancholy  as  the  advocacy  of  this  institution.  I declare 
that  I know  the  whole  of  its  theory ; — a declaration  that  I dare  not 
make  with  regard  to,  1 think,  any  other  subject  whatever:  the  result 
is  that  I believe  there  is  nothing  rational  to  be  said  in  vindication  or 
palliation  of  the  protraction  of  slavery  in  the  United  States. 

Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Louisiana,  present  the  extreme  case  of 
: the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  prosperity  of  proprietors  and  the  woes  of 
! slaves.  I found  that  the  Virginians  spoke  with  sorrow  and  contempt 
of  the  treatment  of  slaves  in  North  and  South  Carolina ; South  Carolina 
and  Georgia,  of  the  treatment  of  slaves  in  the  richer  states  to  the  west : 
and  in  these  last,  I found  the  case  too  bad  to  admit  of  aggravation.  It 
was  in  these  last  that  the  most  heart-rending  disclosures  were  made  to 
me  by  the  heads  of  families  of  their  state  of  society,  and  of  their  own 
intolerable  sufferings  in  it — Society  in  America. 


BENJAMIN  GODWIN E.  S.  ABDY. 


All  men  are  equal  in  their  birth, 

Heirs  of  the  earth  and  skies  ; 

All  rnen  are  equal  when  that  earth 
Fades  from  their  dying  eyes. 

O ! let  men  hasten  to  restore 
To  all,  their  rights  of  love  : 

In  power  and  wealth  exult  no  >*ore  ; 

In  wisdom  lowly  move. 

Ye  great ! renounce  your  earth-born  pride, 

Ye  low  ! your  shame  and  fear: 

Live  as  ye  worship,  side  by  side ; 

Your  common  claims  revere. 

BENJAMIN  GODWIN. 

It  is  a man’s  interest,  we  know,  to  use  his  cattle  well,  and  to  take 
care  that  those  who  work  them  treat  them  properly;  but,  notwith- 
standing tins,  does  not  the  brute  creation  groan  under  the  cruelties  of 
man?  How  many  are  injured  through  mere  wantoness!  how  many 
through  thoughtlessness!  and  how  many  a noble  animal  has  been 
shamefully  abused  in  the  moment  of  passion ! Besides,  the  owners  of 
cattle  are  not  always  with  them,  and  may  even  never  see  many  of 
them;  and  men  who  have  no  interest  in  them  may  have  the  care  and 
the  working  of  them.  Certainly  in  the  opinion  of  our  legislature,  this 
motive  was  not  deemed  suffici  Of,  or  why  w'as  an  Act  of  Parliament 
passed  to  prevent  cruelty  to  animals  ? And  for  similar  reasons  the 
interest  of  the  slave-owner  in  his  slaves  is  no  sufficient  security  against 
ill  treatment.  Thoughtlessness,  wantonness,  inebriety,  the  ebullitions 
of  anger,  or  that  irritation  which  blinds  the  mind  even  to  a man’s  own 
interests,  may  work  misery  to  the  slave — as  in  the  case  of  the  young 
gentleman  already  mentioned,  who  shot  a slave  for  sport;  or  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Moss,  for  instance,  who  by  a series  of  cruelties,  destroyed  a 
female  who  might  long  have  served  them. 

E.  S.  ABDY. 

To  talk  of  a slave’s  labor  being  due  to  his  master,  is  to  insult  com- 
mon sense  and  common  decency.  While  the  latter  can  coin  dollars 
out  of  the  sweat  and  tears  of  his  victim  he  will  do  so.  “The  law 
allows  it,  and  the  court  awards  it.”  It  is  this  clause,  however,  in  the 
constitution,  which  renders  the  free  states  tributary  to  the  ambition  of 
the  slave  states,  and  accessories  to  all  their  guilt ; — makes  the  boasted 
asylum  of  the  persecuted,  the  prison-house  of  the  unfortunate  ; and 
converts  the  guardians  of  liberty,  into  the  turnkeys  of  its  assassins. 

I can  truly  and  honestly  declare,  that  the  orderly  and  obliging  be- 
haviour, I observed  among  them,  the  decent  and  comfortable  arrange- 
ments I witnessed  in  their  houses — the  anxiety  they  expressed  for  the 
education  of  their  children,  and  their  own  improvement — the  industry 
which  was  apparent  in  all  about  them,  and  the  intelligence  which 
markej  their  conversation — their  sympathy  for  one  another,  and  the 
respect  they  maintained  for  themselves — the  absence  of  vindictive 
feeling  against  the  whites,  and  the  gratitude  they  evinced  towards 


WESTMINSTER  REVIEW. 


every  one  who  treats  them  with  common  civility  and  regard, — far  sur- 
passed the  expectation  I had  formed,  of  finding  among  them  some- 
tiling  more  elevated  than  the  instinct  of  monkeys  united  to  the  passions 
of  men.  They  are  “not  only  almost,  but  altogether  such  as”  the 
white  man — except  the  bonds  he  has  fastened  on  their  bodies  or  their 
minds. — Residence  and  Tour  in  the  United  Slates,  1333 — 1835. 

WESTMINSTER  REVIEW. 

If  the  reader  rises  from  the  perusal  of  these  volumes  of  E.  S.  Ahdy 
with  a highly  reduced  opinion  of  American  intellect  and  morals,  and 
a strong  sense  of  the  insult  put  upon  the  lib  rats  of  Europe  by  the 
affectation  of  fraternity  with  which  they  have  been  honored,  it  will  bo 
accompanied  with  an  increased  hatred  of  oppression,  and  increased 
love  of  liberty  as  a principle.  With  a form  of  government  vastly  more 
favorable  for  human  improvement  than  that  of  their  English  progenitors, 
the  Americans,  probably  from  the  effec^of  climate,  which  has  pro- 
duced so  many  other  variations  in  the  animal  kingdom,  have  gone 
backward  and  not  forward,  and  present  a caricature  of  all  the  worst 
qualities  of  the  worst  Englishmen  of  the  worst  times.  Slavery  is  so 
utterly  abhorrent  to  every  respectable  individual  in  this  country,  that 
it  would  be  a waste  of  argument  to  reason  against  its  continuance ; 
while  those  who  have  profited  by  it,  like  others  who  have  been  guilty 
of  nefarious  practices,  are  beyond  the  pale  of  reason  on  the  subject. 

The  tearing  asunder  family  ties,  the  banishment,  the  mart,  the 
jealous  confinement  and  surveillance  of  new  masters,  the  whole  horrors 
of  the  slave-trade,  are  brought  into  active  operation  in  the  heart  of  the 
United  States,  whose  citizens  the  while,  expect  to  sit  at  table  with 
civilized  men,  and  be  treated  with  more  reverence  than  the  kindred 
barbarians  of  Ashantee. 

Bad  as  is  the  state  of  the  slaves  in  the  more  northern  states,  they 
uniformly  regard  the  South  with  more  horror  than  our  thieves  at  home 
do  the  hulks.  The  loss  by  death  alone  to  the  Louisiana  planters,  in 
bringing  slaves  from  the  North,  is  estimated  at  twenty-five  per  cent. 
The  sugar  factories  and  rice  swamps,  the  slaves  know  to  be  rapid 
and  rough  highroads  to  the  grave.  And  they  are  well  acquainted  with 
the  stories  of  the  greater  rigor  of  the  southern  drivers.  It  is  true  that 
the  more  respectable  Virginian  proprietors  decline  selling  their  negroes 
so  Iongas  they  conduct  themselves  to  their  satisfaction,  and  even  make 
this  rule  in  some  degree  a point  of  honor. 

Mr.  Abdy's  book  reads  a moral  lesson  to  the  American  people 
which  cannot  be  too  much  insisted  on.  It  is  the  right  of  the  civilized 
world  to  combine  in  placing  them  in  quarantine  till  they  are  less  dis- 
creditable to  their  ancestors.  Will  any  Englishman  sit  at  meat  with 
a nation  that  sell  one  another  by  weight  ? 

It  is  by  no  means  certain,  that  civilization  did  not  come  to  Egypt 
out  of  Ethiopia ; and  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  Indians,  who  pass  for 
“black  fellows”  in  the  vocabulary  of  these  white  philosophers,  were  a 
civilized  and  learned  race,  when  our  progenitors  were  painting  their 
skins  and  roasting  one  another  alive. 


=*28 


THE  SLAVE-TRADE EDINBURGH  REVIEW. 


THE  SLAVE-TRADE. 

We  now  come  to  our  own  country,  the  United  States.  And  what 
shall  we  say  ? What  must  we  say  ? What  does  the  truth  compel  us 
to  say  ? Why,  that  of  all  the  countries  appealed  to  by  great  Britain 
and  France  on  this  momentous  subject,  the  United  States  is  the  only  one 
which  has  returned  a decided  negative.  We  neither  do  any  tiling  our- 
selves to  put  down  the  accursed  traffic,  nor  afford  any  facilities  to 
enable  others  to  put  it  down.  Nay,  rather,  we  stand  between  the 
slave  and  his  deliverer.  We  are  a drawback — a dead  weight  on  the 
cause  of  bleeding  humanity.  How  long  shall  this  shameful  apathy 
continue?  How  long  shall  we,  who  call  ourselves  the  champions 
of  freedom,  close  our  ears  to  the  groans,  and' our  eyes  to  the  tears  and 
blood,  and  our  hearts  to  the  untold  anguish  of  thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands  who  are  every  year  torn  from  home  and  friends  and  bosom 
companions,  and  sold  into  hopeless  bondage,  or  perish  amid  the  hor- 
rors of  the  “ middle  passage?”  From  the  shores  of  bleeding  Africa, 
and  from  the  channels  of  the»leep,  from  Brazil  and  from  Cuba,  Echo 
answers,  “Flow  long?” — JV.  V.  Journal  of  Commerce,  Sept.  1835. 

EDINBURGH  REVIEW. 

We  have,  however,  to  record  one  instance  of  positive  refusal  to  our 
request  of  accession  to  these  conventions,  and  that,  we  grieve  to  say, 
comes  from  the  United  States  of  America— the  first  nation  that,  by  its 
statute  law,  branded  the  slave-trade  with  the  name  of  piracy.  The 
conduct,  moreover,  of  the  President,  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
perfectly  candid  and  ingenuous.  There  appears  to  have  been  delay  in 
returning  any  answer,  and  when  returned,  it  seems  to  have  been  of  an 
evasive  character.  In  the  month  of  August,  1833,  the  English  and 
French  ministers  jointly  sent  in  copies  of  the  recent  convenlions,  and 
requested  the  accession  of  the  United  States.  At  the  end  of  March 
following,  seven  months  afterwards,  an  answer  is  returned,  which, 
though  certainly  not  of  a favorable  character  in  other  respects,  yet 
brings  so  prominently  into  view,  as  the  insuperable  objection,  that  the 
mutual  right  of  search  of  suspected  vessels  was  to  be  extended  to  the 
shores  of  the  United  States,  (though  we  permitted  it  to  American 
cruisers  off  the  coast  of  our  West  Indian  colonies,)  that  Lord  Palmer- 
ston was  naturally  led  to  suppose  that  the  other  objections  were  su- 
perable.  He,  therefore,  though  aware  how  much  the  whole  efficiency 
of  the  agreement  will  je  impaired,  consents  to  waive  that  part  of  it,  in 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  President,  and  in  the  earnest  hope 
that  he  will,  in  return,  make  some  concessions  of  feeling  or  opinion  to 
the  wishes  of  England  and  France,  and  to  the  necessities  of  a great 
and  holy  cause.  The  final  answer,  however,  is,  that  under  no  condi- 
tion, in  no  form,  and  with  no  restrictions,  will  the  United  States  enter 
into  any  convention  or  treaty,  or  make  combined  efforts  of  any  sort  or 
kind,  with  other  nations,  for  the  suppression  of  the  trade.  We  much 
mistake  the  state  of  public  opinion  in  the  United  States,  if  its  govern- 
ment will  not  find  itself  under  the  necessity  of  changing  this  resolution. 
The  slave-trade  will  henceforth,  we  have  little  doubt,  be  carried  on 


I 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


under  the  flag  of  freedom  ; but  as  in  no  country,  after  our  own, 
have  such  persevering  efforts  for  its  suppression  been  made,  by  men 
l the  most  distinguished  for  goodness,  wisdom,  and  eloquence,  as  in 
the  United  States,  we  cannot  believe  that  their  flag  will  long  be  pros- 
tituted to  such  vile  purposes;  and  either  they  must  combine  with 
. other  nations,  or  they  must  increase  the  number  and  efficiency  of 
their  naval  forces  on  the  coast  of  Africa  and  elsewhere,  and  do  their 
> work  single-handed.  We  say  this  the  more,  because  the  motives 
i which  have  actuated  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  this  re- 
fusal, clearly  have  reference  to  the  words,  “right  of  search.”  They 
will  not  choose  to  see  that  this  is  a mutual  restricted  right,  effected 
by  convention,  strictly  guarded  by  stipulations  for  one  definite  ob- 
ject, and  confined  in  its  operations  within  narrow  geographical  lim- 
its; a right,  moreover,  which  England  and  France  have  accorded  to 
each  other  without  derogating  from  the  national  honour  of  either. 
If  we  are  right  in  our  conjecture  of  the  motive,  and  there  is  evidence 
to  support  us,  we  must  consider  that  the  President  and  his  ministers 
have  been  in  this  instance,  actuated  by  a narrow  provincial  jealousy, 
and  totally  unworthy  of  a great  and  independent  nation. 


JAMES  GRAHAME. 

The  first  cargo  of  negro  slaves  imported  into  North  America,  was 
i conveyed  by  a Dutch  vessel  in  1620  to  Virginia,  where  they  were 
, readily  purchased  by  the  planters  without  the  permission,  or  even 
the  knowledge  of  the  British  government.  Indeed  this  government 
did  not  then  nor  till  several  years  after,  exercise  the  political  gov- 
: ernment  of  Virginia,  which  was  originally  confided  to  a numerous 
society  of  English  gentlemen  established  in  London.  Moreover,  the 
1 first  of  the  British  statutes  of  navigation  was  not  enacted  till  the 
; Restoration  of  Charles  II.  in  1660  : and  the  slave  trade  was  not 
r comprehended  within  the  scope  and  operation  of  the  commercial 
policy  of  the  British  government  till  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne — 
prior  to  which  negro  slavery  was  established  in  every  one  of  the 
: American  provinces  that  finally  revolted  from  Britain — of  course 
with  the  exception  of  Georgia,  which  was  not  planted  till  the  year 
, 1733.  The  number  of  slaves  in  every  province  was  regulated  by 
its  soil,  climate,  and  other  physical  circumstances,  and  not  by 
the  degree  of  its  subjection  to  British  control.  The  puritan  colon- 
• ists  of  New  England,  at  a time  when  then-  provincial  government 
was  practically  independent  of  Great  Britain,  reduced  to  slavery  the 
captives  whom  they  took  in  their  wars  with  the  Indians.  Mary- 
land and  the  Carolinas  acquired  negro  slaves  while  they  were  sub- 
ject not  to  the  British  crown,  but  to  proprietary  dominion  ; and,  unde- 
terred by  the  threats  and  remonstrance  of  the  British  proprietaries 
to  whom  they  owed  allegiance,  the  Carolinian  planters  adopted  and 
long  persisted  in  the  practice  of  kidnapping  and  in  enslaving  the 
unoffending  Indians  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be  their  neighbors. 
Who  is  to  blame  ? 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JONATHAN  DYMOND. 

That  any  human  being,  who  has  not  forfeited  his  liberty  by  his 
crimes,  has  a right  to  he  free, — and  that  whosoever  forcibly  with, 
holds  liberty  from  an  innocent  man,  robs  him  of  his  right,  and  vio-  1 
lates  the  moral  law,  are  truths  which  no  man  would  dispute  or  doubt, 
if  custom  had  not  obscured  our  perceptions,  or  if  wickedness  did  not 
prompt  us  to  close  our  eyes. 

The  whole  system  is  essentially  and  radically  bad  : injustice  and 
oppression  are  its  fundamental  principles.  Whatever  lenity  may  bo 
requisite  in  speaking  of  the  agent,  none  should  be  shown,  none  should 
be  expressed  for  the  act.  Ido  not  affirm  or  imagine  that  every  slave*  ! I 
holder  is  therefore  a wicked  man  ; but  if  he  be  not,  it  is  only  upon 
the  score  of  ignorance.  If  he  is  exempt  from  the  guilt  of  violating 
the  moral  law,  it  is  only  because  he  does  not  perceive  what  it  requires,  1 
Let  us  leave  the  deserts  of  the  individual  to  Him  who  knoweth  the 
heart : of  his  actions  wo  may  speak  ; and  we  should  speak  in  the 
language  of  reprobation,  disgust,  and  abhorrence. 

Although  it  could  be  shown  that  the  slave  system  is  expedient,  it 
would  not  affect  the  question  whether  it  ought  to  be  maintained : yet 
it  is  remarkable  that  it  is  shown  to  be  impolitic  as  well  as  bad.  We  1 
are  not  violating  the  moral  law  because  it  fills  our  pockets.  We  in- 
jure  ourselves  by  our  own  transgressions.  The  slave  system  is  a 
costly  iniquity,  both  to  the  nation  and  to  individual  men.  It  is  mat-  t 
ter  of  great  satisfaction  that  this  is  known  and  proved  : and  yet  it  is 
just  what,  antecedently  to  inquiry,  we  should  have  reason  to  expect. 
The  truth  furnishes  one  addition  to  the  many  evidences,  that  even 
with  respect  to  temporal  affairs,  that  which  is  right  is  commonly  po-  i 
litic ; and  it  ought  therefore  to  furnish  additional  inducements  to  a 
fearless  conformity  of  conduct,  private  and  public,  to  the  moral  law 
— Essay  on  Morality. 


GEORGE  COMBE. 

The  race  has  never  received  justice  from  its  European  and  Amen  I 
can  masters  ; and  until  its  treatment  shall  have  become  moral,  its  ca*  1 
pabilities  cannot  be  fairly  estimated,  and  the  judgment  against  it  is 
therefore  premature.  Besides,  whatever  be  its  capabilities,  it  was  a 
henious  moral  transgression  to  transport  it,  by  violent  means,  from 
the  region  where  a wise  and  benevolent  God  had  placed  it,  and  to  ! 
plant  it  in  a new  soil,  and  amidst  institutions,  for  which  it  was  never 
intended ; and  the  punishment  of  this  offence  will  not  be  averted,  but 
aggravated,  by  losing  sight  of  the  source  of  the  transgression,  and 
charging  the  consequences  of  it  on  the  negroes,  as  if  they  were  to 
blame  for  their  alleged*  incapacity  to  glide  gracefully  into  the  ranks 
of  American  civilization.  The  negroes  must  either  be  improved  by 
culture  and  intermarriages  with  the  European  race,  or  transferred  1 
to  their  native  climate,  before  America  can  escape  from  the  hands  of 
divine  justice.  I am  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  details  of 
American  social  life,  to  be  able  to  point  out  the  practical  form  m 
which  the  punishment  is  inflicted  ; but  if  there  be  truth  in  the  prin- 
ciples now  expounded,  I cannot  doubt  of  its  existence. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


The  alternative  of  incorporating  the  negroes,  by  intermarriage, 
with  the  European  race,  appears  revolting  to  the  feelings  of  the  lat- 
.er ; while  they  also  declare  it  to  be  impossible  to  retransport  the 
backs  to  Africa,  on  account  of  their  overwhelming  numbers.  There 
js  much  force  in  both  of  these  objections,  but  there  is  still  greater 
weight  in  the  following  considerations  : — that  the  white  race  is  ex- 
clusively to  blame  for  the  origin  of  the  evil,  and  for  all  its  conse- 
juences ; that  the  natural  laws  never  relax  in  their  operation  ; and 
hat,  therefore,  the  existing  evils  will  go  on  augmenting,  until  a 
■emedy  be  adopted,  which  will  become  more  painful  the  longer  it  is 
lelayed.  If  the  present  state  of  things  shall  be  continued  for  a 
century,  it  is  probable  that  it  will  end  in  a war  of  extermination 
>e tween  the  black  and  the  white  population ; or  in  an  attempt  by 
he  blacks  to  conquer  and  exclusively  possess  one  or  more  of  the 
iouthern  states  of  the  Union,  as  an  independent  kingdom  for  them- 
ielves. — Constitution  of  Man. 


JAMES  CROPPER. 

In  judging  of  this  scheme,  we  ought  never  to  lose  sight  of  two  facts 
vith  respect  to  the  enslaved  Africans  in  the  United  States,  in  which 
he  enormities  of  that  free  country  have  exceeded  those  of  any  other. 
The  first  is,  that  slaves  are  regularly  bred  for  sale.  The  second,  that, 
n many  of  the  states,  the  laws  affecting  free  blacks  are  of  so  vio. 
ently  persecuting  a character  as  to  compel  those  who  obtain  their  li- 
>erty  to  leave  those  states.  From  the  former  of  these  causes,  in- 
stances must  often  occur,  (from  the  state  of  morals  in  slave  countries,) 
if  fathers  selling  their  own  children!!  From  the  latter  has  originated 
he  colonization  society ; it  arose  out  of  those  prejudices  against 
:olor,  and  is  a direct  attempt  to  extend  the  same  principle  to  trans- 
lortation. 

■ Why  are  slave-holders  so  anxious  to  send  away  free  people  of  color  ? 
Because  their  slave  institutions  would  be  endangered  by  the  competi- 
ion  of  respectable  free  black  laborers  ; and  they  dread  still  more  their 
iducation  and  advancement  in  science.  If  they  were  desirous  of 
;erving  the  free  blacks,  they  would  instruct  them  at  home,  (not  a few 
if  them,  but  every  one  that  they  send,)  and  not  send  them  in  igno- 
ance  to  a barbarous  country. 


GEORGE  THOMPSON. 

i As  the  friend  of  Africa, — claiming  to  be  as  much  the  friend  of 
Africa  as  he  who  directs  his  attention  exclusively  to  that  country, 
—as  the  friend  of  Africa,  I say  look  to  India.  (Hear.)  Would  you 
;ive  security  to  Africa,  would  you  starve  the  man-stealer  from  her 
bores  ? Would  you  dispense  with  ships  of  war  around  her  shores, 
md  render  unnecessary  the  outlay  of  immense  funds  now  employed  1 
iVould  you  give  security  to  that  now  harrassed,  impoverished,  and 
disembowelled  country?  Look  to  India.  You  may  immediately 
iring  your  cotton,  your  sugar,  your  rice,  from  thence ; and  as  sura 
is  you  import  it  into  this  country,  so  surely  will  you  stop,  imme* 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


diately  and  for  ever,  the  demand  for  slaves.  (Applause.)  And  thu 
you  are  doing  peacefully,  and  by  most  unexceptionable  means,  with 
out  lavish  expenditure,  without  embassies,  without  treaties,  wilhou  (f 
congresses,  without  any  violation,  direct  or  indirect,  of  any  existing  p 
treaty,  you  are  doing  that  which  cannot  de  done,  if  you  look  at  Ai  * 
rica  only  and  forget  India,  without  a vast  deal  of  expense.  Mucl 
time  must  elapse,  much  pains  must  be  taken,  many  failures  must  b<  5 
sustained,  ere  we  can  hope  to  see  the  plans  that  may  be  devised  '■ 
however  sapient  the  benevolence  that  originated,  or  active  the  cnerg]  v 
that  may  work  them,  carried  into  successful  operation.  I say,  there  J 
fore,  look  to  India.  If  you  can  but  render  slavery  so  unprofitable—  '■? 
unnecessary,  and  therefore  unprofitable — as  to  put  down  the  trade  ill  • 
slaves,  then  you  immediately  restore  to  the  shore  of  Africa  what  slit 
has  not  known  for  centuries — that  peace  of  which  she  has  been  de  : 
prived  by  the  Christians  of  Europe.  Then  you  can  introduce  com  ’ 
merce  and  civilization  into  Africa,  without  the  fear  of  being  thwarted  1 
in  your  plans  by  the  superior  temptation  placed  in  the  way  of  tilt  1 
barbarian  chief,  by  the  prowler  and  kidnapper  along  her  shores ; then  1 
you  can  dispense  with  your  armed  cruisers,  your  tenders  and  steam 
boats ; then  you  may  make  treaties  with  the  native  chiefs,  who  wil  ■ 
be  gald,  for  they  will  be  compelled  to  do  so,  seeing  that  you  will  b< 
the  only  party  before  them,  the  other  party  having  been  dismissec 
from  their  shores  by  the  operation  of  this  most  powerful  and  pacific 
principle  ; then  will  you  extend  the  benefits  of  education. 

We  arc  paying  every  year  from  fifteen  to  twenty  millions  for  the 
support  of  slavery’ ; while,  by  looking  to  our  own  British  possessions 
we  might  obtain  our  articles  cheaper;  we  might  send  to  those  depen- 
dencies a much  greater  amount  of  our  manufactures  ; we  might  pro- 
mote the  prosperity’  of  the  parent  empire ; we  might  give  employment 
to  our  starving  and  dissatisfied  fellow-citizens  at  home  ; we  might 
give  peace  and  security  to  Africa,  and  proclaim  the  year  of  deliverance 
to  the  slaves  of  America. 

WILLIAM  BEST. 

It  is  a matter  of  pride  for  me  to  recollect,  that  while  economists  and) 
politicians  were  recommending  to  the  Lcgislatuie  the  protection  of  this! 
traffic,  and  senators  were  framing  laws  for  its  piomotion,  and  declaring 
it  a benefit  to  the  country, — the  judges  of  the  land,  above  the  age  in 
which  they  lived,  standing  upon  the  high  ground  of  natural  right,  and 
disdaining  to  bend  to  the  lower  doctrine  of  expediency,  declared  tliati 
slavery  was  inconsistent  with  the  genius  of  the  English  Constitution, 
and  that  human  beings  could  not  be  the  subject  matter  of  property. 
As  a lawyer,  I speak  of  that  early  determination,  when  a different 
doctrine  was  prevailing  in  the  senate,  with  a considerable  degree  of 
professional  pride. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


CHARLES  DICKENS. 

ll  Do  we  not  know  that  the  worst  deformity  and  ugliness  of  slavery 
- arc  at  once  the  cause  and  the  effect  of  the  reckless  license  taken  by 
.'these  free  born  outlaws  ? Do  we  not  know  that  the  man  has  been 
bom  and  bred  among  its  wrongs  ; who  has  seen  in  his  childhood 
jhusbands  obliged  at  the  word  of  command  to  flog  their  wives;  wo. 
amen,  indecently  compelled  to  hold  up  their  own  garments  that  men 
might  lay  the  heavier  stripes  upon  their  legs,  driven  and  harried  by 
'^brutal  oveiscers  in  their  time  of  travail,  and  becoming  mothers  on 
the  field  of  toil,  under  the  very  lash  itself;  who  has  read  in  youth, 
-and  seen  his  virgin  sisters  read  descriptions  of  runaway  men  and 
: women,  and  their  disfigured  persons,  which  could  not  be  published 
•elsewhere,  of  so  much  stock  upon  a farm,  or  at  a show  of  beasts ; 
do  we  not  kuow  that  that  man,  whenever  his  wrath  is  kindled  up, 
will  be  a brutal  savage  ? Do  we  not  know  that  as  he  is  a coward  in 
. his  domestic  life,  stalking  among  his  shrinking  men  and  women 
. slaves  armed  with  a heavy  whip,  so  he  will  be  a coward  out  of  doors, 

: and  carrying  cowards’  weapons  hidden  in  his  breast  will  shoot  men 
down  and  stab  them  when  lie  quarrels  ? And  if  our  reason  did  not 
teach  us  this,  and  much  beyond  ; if  we  were  such  idiots  as  to  close 
our  eyes  to  that  fine  mode  of  training  which  rears  up  such  men  ; 
should  we  not  know  that  they  who  among  their  equals  stab  and  pis. 
tol  in  the  legislative  halls,  and  in  the  counting-house,  and  on  the 
market-place,  must  be  to  their  dependants,  even  though  they  were 
free  servants,  so  many  merciless  and  unrelenting  tyrants  ? 

What ! shall  we  declaim  against  the  ignorant  peasantry  of  Ire- 
land, and  mince  the  matter  when  these  American  task-masters  are 
in  question?  Shali  we  cry  shame  on  the  brutality  of  those  who 
hamstring  cattle;  and  spare  the  lights  of  Freedom  upon  earth  who 
notch  the  ears  of  men  and  women,  cut  pleasant  posies  in  the  shrink. 
; ing  flesh,  learn  to  write  with  pens  of  red-hot  iron  on  the  human 
! face,  rack  their  poetic  fancies  for  liveries  of  mutilation  which  their 
slaves  shall  wear  for  life,  and  carry  to  the  grave,  break  living  limb3 
as  did  the  soldiery  who  mocked  and  slew  the  Saviour  of  the  world, 
and  set  defenceless  creatures  up  for  targets  ! Shall  we  whimper 
over  legends  of  the  tortures  practised  on  each  other  by  the  Pagan 
Indians,  and  smile  upon  the  cruelties  of  Christian  men  ! Shall  we, 
so  long  as  these  last,  exult  above  the  scattered  remnants  of  that  state- 
ly race,  and  triumph  in  the  white  enjoyment  of  their  broad  posses- 
sions ? Rather,  for  me,  restore  the  forest  and  Indian  village  ; in 
lieu  of  stars  and  stripes,  let  some  poor  feather  flutter  in  the  breeze ; 
replace  the  streets  and  squares  by  wigwams  ; and  though  the  death- 
song  of  a hundred  haughty  warriors  fill  the  air,  it  will  be  music  to 
i the  shriek  of  one  unhappy  slave. — Nates  on  America. 

Public  opinion  in  the  slave  Slates,  is  slavery,  is  it  not  ? Public 
i opinion,  in  t ie  slive  Stales,  has  deliv.rjd  the  slaves  over  to  the  gen- 
tle mercies  of  their  masters.  Public  opinion  has  made  the  laws, 
and  dmied  them  legislative  protection.  Public  opinion  has  knotted 
the  lash,  heated  the  branding-iron,  and  shielded  the  murderer. — lb. 


FOREIGN  REVIEWS LON.  EVANGELICAL  MAGAZINE, 


EDINBURGH  REVIEW. 

Every  American  who  loves  his  country,  should  dedicate  his  whol 
life,  and  every  faculty  of  his  soul,  to  efface  the  foul  blot  of  slavery  fror 
its  character.  If  nations  rank  according  to  their  wisdom  and  thei 
virtue,  what  right  has  the  American,  a scourger  and  murderer  of  slaves 
to  compare  himself  with  the  least  and  lowest  of  the  European  nations 
much  more  with  this  great  and  humane  country,  where  the  greates 
lord  dare  not  lay  a finger  on  the  meanest  peasant?  What  is  freedon 
where  all  are  not  free?  where  the  greatest  of  God’s  blessings  are  limited 
with  impious  caprice  to  the  color  of  the  body  ? And  these  arc  mei 
who  taunt  the  English  with  their  corrupt  parliament,  with  their  buyin; 
and  selling  votes.  Let  the  world  judge  which  is  the  most  liable  t 
censure — we,  who  in  the  midst  of  rottenness,  have  torn  the  manacle 
off  slaves  all  over  the  world ; or  they  who,  with  (heir  idle  purity  ant 
useless  perfection,  have  remained  mute  and  careless  while  groan 
echoed  and  whips  cracked  round  the  very  walls  of  their  spotless  con 
gress.  We  wish  well  to  America — we  rejoice  in  her  prosperity — ant 
are  delighted  to  resist  the  absurd  impertinence  with  which  the  charade 
of  her  people  is  often  treated  in  this  country.  But  the  existence  of  slaver; 
in  America  is  an  atrocious  crime,  with  which  no  measures  can  be  kep 
— ; for  which  her  situation  affords  no  sort  of  apology — which  makes  libert; 
itself  disgusted,  and  the  boast  of  it  disgusting.— No.  LXl.  Jlrt.  Travel 
lers  in  America. 

THE  FOREIGN  QUARTERLY  REVIEW. 

It  is  notorious,  that,  notwithstanding  all  the  treaties  which  have  beei 
concluded  between  England  and  other  countries  for  the  abolition  o' 
the  slave-trade,  it  is  still  carried  on  to  an  enormous  extent,  because 
even  if  the  governments  were  really  sincere  in  their  wishes  to  suppresr 
this  trade,  their  subjects  were  wholly  averse  to  a step  which  thei 
denounced  as  utter  ruin  to  all  interested  in  the  colonies.  They  hav« 
therefore  persisted  in  spite  of,  perhaps  with  the  connivance  of  thei:; 
governments  ; and  in  Brazil  in  particular,  it  has  been  officially  de 
dared  to  be  out  of  the  power  of  the  legislature  to  put  an  end  to  thi! 
traffic. 

Let  England  call  on  the  governments  of  Europe  not  to  allow  the  im 
porlulion  of  colonial  produce  from  any  coun  try  where  it  can  be  proved  thm 
the  slave-trade  is  still  carried  on,  either  with  the  sanction  or  connivanct 
of  the  government,  or  in  spite  of  it ; such  a measure  would  surely  act  a:j 
a check  on  the  importation  of  slaves.  Could  that  point  be  efffcctualh 
attained,  it  might  be  hoped  that  the  extinction  of  slavery  itself  woulc 
in  due  time  succeed,  as  it  has  done  in  the  British  colonies. 

LONDON  EVANGELICAL  MAGAGINE. 

The  United  States  of  America  present  to  the  world  one  of  the  mos 
extraodinary  spectacles  that  can  be  conceived  of  by  the  mind  of  man 
They  are  a huge  moral  and  political  enigma.  We  behold  part  of  th< 
population  priding  themselves  on  the  peculiar  freedom  of  their  institu 


GEORGE  FOX THE  SOCIETY  OF  FRIENDS. 


tions,  and  holding  the  other  part  in  the  shackles  of  slavery. — Alas, 
that  a figure  with  so  goodly  a bust  should  terminate  in  the  slimy  folds 
of  the  serpent ! 

It  is  melancholy  to  behold  such  a monstrosity,  a people  judging 
their  own  rights  with  the  incontrovertible  declaration,  “ that  all  men 
are  created  equal ; that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  cer- 
tain inalienable  rights ; that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the 
j.  pursuit  of  happiness and  at  the  same  instant  depriving  their  fellow- 
men  perpetually  of  two  of  these  “inalienable  rights,”  and  often  directly 
or  indirectly  of  the  third.  Most  heartily  do  we  concur  with  our 
American  brethren  in  the  sentiment  we  here  quote.  W e concur  with 
them  when  they  claim  to  be  free  from  oppression,  but  we  dissent  from 
them  when  they  claim  also  to  be  free  to  oppress.  The  national 
emblem  of  the  American  states  requires  alteration  to  make  it  truly 
i emblematical  of  their  present  and  past  condition.  The  eagle,  with 
• liberty  on  his  wings,  should,  to  complete  the  resemblance,  clutch  in 
his  talons  the  manacled  and  writhing  form  of  the  colored  man. 

GEORGE  FOX. 

In  the  West  Indies,  he  exhorted  those  who  attended  his  meetings, 
to  be  merciful  to  their  slaves,  and  to  give  them  their  freedom  in  due 
time.  He  considered  these  as  belonging  to  their  families,  and  that 
religious  instruction  \ras  due  to  these  as  the  branches  of  them,  for  whom, 
one  day  or  other,  they  would  be  required  to  give  a solemn  account. 
Hapoy  had  it  been  if  these  Christian  exhortations  had  been  attended 
to,  or  if  these  families  only,  whom  he  thus  seriously  addressed,  had 
continued  to  be  true  Quakers  ; for  they  would  have  set  an  example, 
which  would  have  proved  to  the  rest  of  the  islanders  and  the  world  at 
large,  that  the  impolicy  is  not  less  than  the  wickedness  of  oppression. 
Thus  was  George  Fox,  probably  the  first  person  who  publicly  de- 
clared against  this  species  of  slavery.  Nothing,  in  short,  that  could 
be  deplored  by  humanity,  seems  to  have  escaped  his  eye  ; and  his 
benevolence,  when  excited,  appears  to  have  suffered  no  interruption  in 
its  progress  by  the  obstacles  which  bigotry  would  have  thrown  in  the 
way  of  many,  on  account  of  the  difference  of  a person’s  country,  or  of 
his  color,  or  of  his  sect.” — Portraiture  of  Quakerism. 

. THE  SOCIETY  OF  FRIENDS. 

“ In  the  first  place  they  have  made  it  a rule  that  no  person,  ac- 
knowledged to  be  in  profession  with  them,  shall  have  any  concern  in 
the  slave-trade. 

“ The  Gtuakers  began  to  consider  this  subject,  as  a Christian  body, 
so  early  as  in  the  beginning  of  the  last  century.  In  the  year  1727, 
they  passed  a public  censure  upon  this  trade.  In  the  year  1758,  and 
afterwards  in  the  year  1761,  they  warned  and  exhorted  all  in  profes- 
sion with  them,  ‘ to  keep  their  hands  clear  of  this  unrighteous  gain 
of  oppression.’  In  the  yearly  meeting  of  1763,  they  renewed  their 
exhortation  in  the  following  words  : 

“‘We  renew  our  exhortation,  that  Friends  everywhere  be  ospe- 


29 


JAMES  BEATTIE. 


daily  careful  to  keep  their  hands  clear  of  giving  encouragement  in 
any  shape  to  the  slave-trade  ; it  being  evidently  destructive  of  the 
natural  rights  of  mankind,  who  are  all  ransomed  by  one  Saviour,  and 
visited  by  one  divine  light,  in  order  to  salvation  ; a traffic  calculated ' 
to  enrich  and  aggrandize  some  upon  the  miseries  of  others;  in  its  s 
nature  abhorrent  to  every  just  and  tender  sentiment,  and  contrary  to! 
the  whole  tenor  of  the  gospel.” 

“In  the  same  manner  from  the  year  1763,  they  have  publicly 
manifested  a tender  concern  for  the  happiness  of  the  injured  Africans, 
and  they  have  not  only  been  vigilant  to  see  that  none  of  their  own] 
members  were  concernd  in  this  nefarious  traffic,  but  the}'  have  lent  their 
assistance  with  other  Christians  in  promoting  its  discontinuance. — 
Thomas  Clarkson's  Portuiture  of  Qicakerism. 

JAMES  BEATTIE. 

It  is  well  observed  by  the  wisest  of  poets  (as  Atheneus,  quoting  the 
passage,  justly  calls,)  Homer , who  lived  when  slavery  was  common, 
and  whose  knowledge  of  the  human  heart  is  unquestionable,  that 
“ When  a man  is  made  a slave,  he  loses  from  that  day  the  half  of  his 1 
virtue.”  And  Longinus,  quoting  the  same  passage,  affirms,  “ Slavery, 11 
however  mild,  may  still  be  called  the  poison  of  the  soul,  and  a public 
dungeon.”  And  Tacitus  remarks,  that  “ Even  wild  animals  lose : 
their  spirit  when  deprived  of  their  freedom.”  All  history  proves,  and 
every  rational  philosopher  admits,  that  as  liberty  promotes  virtue  and  ) 
genius,  slavery  debases  the  understanding  and  corrupts  the  heart  of  i 
both  the  slave  and  the  master,  and  that  in  a greater  or  less  degree,  as 
it  is  more  or  less  severe.  So  that  in  this  plea  of  the  slave-monger,  we 
have  an  example  of  that  diabolical  casuistry,  whereby  the  tempter  and  1 
corrupter  endeavors  to  vindicate  or  gratify  himself,  by  accusing  those 
whom  he  himself  has  tempted  or  corrupted. 

Slavery  is  inconsistent  with  the  dearest  and  most  essential  rights  of 
man’s  nature  ; it  is  detrimental  to  virtue  and  to  industry  ; it  hardens 
the  heart  to  those  tender  sympathies  which  form  the  most  lovely  part  I 
of  human  character ; it  involves  the  innocent  in  hopeless  misery,  in  j 
order  to  procure  wealth  and  pleasure  for  the  authors  of  that  misery;  it  1 
seeks  to  degrade  into  brutes  beings  whom  the  Lord  of  heaven  and 
earth  endowed  with  rational  souls,  and  created  for  immortality ; in  1 
short,  it  is  utterly  repugnant  to  every  principle  of  reason,  religion, 
humanity,  and  conscience.  It  is  impossible  for  a considerate  and  un-  1 
prejudiced  mind  to  think  of  slavery  without  horror.  That  a man,  a 
rational  and  immortal  being,  should  be  treated  on  the  same  footing  ; 
with  a beast  or  piece  of  wood,  and  bought  and  sold,  and  entirely  sub-  I 
jected  to  the  will  of  another  man,  whose  equal  he  is  by  nature,  and 
whose  superior  he  may  be  in  virtue  and  understanding,  and  all  for  no  i . 
crime,  but  merely  because  he  was  born  in  a certain  country,  or  of  cer-  : 
tain  parents,  or  because  he  differs  from  us  in  the  shape  of  his  nose,  the  i 
color  of  his  skin,  or  the  size  of  his  lips ; if  this  be  equitable,  or  excu-  1 
sable,  or  pardonable,  it  is  vain  to  talk  any  longer  of  the  eternal  dis-  I! 
tinctions  of  right  and  wrong,  truth  and  falsehood,  good  and  evil.  It  ; 
has  been  said  that  negroes  are  animals  of  a nature  inferior  to  man,  1 1 


vr.  ROBERTSON,  D.  D WAREJRTOX DR.  PRIMATT. 

letween  whom  and  the  brutes,  they  hold,  as  it  were,  the  middle  place. 
?ut  though  this  were  true,  it  would  not  follow  that  we  have  a right 
ither  to  debase  ourselves  by  a habit  of  cruelty,  or  to  use  them  ill ; for 
ven  beasts,  if  inoffensive,  are  entitled  to  gentle  treatment,  and  we 
ave  reason  to  believe  that  they  who  are  not  merciful  will  not  obtain 
hercy. 

The  same  sentiments  are  found  in  Pliny  and  Columella,  who  both 
npute  the  decay  of  husbandry,  in  their  time,  not  to  any  deficiency  in 
he  soil,  but  to  the  unwise  policy  of  leaving  to  the  management  of 
~ laves  those  fields,  which,  says  Pliny,  “ had  formerly  rejoiced  under 
^ le  laurelled  ploughshare  and  the  triumphant  ploughman,”  Rbllin, 
■ith  good  reason,  imputes  to  the  same  cause  the  present  barrenness 
'Palestine,  which  in  ancient  times  was  called  the  land  flowing  with 
lilk  and  honey. — Elements  of  Moral  Science. 

WILLIAM  ROBERTSON,  D.  D. 

In  the  ancient  world  ....  the  pert  ns,  the  goods,  the  children  of 
'iese  slaves,  were  the  property  of  their  masters,  disposed  of  at  plea- 
ire,  and  transferred,  like  any  other  possession,  from  one  hand  to 
bother.  No  inequality,  no  superiority  in  nower,  no  pretext  of  con- 
:nt  can  justify  this  ignomouious  depression  or  nature  or  can 

infer  upon  one  man  tire  ngat  or  € ■"  ..cn  over  another.  Put  not 
lily  doth  reason  condemn  tu.s  ...suuition  os  Urdus'-  °>-r.eii»nce  proved 
to  be  pernicious  both  to  masters  aim  slaves.  The  elevation  of  me 
rmer  inspired  them  with  pride,  insolence,  impatience,  cruelty,  and 
iluptuousness ; the  dependant  end  hopeless  state  of  the  latter  de- 
•cted  the  human  mind,  and  extin^ins.ieu  every  generous  and  noble 
iuciple  in  the  heart. — Sermon. 

BISHOP  WARBuR  i'  W. 

“ From  the  free  savages  I now  come  to  the  savag-  s in  brads.  By 
ese  I mean  the  vast  multitudes  yearly  stolen  from  the  opposite  con- 
sent, and  sacrificed  by  the  colonists  to  their  great  idol  the  god  of 
un.  But  what,  then,  sav  these  sincere  worshippers  of  mammon  f 
hey  are  our  own  property  which  we  offer  up.  Gracious  God  ’ ’n 
Ik,  as  of  herds  of  cattle,  of  property  in  rational  creatures,  creat  .es 
] dued  with  all  our  faculties,  possessing  all  our  qualities  but  tu  .t  of 
lor,  our  brethren  both  by  nature  and  grace,  shocks  all  the  reelings 
: humanity,  and  the  dictates  of  common  sense!  But,  a',.,!  what 
■ there,  in  the  infinite  abuses  of  society,  which  does  not  sV-ck  them  ? 
ct  nothing  i?  more  certain  in  itself  and  apparent  to  ah.  .uan  that  the 
famous  traffic  for  slaves  directly  infringes  both  r1  me  and  human 
w.  Nature  created  man  free,  and  grace  invites  him  to  asseii  m3 
bedom. — Sermon,  1776, 

DR.  PRIMATT. 

It  has  pleased  God  to  cover  some  men  with  white  'A  us,  and  otharu 
ith  black  ; but  as  there  is  neither  merit  nor  dera-  'l  in  comp's'  ,a 
e white  man,  notwithstanding  the  barbarity  of  cv-xtom  and  nrej  .dice. 


\ 

j 


DR.  PECKARD JOHN  WESLEY. 


can  have  no  right  by  virtue  of  his  color  to  enslave  and  tyrannize  over 
the  black  man.  For  whether  a man  be  white  or  black,  such  he  is  by 
God’s  appointment,  and,  abstractly  considered,  is  neither  a subject  for 
pride,  nor  an  object  of  contempt.— Dissertation  on  the  Duty  oj  Mercy, 
and  on  the  Sin  of  Cruelty  to  Brute  Animals. 

DR.  PECKARD. 

“Now,  whether  we  consider  the  crime  with  respect  to  the  indi- 
viduals concerned  in  this  most  barbarous  and  cruel  traffic,  or  whether 
we  consider  it  as  patronised  and  encouraged  by  the  laws  of  the  land,  it 
presents  to  our  view  an  equal  degree  of  enormity.  A crime,  founded 
on  a dreadful  pre-eminence  in  wickedness ; a crime  which  being  both 
of  individuals  and  the  nation,  must  some  time  draw  down  upon  us  the 
heaviest  judgment  of  Almighty  God,  who  made  of  one  blood  all  the, 
sons  of  men,  and  who  gave  to  all  equally  a natural  right  to  liberty ; 
and  who,  ruling  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  with  equal  providentia 
justice,  cannot  suffer  such  delibc  rate,  such  monstrous  iniquity,  to  pass 
long  unpunished.” — Sermon  before  the  Cambridge  University. 

JOHN  WESLEY. 

That  execrable  sum  of  all  villanies  commonly  called  the  slave-trade 
I read  of  nothing  like  it  in  the  heathen  world,  whether  ancient  01 
modern.  It  infinitely  exceeds  every  instance  of  barbarity,  whatevc, 
Christian  slaves  suffer  in  Mohammedan  countries. — His  works,  Vol.  3 
page  341. 

At  Liverpool,  many  large  ships  are  now  laid  up  in  the  docks,  which 
had  been  employed  for  many  years  in  buying  or  stealing  Africans,  anc 
selling  them  in  America  for  slaves.  The  men-butchers  have  nov 
nothing  to  do  at  this  laudable  occupation.  Since,  the  American  waj 
broke  out,  there  is  no  demand  for  human  cattle  ; so  the  men  of  Africa 
as  well  as  Europe,  mav  enjoy  their  native  liberty. — Journal  oj 
April,  1777. 

THOUGHTS  ON  SLAVERY. 

1.  Slavery  imports  an  obligation  of  perpetual  service;  an  obligatioij 
which  only  the  consent  of  the  master  can  dissolve.  It  generally  give 
the  master  an  arbitrary  power  of  any  correction  not  affecting  life  o 
limb.  Sometimes  even  those  are  exposed  to  his  will,  or  protected  onl 
by  a fine  or  some  slight  punishment,  too  inconsiderable  to  restrain 
master  of  harsh  temper.  It  creates  an  incapacity  of  acquiring  an 
thing,  except  for  the  master’s  benefit.  It  allows  the  master  to  alienal 
the  slave  in  the  same  manner  as  his  cows  and  horses.  Lastly,  it  de 
sccnds  in  its  full  extent,  from  parent  to  child,  even  to  the  last  generation 

2.  Tire  grand  plea  is,  “They  are  authorized  by  law.”  But  can  law 
human  law,  change  the  nature  of  things  ? Can  it  turn  darkness  intj 
light,  or  evil  into  good  ? By  no  means.  Notwithstanding  ten  thou 
sand  laws,  right  is  light,  and  wrong  is  wrong.  There  must  still  re 
main  an  essential  difference  between  justice  and  injustice,  cruelty  an 
mercy.  So  that  I ask  ; Who  can  reconcile  this  treatment  of  the  slave# 


JOHN  WESLEY. 


i first  and  last,  with  either  mercy  or  justice  ; where  is  the  justice  of  in- 
) flirting  the  severest  evils  on  those  who  have  done  us  no  wrong?  Of 
} depriving  those  who  never  injured  us  in  word  or  deed,  of  every  comfort 
of  life  ? Of  tearing  them  from  their  native  country,  and  depriving 
| them  of  liberty  itself;  to  which  an  Angolan  has  the  same  natural  right 

(as  an  American,  and  on  which  he  sets  as  high  a value?  Where  is  the 
justice  of  taking  away  the  lives  of  innocent,  inoffensive  men?  Mur- 
[ dering  thousands  of  them  in  their  own  land  by  the  hands  of  their  own 
) countrymen ; and  tens  of  thousands  in  that  cruel  slavery,  to  which 
they  are  so  unjustly  reduced? 

“ When  we  have  slaves,  it  is  necessary  to  use  them  with  severity.” 
What,  to  ickip  them  for  evei~y  petty  offence  till  they  are  in  a gore  of  blood  ? 
To  take  that  opportunity  of  rubbing  pepper  and  suit  into  their  raw  flesh  ? 
I To  drop  burning  sealing-wax  upon  their  skins  ? To  castrate  them  ? To 
k cut  off  half  their  foot  with  an  axe  ? To  hang  them  on  gibbets,  that  they 
may  die  by  inches  with  heal,  and  hwiger,  and  thirst  ? To  pin  them  down 
..  to  the  ground,  and  then  burn  them  by  degrees  from  the  feet  to  the  head  ? 
1 To  roast  them  alive  ? When  did  a Turk  or  a heathen  find  it  necessary 
I]  to  use  a fellow-creature  thus  ? To  what  end  is  this  usage  necessary? 

; “ To  prevent  their  running  away,  and  to  keep  them  constantly  to  their 
I labor,  that  they  may  not  idle  away  their  time.  So  miserably  stupid  is 
this  race  of  men,  so  stubborn  and  so  wicked  !”  Allowing  this,  to  whom 
! is  that  stupidity  owing?  It  lies  altogether  at  the  door  of  their  inhuman 
masters,  who  gave  them  no  means,  no  opportunity  of  improving  their 
li  understanding  ; and  indeed  leave  them  no  motive,  either  from  hope  or 
r fear  to  attempt  any  such  thing.  They  were  no  way  remarkable  for 
f stupidity  while  they  remained  In  Africa.  To  some  of  the  inhabitants 
F of  Europe  they  are  greatly  superior.  Survey  the  natives  of  Benin, 
j and  of  Lapland.  Compare  the  Samoeids  and  the  Angolans.  The 
‘ African  is  in  no  respect  inferior  to  the  European.  Their  stupidity  in 
our  colonies  is  not  natural ; otherwise  than  it  is  the  natural  effect  of 
p their  condition.  Consequently  it  is  not  their  fault,  but  yours:  and 
I you  must  answer  for  it  before  God  and  man.  “ But  their  stupidity  is 
K not  the  only  reason  of  our  treating  them  with  severity ; for  it  is  hard  to 
I say  which  is  the  greatest,  this,  or  their  stubbornness,  and  wickedness.” 
I.'  But  do  not  these,  as  well  as  the  other,  lie  at  your  door?  Are  not 
f stubbornness,  cunning,  pilfering,  and  divers  other  vices,  the  natural 
I necessary  fruits  of  slavery7,  in  every  age  and  nation  ? What  means 
I;  have  you  used  to  remove  this  stubbornness  ? Have  you  tried  w7hat 
f mildness  and  gentleness  would  do?  What  pains  have  you  taken, 
• what  method  have  you  used  to  reclaim  them  from  their  wickedness  ? 

O thou  God  of  love,  thou  who  art  loving  to  every  man,  and  whose 
f mercy  is  over  all  thy  works  ; thou  who  art  the  Father  of  the  spirits  of 
I all  flesh,  and  who  art  rich  in  mercy  unto  all ; thou  who  hast  formed  of 
L one  blood,  all  the  nations  upon  the  earth;  have  compassion  upon  these 
f outcasts  of  men,  who  are  trodden  down  as  dung  upon  the  earth  ! 
F Arise,  and  help  these  that  have  no  helper,  whose  blood  is  spilled  upon 
F the  ground  like  water ! Are  not  these  also  the  work  of  thine  own 
b bands,  the  purchase  of  thy  Son’s  blood  ? Stir  them  up  to  cry  unto 
i thee  in  the  land  of  their  captivity  ; and  let  their  complaint  come  up 


29* 


ADAM  CLARKE. THOMAS  SCOTT. 


before  thee  ; let  it  enter  into  thine  ears  ! Make  even  those  that  lead 
them  captive  to  pity  them  and  turn  their  captivity.  O burst  thou  all 
their  chains  in  sunder  ; more  especially  the  chains  of  their  sins  : thou 
Saviour  of  all,  make  them  free,  that  they  may  be  free  indeed  ! 

ADAM  CLARKE. 

Isaiah  Iviii,  6. — Let  the  oppressed  go  free.  How  can  any  nation  ' 
pretend  to  fast,  or  worship  God  at  ail,,  or  dare  profess  that  they  believe 
in  the  existence  of  such  a Being,  while  they  carry  on  what  is  called 
the  slave-trade:  and  traffic  in  the  souls,  blood,  and  bodies  of  men  ! O 
ye  most  flagitious  of  knaves  and  worst  of  hypocrites!  cast  off  at  once 
the  mask  of  religion,  and  deepen  not  your  endless  perdition  by  profess- 
ing the  faith  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  while  you  continue  in  this  i 
traffic ! 

THOMAS  SCOTT. 

Exodus  xxi,  1G. — “He  that  stealeth  a man,  and  selleth  him,  or  if  he 
be  found  in  his  hands,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death.”  Stealing  a 
man  in  order  to  sell  him  fora  slave,  whether  the  thief  had  actually  sold 
him,  or  whether  he  continued  in  his  possession.  He  who  stole  any  one 
of  the  human  family,  in  order  to  make  a slave  of  him,  should  be  punish- 
ed with  death.  The  crime  would  be  aggravated  by  sending  them 
away  into  foreign  countries  to  be  slaves  to  idolaters. 

Deuteronomy  xxiv,  7. — “If  a man  be  found  stealing  any  of  his 
brethren  of  the  children  of  Israel,  and  maketh  merchandise  ol  him,  or 
selleth  him,  then  THAT  THIEF  SHALL  DIE.” — Every  man  is 
now  our  brother,  whatever  be  his  nation,  complexion  or  creed.  How  j 
then  can  the  merchandise  of  men  and  women  be  carried  on,  without 
transgressing  this  commandment,  or  abetting  those  who  do  ? A man  . 
may  steal,  or  purchase  of  those  who  do  steal,  hundreds  of  men  and 
women,  and  not  only  escape  with  impunity,  but  grow  great  like  a 
prince.  According  to  the  law  of  God,  whoever  stole  cattle  restored 
four  or  five  fold  ; whoever  stole  one  human  being,  though  an  infant  or  an  , 
idiot,  must  die. 

1.  Timothy  i,  10. — “ Men-stealers.” — Men-stealcrs  are  inserted 
among  those  daring  criminals  against  whom  the  lav/  of  God  directed  I; 
its  awful  curses.  Persons  who  kidnapped  men  to  sell  them  for  slaves.  |, 
This  practice  seems  inseparable  from  the  other  iniquities  and  oppres-  J 
sions  of  slavery  ; nor  can  a slave-dealer  by  any  means  keep  free  from 
that  atrocious  criminality,  if  the  receiver  be  as  bad  as  the  thief  They 
who  encourage  that  unchristian  traffic  by  purchasing  that,  which  is  : 1 
thus  unjustly  acquired,  are  partakers  of  their  crimes. — Macknioht.— 
That  is  the  only  species  of  theft  which  is  puydshed  with  death  by  the  laws 
of  God. 

James  ii,  12,  13. — “So  speak  ye,  and  so  do,  as  they  that  shall  be 
judged  by  the  law  of  liberty. 

“ For  he  shall  have  judgment  without  mercy  that  hath  showed  no 
mercy,  and  mercy  rejoiceth  against  judgment.”  On  this  verse  Dr. 
Scott  makes  the  following  remarks — “ All  who  are  not  taught  to  show 


SAMUEL  TAYLOR  COLERIDGE. 


mercy  to  others,  must  expect  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  seventy 
of  justice  in  respect  to  their  eternal  state.  What  then  must  be  the 
doom  of  the  cruel  oppressors  and  iniquitous  tyrants  of  the  human  spe- 
cies ? But  the  hard-hearted,  selfish,  implacable,  and  oppressive  pro- 
fessor of  Christianity,  has  the  greatest  cause  to  tremble;  for  if  ‘he 
shall  have  judgment  without  mercy,  who  hath  shown  no  mercy,’  the 
meanest  slave  that  ever  was  whipt  and  worked  to  death,  must  be  con- 
sidered as  happy,  compared  with  his  haughty  cruel  tyrant,  and  this 
shall  sufficiently  appear,  ‘ when  the  earth  shall  disclose  her  blood,  and 
shall  no  more  cover  her  slain.’  ” 

Revelation  xviii,  13. — “ Slaves  and  souls  of  men.” — Not  only  slaves, 
but  the  souls  of  men  are  mentioned  as  articles  of  commerce,  which  is 
beyond  comparison,  the  most  infamous  of  all  traffics  that  the  demon 
of  avarice  ever  devised  ; almost  infinitely  more  atrocious,  than  the 
accursed  slave-trade.  Alas!  too  often,  injustice,  oppression,  fraud, 
avarice,  or  excessive  indulgence  are  connected  with  extensive  com- 
merce ; and  to  number  the  persons  of  men,  with  oxen,  asses,  sheep  and 
horses,  as  the  stock  of  a farm,  or  with  bales  of  goods,  as  the  cargo  of  a 
ship,  is  no  doubt  a most  detestable  and  anti-christian  practice. — Scott’s 
Commentaries  on  the  Bible. 

SAMUEL  TAYLOR  COLERIDGE. 

We  have  offended,  Oh  ! my  countrymen  ! 

We  have  offended  very  grievously, 

And  been  most  tyrannous.  From  east  to  west 
A groan  of  accusation  pierces  Heaven  ! 

The  wretched  plead  against  us  ; multitudes 
Countless  and  vehement,  the  sons  of  God, 

Our  brethren  ! Like  a cloud  that  travels  on, 

Steam'd  up  from  Cairo’s  swamps  of  pestilence, 

Even  so,  my  countrymen  ! have  we  gone  forth 
And  borne  to  distant  tribes  slavery  and  pangs. 

And  deadlier  far  our  vices,  whose  deep  taint 
With  slow  perdition  murders  the  whole  man, 

His  body  and  his  soul ! 

Sibylline  Leaves. 

There  are  truths  so  self-evident,  or  so  immediately  and  palpably 
deduced  from  those  that  are,  or  are  acknowledged  for  such,  that  they 
are  at  once  intelligible  to  all  men  who  possess  the  common  advan- 
tages of  the  social  state  ; although  bv  sophistry,  by  evil  habit,  by  the 
neglect,  false  persuasions  and  impostures  of  an  Anti-Christian  priest- 
hood joined  in  one  conspiracy  with  the  violence  of  tyrannical  governors, 
the  understandings  of  men  have  become  so  darkened  and  their  con- 
sciences so  lethargic,  that  there  may  arise  a necessity  for  the  republi- 
cation of  these  truths,  and  this  too  with  a voice  of  loud  alarm  and  im- 
passioned warning.  Such  were  the  doctrines  proclaimed  by  the  first 
Christians  to  the  pagan  world ; such  were  the  lightnings  flashed  by 
Wickliff,  Huss,  Luther,  Calvin,  Zuinglius,  Latimer,  &c.,  across  the 
papal  darkness,  and  such  in  our  time  the  truths  with  which  Thomas 
Clarkson,  and  his  excellent  confederates,  the  Gtuakers,  fought  and 
conquered  the  legalized  banditti  of  men-stealers,  the  numerous  and 


JAMES  STEPHEN,  ESQ,. 


powerful  perpetrators  and  advocates  of  rapine  and  murder,  and  (of 
blacker  guilt  than  either)  slavery.  Truths  of  this  kind  being  indispen- 
sable to  man,  considered  as  a moral  being,  are  above  all  expediency , 
all  accidental  consequences ; for  as  sure  as  God  is  holy,  and  man 
immortal,  there  can  be  no  evil  so  great  as  the  ignorance  or  disregard 
of  them.  It  is  the  very  madness  of  mock  prudence  to  oppose  the 
removal  of  a poisonous  dish  on  account  of  the  pleasant  sauces  or 
nutritious  viands  which  would  be  lost  with  it  ! The  dish  contains 
destruction  to  that,  for  which  alone  we  wish  the  palate  to  be  gratified 
or  the  body  to  be  nourished.—  The  Friend,  pages  49,  50. 

JAMES  STEPHEN,  Esq. 

Enough  was  known  before  ; more  than  enough  was  incontrovertibly 
proved  ; nay,  enough  was  always  admitted  or  undenied,  to  make  the  ji 
legislative  {deration  of  this  slavery  a disgrace  to.  the  British  and 
Christian  name.  Iniquity,  indeed,  of  every  kind  loses  in  human  de- 
testation  what  it  gains  in  mischief,  by  wide  unreproved  diffusion,  and 
by  age.  W e sin  remorselessly,  because  our  fathers  sinned,  and 
because  multitudes  of  our  own  generation  sin,  in  the  same  way  without 
discredit.  But  if  ever  those  most  flagitious  crimes  of  Europe,  slave- 
trade  and  colonial  slavery,  shall  cease  to  be  tolerated  by  human  laws, 
and  live  in  history  alone,  men  will  look  back  upon  them  with  the  horror 
they  deserve ; and  wonder  as  much  at  the  depravity  of  the  age  that 
could  establish  or  maintain  them,  as  we  now  do  at  the  murderous 
rites  of  our  pagan  ancestors,  or  the  ferocious  cannibal  manners  of 
New  Zealand. 

There  is  enough  in  the  simplest  conception  of  personal  hereditary 
slavery,  to  revolt  every  just  and  liberal  mind,  independently  of  ail 
aggravations  to  be  found  in  its  particular  origin,  or  in  abuses  of  the 
master’s  powers.  But  how  much  should  sympathy  and  indignation 
be  enhanced,  when  the  cruel  perpetual  privation  of  freedom,  and  of 
almost  every  civil  and  human  right,  is  the  punishment  of no  crime,  nor 
the  harsh  consequence  of  public  hostility  in  w ar,  but  imposed  upon 
the  innocent  and  helpless,  by  the  hand  of  rapacious  violence  alone  ; 
and  maintained  for  no  other  object  but  the  sordid  one  of  the  master’s  ' 
profit,  by  the  excessive  labor  to  which  they  are  compelled  ? 

Were  our  merchants  to  send  agents  to  buy  capiivesfrom  the  bandits 
in  the  forests  of  Italy,  or  from  the  pirates  on  the  Barbary  coast,  and 
sell  them  here  as  slaves,  to  work  for  our  farmers  or  manufacturers ; and 
were  the  purchasers  to  claim,  in  consequence,  a right  to  hold  these 
victims  of  rapine  and  avarice,  with  their  children,  in  bondage  for  ever, 
and  to  take  their  work  without  wages;  what  would  it  be  but  the  same 
identical  case  we  are  contemplating,  except  that  the  captives  were  of 
a different  complexion  ? Yet  the  bandits  and  pirates  are  hanged  ; and 
their  vendees,  in  the  case  supposed,  would  have  less  to  apprehend 
from  actions  or  indictments  for  false  imprisonment,  than  from  the 
vengeance  of  indignant  multitudes.  It  certainly,  at  least,  would  not 
be  necessary,  for  the  purpose  of  their  deliverance,  to  prove  to  the 
British  parliament  or  people,  that  the  poor  captives  were  overworked, 


- 

NUGENT — LUSHINGTON THOMPSON ETC. 

under  fed,  driven  with  whips  to  their  work,  punished  in  a brutal  way 
i for  every  real  or  imputed  fault,  and  by  such  complicated  oppressions 
brought  in  great  numbers  prematurely  to  their  graves. 

LORD  NUGENT. 

The  slave-trade  finds  no  one  bold  enough  now  to  defend  even  its 
memory.  And  yet  when  we  hear  the  slave-trade  reprobated,  and 
slavery  defended  by  the  same  persons,  I must  own  I think  the  slave- 
| trade  unfairly  treated.  The  abuse  of  defunct  slave-trade  is  a cheap 
|j  price  for  the  abettor  of  living  slavery  to  pay  by  way  of  compromise. 
But  we  cannot  allow  the  Colonial  party  on  these  terms  to  cry  truce 

[with  us,  by  stigmatizing  the  slave-trade.  There  is  not  one  general 
principle  on  which  the  slave-trade  is  to  be  stigmatized  which  does  not 
l impeach  slavery  itself. 

DR.  LUSHINGTON. 

It  has  never  been  given  by  God  to  man  to  hold  his  fellow  man  in 
bondage.  Every  thing  short  of  a total  abolition  of  slavery  he  con- 
sidered as  unsatisfactory,  and  ending  only  in  disappointment  and 
discontent.  The  supporters  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  took  their 
stand  upon  the  eternal  principles  of  truth  and  justice,  and  it  would 
be  next  to  blasphemy  to  doubt  their  success. 

ANDREW  THOMPSON. 

Slavery  is  the  very  Upas  tree  of  the  moral  world,  beneath  whose 
pestiferous  shade  all  intellect  languishes,  and  all  virtue  dies.  It  must 
be  cut  down  and  eradicated  ; it  must  be,  root  and  branch  of  it,  cast 
into  the  consuming  fire,  and  its  ashes  scattered  to  the  four  winds  of 
heaven.  It  is  thus  you  must  deal  with  slavery.  You  must  annihilate 
it, — annihilate  it  now,  and  annihilate  it  for  ever. 

ROWLAND  HILL. 

Slavery  is  made  up  of  every  crime  that  treachery,  cruelty,  and  murder 
can  invent ; and  men-stealers  are  the  very  worst  of  thieves.  The 
most  knavish  tricks  are  practised  by  these  dealers  in  human  flesh ; 
and  if  slaves  think  of  our  general  character,  they  must  suppose  that 
Christians  are  devils,  and  that  Christianity  was  forged  in  hell. 

GROTIUS. 

Those  are  men-stealers,  who  abduct,  keep,  sell,  or  buy  slaves  or 
freemen.  To  steal  a man  is  the  highest  kind  of  theft. 

POPE  LEO,  X. 

Not  only  the  Christian  religion,  but  Nature  herself  cries  out  against 
a state  of  slavery. 


J.  P.  CURRAN H.  GRATTAN MISS  EDGEWORTH. 


JOHN  PHILPOT  CURRAN. 

“Universal  Emancipation.” — I speak  in  the  spirit  of  the  British 
Law,  which  makes  liberty  commensurate  with,  and  inseparable  from, 
the  British  soil — which  proclaims,  even  to  the  stranger  and  the  so- 
journer, the  moment  he  sets  his  foot  upon  British  earth,  that  the  ground 
on  which  he  treads  is  holy,  and  consecrated  by  the  genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation.  No  matter  in  what  language  his  doom  may  have  been 
pronounced  ; no  matter  what  complexion  incompatible  with  freedom, 
an  Indian  or  an  African  sun  may  have  burnt  upon  him  ; no  matter  in 
what  disastrous  battle  his  liberty  may  have  been  cloven  down  ; no 
matter  with  what  solemnities  he  may  have  been  devoted  upon  the 
altar  of  slavery  ; the  first  moment  he  touches  the  sacred  soil  of  Britain, 
the  altar  and  the  god  sink  together  in  the  dust ; his  soul  walks  abroad 
in  her  own  majesty;  his  body  swells  beyond  the  measure  of  his 
chains,  that  burst  from  around  him,  and  he  stands  redeemed,  regene- 
rated, and  disenthralled,  by  the  irresistible  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation. 


HENRY  GRATTAN. 

Liberty — and  is  this  subject  a matter  of  indifference  ? — Liberty, 
which,  like  the  Deity,  is  an  essential  spirit  best  known  by  its  conse- 
quences— liberty,  which  now  animates  you  in  your  battles  by  sea  and 
land,  and  lifts  you  up  proudly  superior  to  your  enemies — liberty,  that 
glorious  spark  and  emanation  of  the  Divinity,  which  fired  your  ances- 
tors, and  taught  them  to  feel  like  an  Hampden,  that  it  was  not  life, 
but  the  condition  of  living  ! An  Irishman  sympathizes  in  these  noble 
sentiments — wherever  he  goes — to  whatever  quarter  of  the  earth  he 
journeys — whatever  wind  blows  his  poor  garments,  let  him  but  have 
the  pride,  the  glory,  the  ostentation  of  liberty ! 

MARIA  EDGEWORTH. 

Are  we  disposed  to  pity  the  slave-merchant,  who,  urged  by  the 
maniacal  desire  for  gold,  hears,  unmoved,  the  groans  of  his  fellow- 
creatures,  the  execrations  of  mankind,  and  that  “ small  still  voice,” 
which  haunts  those  who  are  stained  with  blood  ?— Practical  Education. 

Granting  it  to  be  physically  impossible  that  the  world  should  exist 
without  rum  and  sugar  and  indigo,  why  could  they  not  be  produced 
by  freemen  as  well  as  by  slaves?  If  we  hired  negroes  for  laborers, 
instead  of  purchasing  them  for  slaves,  do  you  think  they  would  not 
work  as  well  as  now  ? Does  any  negro,  under  the  fear  of  the  over- 
seer, work  harder  than  a Birmingham  journeyman,  or  a Newcastle 
collier ; who  toil  for  themselves  and  their  families  ? 

The  law,  in  our  case,  seems  to  make  the  right ; and  the  very  re- 
verse ought  to  be  done  ; the  right  should  make  the  law. 


THOMAS  MOORE DANIEL  O’CONNELL. 


THOMAS  MOORE. 

Who  can,  with  patience,  for  a moment  see 
The  medley  mass  of  pride  and  misery, 

Of  whips  and  charters,  manacles  and  rights, 

Of  slaving  blacks  and  democratic  whites, 

And  all  the  piebald  policy  that  reigns 
In  free  confusion  o’er  Columbia’s  plains  ? 

To  think  that  man, — thou  just  and  gentle  God, 
Should  stand  before  thee  with  a tyrant’s  rod, 

O’er  creatures  like  himself,  with  souls  from  thee, 
Yet  dare  to  boast  of  perfect  liberty  ! ! . 

Away  ! away ! I’d  rather  hold  my  neck 
By  doubtful  tenure  from  a Sultan’s  beck, 

In  climes  where  liberty  has  scarce  been  nam’d 
Nor  any  right,  but  that  of  ruling  claim’d, 

Than  thus  to  live,  where  boasted  Freedom  waves 
Her  fustain  flag  in  mockery  over  slaves 
Where  motley  laws,  (admitting  no  degree 
Betwixt  the  basely  slav’d  and  madly  free,) 

Alike  the  bondage  and  the  license  suit, — 

The  brute  made  ruler,  and  the  man  made  brute  1 


DANIEL  O’CONNELL. 


The  Americans,  in  their  conduct  towards  the  slaves,  were  traitors  to 
the  cause  of  humanrtiberty,  foul  detractors  of  the  democratic  principle 
which  he  had  cherished  throughout  his  political  life,  and  blasphemers 
of  that  great  and  sacred  name  which  they  pretended  to  recognise. 
For,  in  their  solemn  league  and  covenant,  the  Declaration  of  American 
Independence,  they  declared  that  all  men  (he  used  their  own  words) 
have  certain  “inalienable  rights,” — these  they  defined  to  be,  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  To  maintain  these,  they  pledged  them- 
selves with  all  the  solemnity  of  an  oath,  in  the  presence  of  Almighty 
God.  The  aid  which  they  had  invoked  from  heaven  had  been  awarded 
to  them,  but  they  had  violated  their  awfully  solemn  compact  with  the 
Deity,  and  set  at  nought  every  principle  which  they  professed  to  hold 
sacred,  by  keeping  two  and  a half  millions  of  their  fellow-men  in 
bondage.  In  reprobation  of  that  disgraceful  conduct,  his  humble  voice 
had  been  heard  across  the  wide  waves  of  the  Atlantic.  Like  the 
thunder-storm  in  its  strength,  it  had  careered  against  the  breeze,  armed 
with  the  lightning  of  Christian  truth.  (Great  cheering.)  And  let 
them  seek  to  repress  it  as  they  may — let  them  murder  and  assassinate 
in  the  true  spirit  of  Lynch  law ; the  storm  would  wax  louder  and 
louder  around  them,  till  the  claims  of  justice  became  too  strong  to  be 
withstood,  and  the  black  man  would  stand  up  too  big  for  his  chains. 
It  seemed,  indeed — he  hoped  what  he  was  about  to  say  was  not  pro- 
fanation— as  if  the  curse  of  the  Almighty  had  already  overtaken  them. 
For  the  first  time  in  their  political  history,  disgraceful  tumult  and 
anarchy  had  been  witnessed  in  their  cities.  Blood  had  been  shed 
without  the  sanction  of  law,  and  even  Sir  Robert  Peel  had  been  enabled 
to  taunt  the  Americans  with  gross  inconsistency  and  lawless  proceed- 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ings.  He  differed  from  Sir  Robert  Peel  on  many  points.  On  one 
point,  however,  he  fully  agreed  with  him.  Let  the  proud  Americans 
learn  that  all  parties  in  this  country  unite  in  condemnation  of  their 
present  conduct;  and  let  them  also  learn  that  the  worst  of  all  aristoc- 
racies is  that  which  prevails  in  America — an  aristocracy  which  had 
been  aptly  denominated  that  of  the  human  skin.  The  most  insufferable 
pride  was  that  shown  by  such  an  aristocracy. 

He  would  continue  to  hurl  his  taunts  across  the  Atlantic.  These 
would  ascend  the  Mississippi,  they  would  descend  the  Missouri,  and 
be  heard  along  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Monongahela,  till  the 
black  man  would  leap ’delighted  to  express  his  gratitude  to  those  who 
had  effected  his  emancipation.  (Cheers.)  And,  Oh — but  perhaps  it 
was  his  pride  that  dictated  the  hope — that  some  black  O’Connell  might 
rise  among  his  fellow-slaves  (tremendous  cheers,)  who  would  cry 
agitate,  agitate,  agitate  (renewed  cheering,)  till  the  two  millions  and  a 
half  of  his  fellow-sufferers  learned  the  secret  of  their  strength — learned 
that  they  were  two  millions  and  a half.  (Enthusiastic  cheers.)  If  there 
was  one  thing  which  more  than  another  could  excite  his  hatred,  it  was 
the  laws  which  the  Americans  had  framed  to  prevent  the  instruction 
of  their  slaves.  To  teach  a slave  to  read  was  made  a capital  offence. 
(Shame.)  To  he  seen  in  company  with  a negro  who  could  write  was 
visited  with  imprisonment  (shame,)  and  to  teach  a slave  the  principles  ; 
of  freedom,  was  punished  with  death.  Were  these  human  laws,  it 
might  be  asked?  Were  they  not  laws  made  byjvolves  of  the  forest? 
No,  they  were  made  by  a congregation  of  two-legged  wolves — Ameri- 
can wolves — monsters  in  human  shape,  who  boast  of  their  liberty  and 
of  their  humanity,  while  they  carry  the  hearts  of  tigers  within  them. 
(Cheers.)  With  regard  to  the  attacks  which  had  been  made  upon  his 
countrymen  by  such  men,  he  rejoiced  at  them.  (Cheers.)  These  ; 
proved  to  him  that  the  sufferings  to  which  they  had  been  subjected  in 
tile  land  of  their  birth,  had  not  been  lost  upon  them;  but  that  their 
kindly  affections  had  been  nurtured  into  strength,  and  that  they  had 
ranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  oppessed  slave.  (Cheers.) — 
Speech  in  Glasgow,  Scotland,  Sept.  1836. 

JONATHAN  SWIFT. 

I 

ABI  VIATOR, 

ET  IM1TARE,  SI  POTERIS, 

STRENUUM  PRO  VIRILI  LIBERTATIS  VINDICEM. 

(GO  TRAVELLER, 

AND  IMITATE  IF  YOU  CAN, 

A STRENUOUS  ADVOCATE  OF  HUMAN  LIBERTY.) 

From  the  Epitaph  of  Dean  Swift , 
Written  by  himself  and  engraved  on  his  monument  in  St, 
Patrick’s  Cathedral , Dublin. 


THE  LEGIOR  OF  LIBERTY. 

DANIEL  O’CONNELL.  THEOBALD  MATHEW,  AND  SIX. 

TY  THOUSAND  (60.000)  OTHER  IRISHMEN. 

Dear  Friends  : — You  are  at  a great  distance  from  your  native 
land  ! A wide  expanse  of  water  separates  you  from  the  beloved 
country  of  your  birth — from  us,  and  from  the  kindred  whom  you 
love,  and  who  love  you,  and  pray  for  your  happiness  and  prosperity 
in  the  land  of  your  adoption. 

We  regard  America  with  feelings  of  admiration  : we  do  not  look 
upon  her  as  a strange  land,  or  upon  her  people  as  aliens  from  our  af 
fections.  The  power  of  steam  has  brought  us  nearer  together  ; it 
will  increase  the  intercourse  between  us,  so  that  the  character  of  the 
Irish  people  and  of  the  American  people  must  in  future  be  acted  upon 
by  the  feelings  and  dispositions  of  each. 

’ The  object  of  this  address  is  to  call  your  attention  to  the  subject  of 
SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA — -that  foul  blot  upon  the  noble  institu- 
tions and  the  fair  fame  of  your  adopted  country.  But  for  this  stain, 
America  would,  indeed,  be  a land  worthy  of  your  adoption  ; but  she 
will  never  be  the  glorious  country  that  her  free  constitution  designed 
her  to  be,  so  long  as  her  soil  is  polluted  by  the  footprint  of  a sin- 
gle slave. 

Slavery  is  the  most  tremendous  invasion  of  the  natural,  inaliena- 
ble riodits  of  man,  and  of  some  of  the  noblest  gifts  of  God,  “ life, 
liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.”  What  a spectacle  does  Ameri- 
ca present  to  the  people  of  the  earth ! A land  of  professing  Chris- 
tian republicans,  uniting  their  energies  for  the  oppression  and  de- 
gradation of  three  millions  of  innocent  human  beings,  the  children  of 
one  common  Father,  who  sufi'er  the  most  grievous  wrongs,  and  the 
utmost  degradation,  for  no  crime  of  their  ancestors  or  their  own ! 
Slavery  is  a sin  against  God  and  man.  All  who  are  not  for  it  must 
be  against  it.  None  can  be  neutral.  We  entreat  you  to  take  the 
part  of  justice,  religion  and  liberty. 

It  is  in  vain  that  American  citizens  attempt  to  conceal  their  own 
and  their  country’s  degradation,  under  this  withering  curse.  America 
is  cursed  by  slavery!  We  call  upon  you  to  unite  with  the  aboli- 
tionists,  and  never  to  cease  your  efforts  until  perfect  liberty  be  granted 
to  every  one  of  her  inhabitants,  the  black  man  as  well  as  the  white 
man.  We  are  all  children  of  the  same  gracious  God,  all  equally  en- 
titled to  “ life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.” 

We  are  told  that  you  possess  great  power,  both  moral  and  political, 
in  America.  We  entreat  you  to  exercise  that  power  and  that  influ- 
ence for  the  sake  of  humanity. 

You  will  not  witness  the  horrors  of  slavery  in  all  the  States  of 
America.  Thirteen  of  them  ar e free,  and  thirteen  are  slave  States. 
But  in  ail,  the  pro-slavery  feeling,  though  rapidly  decreasing,  is  still 
strong.  Do  not  unite  with  it  ; on  the  contrary,  oppose  it  by  all  the 
peaceful  means  in  your  power.  Join  with  the  abolitionists  every 
where.  They  are  the  only  consistent  advocates  of  liberty.  Tell  every 

I man  that  you  do  not  understand  liberty  for  the  white  man,  and  slavery 
for  the  black  man  : that  you  are  for  liberty  for  all,  of  every  color, 
creed,  and  country. 


30 


RICHARD  M.  JOHNSON. 


The  American  citizen  proudly  points  to  the  national  Declaration  :: 
of  Independence,  which  declares  that  “All  mankind  are  born  free  f 
and  equal,  and  are  alike  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.”  Aid  him  to  carry  out  this  noble  declaration  by  obtain- 
ing freedom  for  the  slave. 

Irishmen  and  Irishwomen  ! treat  the  colored  people  as  your  equals, 
as  brethren.  By  all  3Tour  memories  of  Ireland,  continue  to  love  li- 
berty — hate  slavery — cling  by  the  abolitionists,  and  in  America  you  . 
will  do  honor  to  the  name  of  Ireland. 


RICHARD  M.  JOHNSON. 

Ireland  feels  the  iron  hoof  of  oppression.  She  cries  aloud  to  the 
nations  for  sympathy.  She  is  the  best  judge  of  the  sufferings  she  en- 
dures— their  extent — their  intensity,  and  we  as  lookers-on,  can  not  L 
remain  indifferent  if  we  would.  Ireland  feels  that  she  is  not  an  in-  i 
tegral  portion  of  the  British  Empire — every  act  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment tells  her  that  she  is  an  alien,  an  outcast,  a neglected  one.  Ire- 
land spurns  the  oppressor,  and  stands  forward  to  vindicate  and  es-  i 
tablish  her  right  to  self-government.  Her  struggle  is  peaceable — it 
is  moral — irresistible — sublime.  She  does  not  struggle  as  we  strug-  i 
gled  against  British  power,  with  the  bayonet  and  the  cannon.  No  ! 
she  adopts  another  and  a different  force — the  force  of  argument — 
of  moral  reasoning — of  intellectual  electricity.  With  these  forces  ! j 
she  hopes  to  rend  asunder  the  puny  manacles  of  British  tyranny, 
and  the  cause  of  general  liberty  is  too  dear  to  American  freemen 
not  to  wish  her  complete  success.  [Cheers.]  Some  persons  may , 
take  exceptions  to  these  meetings,  and  may  doubt  the  prudence  of  < 
American  citizens  interfering  in  the  cause  of  the  oppressed.  Gen-  li 
tlemen,  my  opinion  is,  that  the  cause  of  honor,  and  virtue,  and 
charity  when  honestly  followed,  will  always  be  found  a prudent 
course.  Above  all,  it  is  the  only  course  which  American  freemen  n 
can  pursue.  This  is  the  land  of  the  free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave, 
and  ice  have  an  undoubted  right  to  sympathise  with  the  oppressed — 
to  feed  the  hungry  and  clothe  the  naked  from  wheresoever  they  may 
appeal.  We  have  the  right,  aud  may  we  never  be  wanting  in  the 
disposition  to  aid  in  the  disenthralment  of  oppressed  man,  whether 
under  an  Irish  or  an  Eastern  sun.  [Loud  cheers.]  I believe  the  i 
sentiments  I utter  find  a sincere  response  in  your  bosoms,  and  I be-li 
lieve  nine-tenths  of  the  American  people  would  respond  to  the  ap-  > 
peals  of  the  oppressed  in  the  same  way. — Speech  at  Frankfort 
Kentucky,  1842. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


JAMES  HAUGHTON. 

Slavery  such  a;  I have  described  to  you  exists,  to  an  immense  ex- 
tent, in  America.  That  highly  professing  people,  who  talk  so  much 
about  liberty,  and  affect  to  dcspl  'he  institutions  of  every  other 
country  in  the  world  as  unfit  for  men  to  live  under — that  country 
which  has  blazoned  upon  its  standard  one  of  the  noblest  declarations 
which  has  ever  been  promulgated,  but  which  they  have  made  a mem 
parchment  record,  having  no  place  in  their  affections — that  people 
have  degraded  themselves  by  a foul  contact  with  slavery  such  as  I 
have  described  ; and  it  is  to  this  degraded  land  that  thousands  of  our 
countrymen  are  annually  emigrating,  unconscious  that  so  great  a 
blot  rests  upon  it,  America  is  a fine  land,  and  her  white  people  may 
well  boast  of  the  freedom  they  enjoy  ; but,  so  long  as  they  retain 
three  millions  of  their  follow-men  in  bondage  merely  on  account  of 
the  dark  color  of  their  skins,  their  name  will  be  dishonored  on  the 
earth.  Let  us  endeavor  to  wash  our  hands  clear  of  this  wickedness, 
by  telling  every  slave-holding  American  who  comes  among  us,  that 
we  can  bold  no  friendly  communication  with  him — that  we  consider  the 
crime  of  which  he  is  guilty  as  degrading  as  any  of  the  crimes  which  are 
considered  among  men  every  where  as  rendering  their  perpetrators  in- 
famous. Mr.  Haughlon  here  took  a rapid  survey  of  the  condition  of 
slaves  in  the  southern  states  of  the  Union,  and  gave  some  account  of 
the  practice  of  breeding  slaves  for  sale- — Speech  in  Dublin. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ROBERT  R.  MADDEN. 

The  efforts  of  the  British  government  for  the  suppression  of  the 
slave  trade  have  been  right  honestly,  assiduously,  and  energetically 
directed  to  this  great  object,  at  least  during  the  last  four  years  of  my 
knowledge  of  this  suppression.  It  is  impossible  for  any  person  not 
officially  acquainted  with  these  matters  to  form  an  adequate  idea  of 
the  extent  of  these  exertions,  and  the  untiring  energy  and  perseverance 
with  which  they  have  been  carried  on  in  various  countries. 

Great  use  is  made  in  America  of  tire  extraordinary  political  influ. 
ence  of  the  poor  people  of  this  country  who  emigrate  to  America, 
and  to  the  efforts  that  ought  to  he  made  to  give  them  right  and  whole- 
some feelings  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  a just  understanding  of 
the  value  of  those  efforts  that  are  made  to  right  the  wronged,  although 
the  persons  that  are  injured,  and  whose  rights  are  outraged,  are  men 
of  a different  complexion  to  our  own.  It  is  impossible  for  any  one 
who  has  not  visited  America,  to  conceive  what  an  extraordinary  in- 
fluence, on  the  government  of  that  country  the  votes  of  the  Irish 
people  have,  or  how  little  beneficial  use  they  make  of  the  power  they 
possess  and  exercise  at  the  hustings  with  such  extraordinary  effect. 

They  should  not  be  left  to  depart  from  our  own  shores,  ignorant 
that  there  does  not  exist  in  nature,  in  religion,  or  in  civil  polity,  a 
reason  for  robbing  any  man  of  his  liberty,  he  he  black  or  wiiite — that 
there  is  neither  truth,  justice,  nor  humanity  in  the  declarations  they 
hear,  that  slavery  is  consonant  to  the  condition  of  negro  men,  has  a 
sanction  in  nature,  or  is  sanctified  by  the  permission  of  any  chris- . 
tian  church.  The  fact  must  be  forced  on  their  attention  by  those  who 
a.te  best  qualified  to  inform  their  minds  and  to  gain  their  hearts — that 
slavery  has  no  sanction  from  their  church — that  to  devote  one-fourth 
part  of  the  habitable  globe  to  perpetual  bloodshed  and  warfare — to 
give  up  the  vast  continent  of  Africa  to  the  ravages  of  the  man-roh- 
bers  who  deal  in  flesh  and  blood — the  marauders  who  sack  the  towns 
and  villages — the  merchant  murderers  who  ply  the  odious  trade,  who 
separate  the  child  from  the  mother,  the  husband  from  the  wife,  father 
from  the  son,  is  a monstrous  system  of  cruelty  that,  in  any  of  its 
forms,  is  intolerable  and  unjust.  The  state  of  things  of  which  I 
speak  I have  myself  seen  ; and  the  experience  I have  alluded  to  is 
the  result  of  what  I have  observed  on  three  occasions  that  I have 
visited  the  United  States  during  the  last  six  years.  Of  the  necessity 
that  exists  for  diffusing  sounder  opinions  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  I 
am  sure  I need  bring  forward  no  other  argument  than  this — that  if' 
the  political  influence  of  the  Irish  settlers  and  emigrants  of  America 
were  exerted  in  favor  of  the  cause  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
United  States,  that  system  could  not  possibly  endure  1 — Speech  at 
Dublin  A.  S.  Society,  1842. 

Mr.  Madden  then  adduced  various  authorities  from  the  fathers,  the 
doctrines  of  the  church,  and  the  decrees  of  the  popes,  against  sla- 
very. 

“ The  great  synod  of  Armagh,  at  a period  of  general  consterna. 
tion,  declared  1 that  tire  public  calamities  were  to  be  held  as  an  in- 
fliction of  divine  justice  on  account  of  the  sins  of  the  Irish  people. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


and  more  especially  because  that  in  former  times  they  used  to  make 
bond  slaves  of  the  English,  whom  they  had  purchased  as  well  from 
merchants  as  from  robbers  and  pirates — a crime  for  which  God  now 
took  vengeance  upon  them,  by  delivering  them  into  like  bondage 
themselves.  And  acting  upon  the  spirit  of  these  humane  and  Chris- 
tian views,  the  synod  unanimously  decreed  and  ordered,  that  all  the 
English  throughout  the  island,  who  were  in  a state  of  slavery  should 
be  restored  to  their  former  freedom.” — T.  Moore's  History  of  Ireland, 
vol.  2.  (This  general  act  of  emancipation  of  slaves,  it  is  worthy  of 
notice,  is  the  first  on  record  in  any  European  country.) 

“St.  Elegius,  Bishop  of  Noyan,  was  particularly  zealous  to  ran- 
som captives.  When  a slave  was  to  be  sold  in  any  place  he  hastened 
thither,  and  sometimes  ransomed  fifty  or  a hundred  at  a time,  espe- 
cially Saxons,  who  were  sold  in  great  numbers.” 

“St.  Francis  Xavier  walked  through  the  streets  of  Goa,  with  a 
bell  in  his  hand,  summoning  all  masters,  for  the  love  of  God,  to  send 
their  children  and  slaves  to  catechism  ; and  such  was  the  effect  of 
his  preaching,  restitution  was  made  of  unjust  gains,  slaves  who  had 
been  unjustly  acquired  were  set  at  liberty.” 

“ St.  Bathildes,  Queen  of  France,  forbade  Christians  to  be  made 
slaves,  gave  great  numbers  their  liberty,  and  declared  all  capable  of 
property.  The  Franks  still  retained  slaves,  with  this  condition,  at- 
tached to  certain  manors  or  farms,  and  bound  to  certain  particular 
kinds  of  servitude.  The  kings  of  the  second  ra.ce  often  set  great 
numbers  free,  and  were  imitated  by  other  lords.  Queen  Blanche  and 
St.  Lewis  contributed  more,  than  any  others  to  ease  the  condition  of 
the  vassals  ; and  Lewis  Huttin  abolished  slavery  in  France,  declar- 
ing all  men  free  who  live  in  that  kingdom,  according  to  the  spirit  of 
Christianity,  which  teaches  us  to  treat  all  men  as  our  brethren.” 

“ After  the  departure  of  the  Vandals  with  their  captives  and  an 
immense  booty,  St.  Leo  X.  sent  zealous  Catholic  priests  and  alms  for 
the  relief  of  the  captives  in  Africa." 

“ St.  Augustin  sometimes  melted  down  part  of  the  sacred  vessels 
to  redeem  captives,  in  which  he  was  authorised  by  the  example  of 
St.  Ambrose.  He  reproved  one  Romulus  for  the  oppression  of  his 
poor  vassals.” 

“ St.  Hilary,  to  redeem  captives,  caused  the  church  plate  to  be 
sold,  not  excepting  the  sacred  vessels,  making  use  of  paters  and  cha- 
lices of  glass  in  the  celebration  of  the  divine  mysteries.” 

“ In  the  reign  of  Pope  Pius  V,  fifteen  thousand  slaves  that  were 
found  chained  on  board  the  gallics  of  the  Turkish  fleet  were  set  at 
liberty,” 


G.  SEIDENSTICKER. 

During  the  revolution  in  Goettingen,  we  had  the  pleasure  of  en- 
joying much  of  his  society  ; we  always  found  him  an  amiable  friend, 
and  a man  fired  with  the  enthusiasm  for  liberty  and  republican  insti- 
tutions ; a man  whom  no  obstacle  could  deter,  and  who  never  lost 
sight  of  the  realization  of  his  project  and  the  performance  of  his  duty. 
Often,  when  the  courage  of  his  friends  began  to  fail,  and  doubts  were 


TIIE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY, 


expressed  as  to  uie  possible  success  of  the  undertaking,  we  have  seen 
him  point  to  America  and  place  before  our  eyes  the  combats  and  vic- 
tories of  the  former  colonies.  Alas!  he  has  been  disappointed,  for, 
cut  off  from  his  friends  and  those  who  shared  his  opinions  in  other 
parts  of  Hanover,  without  assistance  from  Brunswick  and  Hessia, 
we  were  obliged  to  yield  to  force.  Many  of  our  friends  found  safety 
in  flight  and  protection  in  foreign  lauds,  but  Eggerling  and  Seiden- 
sticker,  the  most  active  members  of  the  republican  party,  were  taken 
and  thrust  into  dungeons. 

Forgetting  his  own  suffering,  Seidensticker  remembers  the  misery 
of  the  oppressed  slaves,  and  says  in  his  letter  written  in  prison. 

“Warmed  as  I feel  with  sympathy,  every  time  that  such  men  as 
Mr.  Slade,  deputy  from  Vermont,  raise  their  voices  for  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  this  stain  of  infamy  upon  the  United  States,  yet  the  in- 
terest in  American  institutions  and  the  confidence  in  their  advantages 
must  be  considerably  diminished,  nay  the  feelings  of  every  philan- 
thropist must  be  outraged,  when  we  read  speeches,  such  as  that  of 
Mr.  Calhoun,  in  the  senate,  and  those  of  the  deputies  Wise  and  Lo- 
gare,  for  Virginia  and  South  Carolina.” 

CONRAD  FRIEDRICH  STOLLMEYER. 

What  has  brought  about  the  fall  of  Sparta  and  the  other  Greek  re- 
publics, as  well  as,  of  proud  Rome  7 A system  of  slavery,  and  a 
consequent  demoralization.  Why  has  the  republic  of  Switzerlaud 
ex  •sled  for  more  than  five  hundred  years,  surrounded  by  monarchies  t 
Because  slavery,  the  root  of  demoralization  and  despotism,  has  nevei 
been  tolerated  there.  Our  opinion,  which  is  founded  upon  observa- 
tion of  the  natural  course  of  events,,  is,  that  the  curing  of  a disease 
produces  health,  not  death,  as  well  in  the  body  of  man  as  in  the  body 
of  the  state. 

As  an  individual  suffers,  when  his  body  is  diseased,  so  does  the 
citizen  suffer  from  the  malady  of  the  state,  when  wrong  is  publicly 
defended  by  those  who  are  charged  with  the  care  of  the  state,  injus- 
tice will  he  heaped  upon  injustice.  The  defence  of  slavery  is  followed 
by  the  refusal  of  the  right  of  petitioning,  a right  the  violation  of 
which  overthrows  the  principles  of  the  republic.  The  servants  elect- 
ed by  the  people,  the  members  of  Congress,  refused  to  listen  to  the 
wishes  of  their  constituents,  and  by  this  act  of  violence  assumed  the 
character  of  dictators.  Many  who  used  to  take  no  notice  of  the 
events  at.  Washington,  were  aroused  from  their  slumbers  and  per- 
ceived the  threatening  danger.  The  names  of  these  violators  of  the 
constitution,  are  written  down  in  unexpungable  characters,  and  in 
time  will  not  escape  the  general  branding.  Already  the  personal  and 
party  friends  of  these  men  admit  t his  act  to  have  been  a blunder;  but 
it  is  not  only  a blunder  but  an  act  of  villany. 


i II  £ LELIES  OF  LIBERTY. 


DOMINIC  SOTO. 

'•To  Soto  belongs  the  signal  honor  of  being;  i lie  first  wilier  who 
condemned  the  African  slave-trade.”  ‘ It  is  affirmed.’  says  lie,  1 that 
the  unhappv  Ethiopians  are  by  fraud  or  force  carried  away'  and  sold 
as  slaves.  If  this  is  true,  neither  those  who  have  taken  them  nor 
those  who  purchase  them,  nor  those  who  hold  them  in  bondage,  can 
ever  have  a quiet  conscience  till  they  emancipate  them,  even  if  no 
compensation  should  be  obtained.’  As  the  work  which  contains  this 
memorable  condemnation  of  man-stealing  and  slavery  was  the  sub- 
stance of  lectures  many  years  delivered  at  Salamanca,  philosophy 
and  religion  appear,  by  the  hand  of  their  faithful  minister,  to  have 
thus  smitten  the  monster  in  their  earliest  infancy.  It  is  hard  for  any 
man  of  ibis  age  to  conceive  the  praise  which  is  due  to  the  excellent 
monks  who  courageously  asserted  the  rights  of  those  whom  they 
never  saw,  against  the  prejudices  of  their  order,  the  supposed  interest 
of  their  religion,  the  ambition  of  their  government,  the  avarice,  and 
pride  of  their  countrymen,  and  the  prevailing  opinion  of  their  time. 
■ — Sir  James  Mackintosh. 

POPE  GREGORY  XVI. 

Bull  for  the  Abolition  of  tiie  Negro  Slave  Trade. 

On  the  3d  of  December,  1839,  the  ninth  year  of  the  Pontificate. 

Placed  as  we  are  on  the  supreme  seat  of  the  Apostles,  and  acting, 
though  by  no  merits  of  our  own,  as  the  vicegerent  of  Jesus  Christ, 
the  Son  of  God,  who  through  his  great  mercy  condescended  to  make 
himself  man  and  to  die  for  the  redemption  of  the  world,  we  regard 
as  a duty  devolving  on  our  pastoral  functions,  that  we  endeavor  to 
turn  aside  our  faithful  iiocks  entirely  from  the  inhuman  traffic  in  ne- 
groes. or  any  other  human  beings  whatsoever.  Beyond  a doubt, 
when  the  light  of  he  gospel  first  began  to  diffuse  itself,  those  unhap- 
, py  persons,  who  were  plunged,  into  the  severest  condition  of  slavery, 
in  consequence  of  the  numerous  wars  at  that  time,  found  their  con- 
dition alleviated  among  the  Christians.  For  the  Apostles,  inspired 
by  the  Divine  Spirit,  taught  even  their  slaves  to  obey  their  carnal 
masters  as  Christ,  and  to  do  the  will  of  God  heartily.  They  also 
taught  their  masters  that  they  should  act  well  to  their  slaves,  and  do 
unto  them  what  was  just  and  equitable,  and  abstain  from  threats, 
knowing  that  the  God  both  of  them  and  their  slaves,  dwells  in  Hea- 
ven. and  that,  with  him  there  is  no  acceptance  of  persons.  But  while 
a sincere  and  universal  spirit  of  charity  is  especially  enjoined  by  the 
‘ law  of  the  Gospel,  and  our  Lord  himself  said  that  he  would  consider 
any  act  of  benevolence  aud  mercy  done  to  the  least  or  poorest,  or  de- 
nied, as  done  or  denied  to  himself,  it  readily  followed  that  the  Chris- 
tians not  only  considered  their  slaves,  especially  such  as  were  chris- 
i tians,  in  the  light  of  brothers,  hut  were  even  very  prone  to  endow 
i with  liberty  such  as  deserved.  Indeed  Gregorius  Nissenus  informs  us 
thru  such  liberation  of  slaves  was  customary  on  the  occasion  of  the 
i paschal  solemnities.  Nor  were  there  Christians  wanting,  who,  stirred 
up  by  a more  burning  zeal,  subjected  themselves  to  slavery  to  redeem 


POPE  GREGORY  XVI. 


(ft 

llto 

others,  many  of  whom  that  apostolical  personage,  our  predecessor  » 
Clement,  I.  testifies  that  he  knew.  Hence,  in  progress  of  time,  as  iirt' 
the  clouds  of  heathen  superstition  became  gradually  dispersed,  cir- 
cumstances reached  that  point  that  during  several  centuries  there  »- 
were  no  slaves  allowed  amongst  the  great  majorily  of  the  Christian  ik 
nations,  but  with  grief  we  are  compelled  to  add,  that  there  after-  pt 
wards  arose,  even  among  the  faithful,  a race  of  men  who,  basely  * 
blinded  by  the  appetite  and  desire  of  sordid  lucre,  did  not  hesitate  to  i;l 
reduce  in  remote  regions  of  the  earth,  Indians,  negroes,  and  other  1 
wretched  beings,  to  the  miseries  of  slavery,  or,  finding  the  trade  cs*  II, 
tablished  and  augmented,  to  assist  the  shameful  crime  of  others.  Nor  ini 
did  many  of  the  most  glorious  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  omit  severely 
to  reprove  their  conduct  as  injurious  to  their  soul’s  health,  and  dis- 
graceful to  the  Christian  name.  Among  these  may  be  especially 
quoted  the  Bull  of  Paul  III.  which  bears  date  the  29th  of  May, 
1537,  addressed  to  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Toledo  ; and  another 
still  more  comprehensive  by  Urban  VIII.  dated  the  22d  of  April, 
1639,  to  the  collector  Jurium  of  the  Apostolic  Chamber  in  Portugal, 
most  severely  castigating  by  name,  those  who  presumed  to  subject 
cither  East  or  West  Indians  to  slavery.  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  sub- 
sequently confirmed  these  decrees  of  those  distinguished  Pontiffs  by 
a new  Bull,  addressed  to  the  heads  of  the  governing  authorities  of 
Brazil,  and  other  regions,  on  the  1 7 th  December,  1741.  Even  be-' 
fore  another  predecessor  of  ours,  more  ancient  than  these,  Pius  II., 
in  whose  age  the  dominion  of  Portugal  was  extended  to  Guinea,  wrote 
on  the  7th  October,  1462,  to  the  Portuguese  bishop,  who  was  about 
to  repair  thither,  a letter,  in  which  he  not  only  gave  to  that  high 
functionary  powers  to  exercise  with  greater  success  his  sacred  minis-' 
try  in  those  parts,  but  gravely  animadverted  on  the  same  occasion 
upon  those  Christians  who  carried  youth  into  slavery.  And  in  our 
own  lime  Pius  VII.  moved  by  the  same  spirit  of  religion  and  charity 
as  those  who  had  gone  before  him,  sedulously  interposed  his  good  of'  | 
flees  with  the  men  in  power,  that  the  trade  in  blacks  should  at  length 
be  put  an  end  to  entirely  amongst  the  Christians.  These  injunctions 
and  these  good  offices  of  our  predecessors  served  not  a little,  with  the 
help  of  God,  towards  protecting  the  Indians  and  the  other  aforesaid 
races,  both  from  the  cruelty  of  their  invaders  and  from  the  cupidity 
of  tlie  Christian  merchants  ; not  to  such  an  extent  however,  that  the 
Ho’y  See  can  have  to  rejoice  at  their  flocks  having  totally  abandoned 
such  practices,  since,  on  the  contrary,  the  trade  in  blacks,  though 
diminished  to  some  extent,  is  still  carried  on  by  many  Christians; 
wherefore,  we,  desiring  to  avert  this  disgrace  from  the  whole  confines 
of  Christianity,  having  summoned  several  of  our  reverend  brothers, 
their  eminences  the  Cardinals,  to  our  counsel,  and  having  maturely 
deliberated  on  the  whole  matter,  pursuing  the  footsteps  of  our  pre- 
decessors, admonish  by  our  apostolic  authority,  and  urgently  invoke 
in  the  name  of  God,  all  Christians  of  whatever  condition,  that  none 
henceforth  dare  to  subject  to  slavery,  unjustly  persecute,  or  despoil 
of  their  goods,  Indians,  negroes,  or  other  classes  of  men,  or  to  be 
accessories  to  others  or  furnish  their  aid  or  assistance  in  so  doing ; 
and  on  no  account  henceforth  to  exercise  that  inhuman  traffic,  by 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


which  negroes  are  reduced  to  slavery,  as  if  they  were  not  men,  but 
automata  or  chattels,  and  are  sold  in  defiance  of  all  the  laws  of  jus- 
tice and  humanity,  and  devoted  to  severe  and  intolerable  labors.  Wo 
further  reprobate  by  our  apostolic  authority  all  the  above  described 
off-nees  as  utterly  unworthy  of  the  Christian  name;  and  by  the  same 
authority  we  rigidly  prohibit  and  interdict  all  and  every  individual, 
whether  ecalessiastical  or  laical,  from  presuming  to  defend  that  com- 
merce in  negro  slaves  under  any  pretence  or  borrowed  color,  or  to 
teach  or  publish  in  any  manner,  publicly  or  privately,  things  contra- 
ry to  the  admonitions  which  we  have  given  in  those  letters. 

And  finally  that  this,  our  Bull,  may  be  rendered  more  apparent  to 
all,  andth  at  no  person  may  allege  any  ignorance  thereof,  we  decree 
and  older  that  it  shall  be  published  according  to  custom,  and  copies 
thereof  be  properly  affixed  to  the  gates  of  St  Peter,  and  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Chancel  every  and  in  like  manner  to  the  General  Court  on 
Mount  Pitatouia,  and  in  the  field  of  the  Campus  Flora,  and  also 
through  the  city  by  one  of  our  heralds  according  to  aforesaid  custom. 

Given  at  Rome,  at  the  Palace  of  Santa  Maria  Major,  under  the 
seal  of  the  fisherman  (sub  annulo  piscatoris,)  on  the  third  day  of 
Doc.  1839,  and  in  the  ninth  year  of  our  Pontificate.  Countersigned 
by  Cardinal  A.  Llmbroschiju. 


Address  of  the  British  residents  of  Gibraltar,  Cadiz.  Florence, 
Naples,  Leghorn,  Smyrna,  Tripoli,  Malta,  and  Goza. 

A testimonial  of  gratitude  to  his  Highness,  the  Bashaw  of  Tunis, 
for  his  philanthropic  and  most  noble  resolution  to  abolish  the  inhuman 
and  horrible  traffic  in  slaves,  throughout  his  extensive  and  very  im 
port  ant  African  dominions. 

We,  the  undersigned  British  residents,  officers  and  merchants  of 
Gibralter,  having  heard  of  your  Highness’s  philanthropic  and  noble 
intention  to  abolish  the  inhuman  traffic  in  black  slaves,  throughout 
your  territories,  and  that  your  Highness  has,  in  completion  of  so  so- 
lemn and  humane  a design,  actually  taken  the  preliminary  steps,  by 
by  suppressing  all  public  places  for  the  sale  of  negroes  ; foreseeing 
the  vast  consequences  of  good  to  humanity  in  the  regions  of  North 
and  Central  Africa,  which  must  inevitably  follow  from  conduct  so 
full  of  enlightened  and  princely  philanthropy  ; recognizing  in  this 
spontaneous  determination  of  your  Highness,  a manifest  and  all-im- 
pressive example  to  the  Mahometan  and  Christian  sovereigns  of  neigh- 
boring states,  inciting  them  to  similar  efforts  for  the  relief  of  the 
blacks  of  Africa,  a large,  but  most  degraded  and  suffering  portion  of 
‘.he  human  race ; remembering  the  immense  sacrifices  which  our  own 
country  has  made,  and  continues  to  make,  in  blood  and  treasure,  to 
ibolish  throughout  the  world  the  foul  crime  of  trafficking  in  the  bo- 
dies and  souls  of  men  ; feeling  that  your  Highness’s  noble  philan- 
.hrophy  wili  excite  joy  and  thankfulness  in  the  minds  of  our  country- 
men at  home,  as  it  does  in  our  own  breasts  ; we  cannot  but  express 
>ur  ardent  admiration  of  your  Highness’s  anti-slavery  measures,  and 
jffer  you  our  most  cordial  acknowledgment  and  thanks ; wishing  you 
ill  prosperity  in  your  administration  of  the  important  regency  of 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


Tunis;  also  every  happiness  in  your  personal  and  domestic  relations, 
and  in  the  life  to  come,  a full  reward  for  this  great  act  of  mercy  to 
the  forlorn  and  desolate  children  of  Africa. 

MUSHEER  AHMED  BASHAW  BEY  . 

Praise  be  to  God  1 

From  the  servant  of  God,  Musheer  Ahmed  Bashaw  Bey,  sove. 
reign  prince  of  the  dominions  of  Tunis,  to  the  perfectly  honored 
Englishmen  united  together  for  the  melioration  of  the  human  race. 
May  God  honor  them  ! 

We  have  received  the  letter  which  you  have  forwarded  to  us  by  the  S 
honored  and  revered  Richardson,  congratulating  us  upon  the  mea- 
sures that  we  have  adopted  for  the  glory  of  mankind,  to  distinguish 
them  from  the  brute  creation. 

Your  letter  has  filled  us  with  joy  and  satisfaction. 

May  God  aid  us  in  our  efforts — may  he  enable  us  to  accomplish  the 
objects  of  our  hopes — and  may  he  accept  this  our  work ! 

May  you  live  continually  under  the  protection  of  God  Almighty  1 

Given  at  Tunis,  26th  day  Elhojah,  1257,  (7tli  Feb.  1842,) 

JAMES  RICHARDSON. 

I went,  whilst  in  Tunis,  to  see  the  demolished  slave-market.  I 
felt  deeply  when  I saw  the  ruin  of  this  crying  iniquity.  Hundreds  of 
years  human  beings  had  been  exposed  for  sale  in  that  place,  like  cat. 
tie  ! How  strange  that  a Mussulman  state  should  tear  down  that  den 
of  traffic  for  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  while  in  Christian  Ameri. 
ca  this  foul  system  still  flourishes  in  such  vigor  ! ! How  dreadful  tho 
responsibility  of  the  Americans  1 

I made  many  inquiries  as  to  the  feeling  of  the  Moors  on  this  sub-  | 
ject.  I am  most  happy  to  say  that  the  greater  part  are  in  favor  of 
the  Bey,  but  all  obey.  If  slaves  now  are  sold  in  Tunis*  it  is  con- 
traband, and  with  the  greatest  secrecy.  It  is  now  only  exchange,  t 
one  proprietor  giving  his  slave  to  another  proprietor  for  his.  But  all 
this  is  done  in  darkness.  No  slave  can  be  bought  or  sold  by  the  laws 
of  the  country.  The  prohibition  is  complete  and  absolute.  And 
many  of  the  courtiers  of  the  Bey,  following  his  noble  example,  are 
liberating  their  slaves — forever  ! He  said  personally  to  me  among  !i 
other  things — “ I began  with  pleasure  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and 
will  not  cease  to  prosecute  the  great  work  of  emancipation,  until  J 
have  completely  extirpated  slavery  from  my  dominions.” 

AUSTRIA. 

Extract  from  an  ordinance  of  his  Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty  cf  ' 
Austria,  dated  25th  June,  1826. 

“In  order  to  prevent  Austrian  subjects  and  vassals  from  partici- 
pating in  any  manner  in  the  slave-trade,  and  in  order  to  prevent  slaves  ji 
from  bad  treatment,  his  Imperial  and  Royal  Majesty,  in  conformity  ( 
with  the  existing  laws  of  Austria  (viz.  section  16  of  the  Civil  Code,  [■ 


RUSSIA FRANCE. 


which  determines  that  every  human  being,  in  virtue  of  those  rights 
which  are  recognised  by  reason,  is  to  be  considered  a civil  person,  and 
that,  therefore,  slavery,  and  every  exercise  of  power  relative  to  the 
State  of  slavery,  are  not  tolerated  in  the  imperial  and  royal  dominions,) 
and  further,  in  conformity  with  section  78  of  the  first  part  of  the  Penal 
Code,  which  declares  every  hindrance  of  the  exercise  of  personal 
liberty  a crime  of  public  violence — has  been  graciously  pleased,  by  his 
sovereign  resolution  of  25th  June,  1S26,  to  determine  and  order  as 
follows: — Art.  1.  Any  slave,  from  the  moment  he  treads  on  the  soil  of 
the  Imperial  and  Royal  Dominions  of  Austria,  or  even  merely  steps 
on  board  of  an  Austrian  vessel,  shall  be  free.” 

Austrian  Consulate  General,  New  York,  Oct  18,  1830. 

L.  Lederer. 


RUSSIA. 

Consular  notice. — Certain  individuals  who,  in  defiance  of  the 
laws  of  their  own  country,  still  continue  to  engage  in  the  African 
slave-trade,  having  given  cause  for  suspicion  that  they  intend  to  make 
use  of  the  Russian  flag  as  a protection  against  the  right,  of  search  and 
seizure,  mutually  assumed  and  conceded  by  the  powers  participating 
in  the  treaty  for  the  suppression  of  this  nefarious  traffic,  the  under- 
signed, the  Russian  Consul  General,  at  New  York,  being  specially 
instructed  by  his  government,  gives  hereby  public  notice  to  all  persons 
whom  it  may  concern,  that  the  Russian  flag  can  in  no  case  be  resorted 
to  without  the  previous  permission  of  the  Imperial  Government,  and 
without  legal  authorization  in  due  form,  and  in  strict  accordance  with 
the  laws  of  the  empire ; that  any  proceeding  to  the  contrary  shall  be 
considered  as  a fraud,  exposing  the  persons  guilty  of  it  to  all  its  conse- 
quences ; and  that  no  slave-trader,  in  any  circumstances  whatever, 
when  seized  under  the  Russian  flag,  or  otherwise,  can  invoke  the  aid 
of  the  Imperial  Government  to  screen  him  from  just  and  well-merited 
punishment. 

Russe  du  Consulate  General,  New  York,  April  2,  1836. 

Alexis  Eustaphieve. 

FRANCE. 

MARSELLOISE  HYMN. 

With  luxury  and  pride  surrounded, 

The  vile  insatiate  despots  dare 

(Their  thirst  of  power  and  gold  unbounded) 

To  mete  and  vend  the  light  and  air ; 

Like  beasts  of  burden  would  they  load  us. 

Like  demons  bid  their  slaves  adore  ; 

But  man  is  man.  and  who  is  more  ? 

Then  shall  they  longer  lash  and  goad  us  ? 

O Liberty ! can  man  resign  thee, 

Once  having  felt  thy  generous  flame  ? 

Can  dungeon’s  bolts,  or  bars  confine  thee, 

Or  whips  thy  noble  spirit  tame  ! 

Too  long  the  world  has  wept  bewailing 
That  falsehood’s  dagger  tyrants  v\  ield  ; 

But  freedom  is  our  sword  and  shield, 

And  all  their  arts  are  unavailing  ! 


MONTESQUIEU J.  J.  ROUSSEAU BUFFON. 


MONTESQUIEU. 

Slavery  is  not  useful  either  to  the  master  or  to  the  slave ; to  the 
slave,  because  he  can  do  nothing  by  virtue;  to  the  master,  because 
he  contracts  with  Iris  slaves  all  sorts  of  evil  habits,  inures  himself  in- 
sensibly to  neglect  every  moral  virtue,  and  becomes  proud,  passionate, 
hard-hearted,  violent,  voluptuous, -and  cruel.  The  slave  sees  a society 
happy  -whereof  he  is  not  even  a part ; he  finds  that  security  is 
established  for  others,  but  not  for  him  : he  perceives  that  his  master 
has  a soul  capable  of  self-advancement,  while  his  own  is  violently  and 
for  ever  repressed.  Nothing  puts  one  nearer  the  condition  of  the 
beasts  than  always  to  see  freemen  and  not  to  be  free.  Such  a person 
is  the  natural  enemy  of  the  society  in  which  he  lives. 

It  is  impossible  to  allow  the  negroes  are  men,  because  if  we  allow 
them  to  be  men,  it  will  begin  to  be  believed  that  we  are  not  Christians. 

JEAN  JACQUES  ROUSSEAU. 

To  renounce  our  liberty  is  to  renounce  our  quality  of  man,  and  with 
it  all  the  rights  and  duties  of  humanity ; and  no  adequate  compensation 
can  possibly  be  made  for  such  a sacrifice  ; as  it  is  in  itself  imeompati- 
ble  with  the  nature  of  man,  whose  actions,  when  once  he  is  deprived 
of  his  tree  will,  must  be  destitute  of  all  morality.  In  a word,  a con- 
vention which  stipulates  for  absolute  authority  on  one  side,  and 
unlimited  obedience  on  the  other,  must  always  be  considered  as  vain 
and  contradictory.  What  right  can  my  slave  have  that  is  not  mine, 
'since  everything  that  he  has  belongs  to  me;  and  to  speak  of*the 
rij.itt  of  me  against  myself  is  absolute  nonsense. 

Thus  in  whatever  light  we  view  things,  the  right  of  slavery  is  found 
to  be  null ; not  only  because  it  is  illegal,  but  because  it  can  have  no 
existence  ; for  the  terms  slavery  and  right  contradict  and  exclude  each 
other ; and  be  it  from  man  to  man,  or  from  a man  to  a nation,  it 
would  be  equally  nonsensical  to  say — I make  a covenant  with  you  entirely 
at  your  expense,  and  for  my  benefit ; I will  observe  it  as  far  as  my  inclina- 
tion leads  me,  and  you  shall  observe  it  as  Jar  as  I please.—  [On  the  Social 
Contract.] 

BUFFON. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  is  apparent  that  the  unfortunate  negroes  are 
endowed  with  excellent  hearts,  and  possess  the  seeds  of  every  human 
virtue.  I cannot  write  their  history,  without  lamenting  their  misera- 
ble condition.  Is  it  not  more  than  enough  to  reduce  men  to  slavery, 
and  to  oblige  them  to  labor  perpetually,  without  the  capacity  of 
acquiring  property?  To  these,  is  it  necessary  to  add  cruelty,  and 
blows,  and  to  abuse  them  worse  than  brutes?  Humanity  revolts 
against  those  odious  oppressions  which  result  from  avarice,  and  which 
would  have  been  daily  renewed,  had  not  the  law's  given  a friendly 
check  to  the  brutality  of  masters,  and  fixed  limits  to  the  sufferings  of 
their  slaves.  They  are  forced  to  labor;  and  yet  the  coarsest,  lood  is 
dealt  out  to  them  with  a sparing  hand.  “ They  support,”  say  their 
obdurate  taskmasters,  “ hunger  without  inconvenience  ; a single 


t 


H.  GREGOIRE. 


European  meal  is  sufficient  provision  to  a negro  for  three  days  ; how- 
ever little  they  eat  or  sleep  they  are  always  equally  strong  and  equally 
fit  for  labor.”  How  can  men,  in  whoso  breasts  a single  spark  of 
humanity  remains  unextinguished,  adopt  sue  detestable  maxims? 
How  dare  they  by  such  barbarous  and  diabolical  arguments,  attempt 
to  paliatc  those  oppressions  which  originate  solely  from  their  thirst  of 
gojd  ? But  let  its  abandon  those  hardened  monsters  to  perpetual 
infamy  and  return  to  our  subject. — •« Natural  History. 

H.  GREGOIRE. 

If,  sayo  Price , you  have  a right  to  make  another  man  a slave,  he 
has  a right  to  make  you  a slave  ; and  if  we  have  no  right  says  Ramsay, 
to  sell  him,  no  one  has  a right  to  purchase  him. 

It  ever  negroes,  bursting  their  chains,  should  come  (which  Heaven 
forltid)  oii  the  European  coast,  to  drag  white  s of  both  sexes  from  their 
families;  to  chain  them  and  conduct  them  to  Africa,  and  mark  them 
with  a Lot  iron  ; if  whites  stolen,  sold,  purchased  by  crimes,  and 
placed  under  the  guidance  of  merciless  inspectors,  were  immediately 
compelled  by  the  stroke  of  the  whip,  to  work  in  a climate  injurious  to 
their  health,  where,  at  the  close  of  each  day,  they  could  have  no  other 
consolation  than  that  of  advancing  another  step  to  the  tomb — no  other 
perspecti/e  than  to  suffer  and  to  die  in  all  the  anguish  of  despair — if 
devoted  to  misery  and  ignominy,  they  were  excluded  from  all  (he 
privilege?'  of  society,  and  declared  legally  incapable  of  judicial  ’action, 
their  testimony  would  not  have  been  admitted  evert  against  the  black 
class;  if  driven  from  the  sidewalks,  they  were  compelled  to  min  He 
with  tire  animals  in  the  middle  of  the  street — if  a subscription  were 
made  to  have  them  tasked  in  a mass,  and  their  backs,  to  prevent  gan- 
grene, covered  with  pepper  and  with  salt — if  the  forfeit  for  killing  them 
were  but  a trifling  sum — if  a reward  were  offered  for  apprehending 
those  who  escape  from  slavery — if  those  who  escape  were  hunted  by  a 
pack  of  hounds,  trained  to  carnage — if,  blaspheming  the  Divinity, 
the  blacks  pretended,  that  by  their  origin  they  had  permission  of 
Heaven  to  preach  passive  obedience  and  resignation  to  the  whites — if 
greedy  hireling  writers  published,  that  for  this  reason,  just  reprisals 
may  be  exercised  against  the  rebellious  whites,  and  that  white  slaves 
are  happy,  more  happy  than  the  peasants  in  the  bosom  of  Africa  ; — in 
a word,  if  all  the  arts  of  cunning  and  calumny,  all  ihe  strength  and 
fury  of  avarice,  all  the  inventions  of  ferocity  were  directed  against  you, 
by  a coalition  of  dogs,  merchants,  priests,  kings,  soldiers,  and  colonists, 
what  cry  of  horror  would  resound  through  these  countries '/  To 
express  it,  new  epithets  would  be  sought ; a crowd  of  writers,  and 
particularly  of  poets,  would  exhaust  their  eloquent  lamentations,  pro- 
vided that  having  nothing  to  fear,  there  was  something  to  gain. 
Europeans,  reverse  this  hypothesis,  and  see  what  you  are  ! 

Yes,  I repeat  it,  there  is  not  a vice,  not  a species  of  wickedness,  of 
which  Europe  is  not  guilty  towards  negroes,  o!  which  she  has  not  shown 
them  the  example.  Avenging  God!  suspend  thy  thunder,  exhaust 
thy  compassion,  in  giving  her  time  and  courage  to  repair,  if  possible, 
these  horrors  and  atrocities. — Faculties  of  Negroes. 


31 


RAYNAL J.  P.  BRISSOT 


THE  ABBE  RAYNAL. 

Will  if,  be  said  that  he,  who  wants  to  make  me  a slave,  does  me  no 
injury,  but  that  he  only  makes  use  of  his  rights?  Where  are  those 
rights'?  Who  hath  stamped  upon  them  so_  Sacred  a character  as  to 
silence  mine  ? 

He  who  supports  the  system  of  slavery,  is  the  enemy  of  the  whole 
human  race.  He  divides  it  into  two  societies  of  legal  assasins  ; the 
oppressors,  and  the  oppressed.  It  is  the  same  thing  as  proclaiming 
to  the  world,  if  you  would  preserve  your  life,  instantly  take  away 
mine,  for  I want  to  have  yours. 

But  the  negroes,  they  say,  are  a race  born  for  slavery  ; their  dispo- 
sitions are  narrow,  treacherous,  and  wicked  ; they  themselves  allow 
the  superiority  of  our  understandings,  and  almost  acknowledge  the 
justice  of  our  authority.  Yes  ; the  minds  of  the  negroes  are  contracted, 
because  slavery  destroys  all  the  springs  of  the  soul.  They  are  wicked, 
but  not  equally  so  with  you.  They  are  treacherous,  because  they  are 
under  no  obligation  to  speak  truth  to  their  tyrants.  They  acknowl- 
edge the  superiority  of  our  understandings,  because  we  have  abused 
their  ignorance.  They  allow  the  justice  of  our  authority,  because  we 
have  abused  their  weakness. 

I shall  not  be  afraid  to  cite  to  the  tribunal  of  reason  and  justice  those 
governments,  which  tolerate  this  cruelty,  or  which  even  are  not  ashamed 
to  make  it  the  basis  of  their  power. 

JAQ.UES  PIERRE  BRISSOT. 

When  you  run  over  Maryland  and  Virginia,  you  conceive  yourself 
in  a different  world  ; and  you  are  convinced  of  it,  when  you  converse 
with  the  inhabitants. 

They  speak  not  here  of  projects  for  freeing  the  negroes  ; they  praise 
not  the  societies  of  London  and  America  ; they  read  not  the  works  of 
Clarkson — No;  the  indolent  masters  behold  with  uneasiness  the  efforts 
that  are  making  to  render  freedom  universal. 

“ God  has  created  men  of  all  nations,  of  all  languages,  of  all  colors, 
equally  free ; Slavery,  in  all  its  forms,  in  all  its  degrees,  is  a violation  of 
the  Divine  laws ; and  a degradation  of  human  nature.” 

[Travels  in  the  United  Stales,  1788.] 

HYPPOLITE  DE  SAINT  ANTHOINE. 

The  American  families  of  my  acquaintance  seem  to  have  one  por- 
tion of  their  hearts  open  to  the  tenderest  sentiments,  while,  when- 
ever the  subject  is  the  melioration  of  the  lot  of  these  unfortunate 
blacks,  another  responds  to  the  cruelesl — namely,  a blind  prejudice. 
These  distinguished  families  differ  in  this  respect  from  the  noble  fami- 
lies of  our  own  country,  who  in  no  case  recognize  the  “ aristocra- 
cy of  the  skin  for  all  are  in  favor  of  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves.  The  class,  not  numerous,  which  opposes  it  here  in  France 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


is  that  which  is  connecter!  by  interest  with  :he  colonists,  or  hopes  to 
obtain  some  thing  of  them. 

I do  not  believe,  that  in  the  United  States,  the  hour  which  shall 
give  liberty  to  the  slaves  will  be  that  of  the  extermination  of  the 
while  race.  Men  were  not  made  to  destroy  one  another.  Let  the 
feariul  take  courage  from  the  example  of  Antigua.  Tranquillity  and 
concord  reign  there.  Commerce  is  more  flourishing  than  ever  before. 
It  is  an  error  then  to  believe  that  emancipation  will  be  destructive  to 
industry.  The  abolition  of  slavery  will  multiply  men,  talents,  intel- 
ligence, and  the  objects  of  consumption.  Emancipation  will  secure 
the  whites  from  revolts  and  assassination,  for,  what  was  it  but  the 
great  number  of  slaves  which  rendered  revolts  so  frequent  in  the  last 
days  of  the  Roman  republic  ? The  unnatural  condition  of  slavery 
places  man  m continual  conflict  with  man,  spoils  one  man  of  his 
rights  without  adding  any  thing  to  the  real  privileges  of  another ; and, 
far  from  favoring  liberty  by  elevating  the  soul  of  the  master,  it  only 
developes  those  vicious  propensities  which  plunge  him  in  luxury  and 
debauchery. 

Can  those  who  really  believe  in  a Divinity,  and  who  constantly  in- 
voke Him  in  all  the  actions  of  their  lives,  raise  their  hearts  without 
remorse  in  view  of  the  wrongs  under  which  the  unhappy  blaeks  havo 
been  crushed  ? 

F.  DE  LA  MENNAIS. 

Love  God  above  all  things,  and  .hy  neighbour  as  thyself,  and  bon- 
dage would  disappear  from  the  earth. 

But,  in  the  mean  time,  those  who  profit  from  the  bondage  of  their 
brethren,  will  spare  no  labor  to  prolong  it.  They  will  employ  for  this 
purpose  both  falsehood  and  force. 

They  will  say,  that  the  arbitrary  dominion  of  some,  andthe  bondage 
of  all  others  is  the  established  order  of  God ; and  to  preserve  their 
tyranny  they  will  not  fear  to  blaspheme  Providence. 

Say  to  such,  that  their  god  is  Satan,  the  enemy  of  the  human 
race,  and  that  your  God  is  he  who  hath  conquered  Satan. 

Liberty  is  like  the  kingdom  of  heaven ; it  suffereth  violence,  and 
the  violent  take  it  by  force. 

But  the  violence  which  shall  place  you  in  the  possession  of  liberty, 
is  not  the  ferocious  violence  of  thieves  and  robbers,  oppression,  ven- 
geance, and  cruelty;  but  a will  strong  and  inflexible,  a courage  calm 
and  generous. 

The  most  holy  cause  becomes  most  impious  and  execrable,  when 
crime  is  employed  to  sustain  it.  The  man  of  crime,  from  a slave 
may  become  a tyrant,  but  never  will  he  become  free. — Words  of  a 
Believer. 


« 


FRANCE. 


L.AIME-MARTIN. 

Bring  together  a Turk,  a Russian,  a Chinese,  and  with  pain  we 
venture  to  write,  an  American  of  the  United  States;  accuse  tho 
Chinese  of  assassinating  his  own  children,  the  Turk  of  mutilating 
men,  the  Russian  of  selling  at  once  the  soil  and  the  peasant,  tha 
American  of  breeding  slaves  in  the  land  of  Liberty  ; you  hear  them 
all  without  a blush  plead  innocent  of  these  crimes,  which  they  havo 
inherited  from  public  opinion,  and  which  are  screened  by  education. 

Nature  owns  neither  noblesnor  vassals,  neither  masters  nor  slaves 
neither  French  nor  Germans,  nor  English  ; all  arc  men  ! Under  tha 
dominion  of  this  sublime  truth,  what  people  will  dare  to  sell  slaves' 
what  nation  will  dare  to  declare  war  against  another  1 what  man 
will  dare  to  despise  his  fellow  ? 

And  now  we  begin  to  comprehend  the  work  of  the  creator.  Wa 
love  our  family  more  than  ourselves,  our  epuntry  more  than  our  fan-ii. 
ly,  and  :.e  human  race  more  than  our  country,  our  soul  embraces 
the  world  and  expands  beyond  it.  From  people  to  people  she  lias 
arrived  to  the  unity  of  the  human  family. 

Our  actions  result  in  the  rewards  or  pains  which  they  merit. 
Good  reciprocates  good,  evil  reproduces  evil.  If  thou  buy  and  sell 
men  and  hold  slaves,  all  the  vices  of  slavery  will  be  entailed  on  thy 
family. 

White  is  found  with  cold,  and  brown,  red  and  black  with  heat 
This  general  law  is  perpetuated  in  the  color  of  (lie  human  race 
Dark  under  the  rays,  of  the  sun,  and  white  in  the  temperate  regions 
No  condemnation  of  your  poor  Africans ; if  the  doctors  curse  you 
Nature  blesses  you,  if  monstrous  prejudices  make  you  a terrible  ex 
ception,  Nature,  like  a tender  mother,  embraces  you  in  the  gencralil) 
of  her  laws. — Civilization  of  the  human  family  by  means  of  Woman 


M.  DE  TOCQUEVILLE. 

UNANIMOUS  OPINION  OF  THE  COMMISSION. 

Your  Commission  have  been  unanimous  in  the  opinion,  that  the 
time  has  come  to  engage  actively  in  the  final  abolition  of  slavery  iu 
our  colonies;  and  they  have  thought  it  their  duty  to  endeavor  to  d«.. 
vise  the  best  method  of  accomplishing  that  object. 

Two  general  systems  have  naturally  presented  themselves. 

The  first  gives  liberty  to  the  slaves  individually,  and  by  a succes- 
sion of  slow  and  progressive  measures. 

The  second  puts  a stop  to  servitude  at  once,  and  for  every  slave. 

Your  Commission,  after  mature  investigation,  were  of  the  unani- 
mous opinion,  that  simultaneous  emancipation  presented  less  incon- 
venience and  fewer  perils  than  gradual  emancipation. 

Your  Commission  being  thus  convinced,  that,  universal  emancipa- 
tion was  the  least  dangerous  mode  of  destroying  slavery,  have  ap- 
plied themselves  wholly  to  the  inquiry  as  to  the  general  conditions 
and  the  manner  in  which  this  emancipation  should  be  effected. 

Your  Commission  have  repelled  at  once  the  idc*.  of  assimilating 
slave  property  to  other  kinds  of  property  protected  by  law.  They  do 


FRANCE. 


not  admit  that  the  restoring  of  a negro  to  liberty  is  a parallel  case  to 
that  of  a forced  exaction  of  property  by  the  state  for  the  public  good. 
Man  has  never  had  the  right  of  possessing  man,  and  the  possession 
itself  has  always  been  and  still  is  unlawful. 

And  even  if  principles  concerning  the  use  of  property  for  the  good 
of  the  community  were  here  applicable,  it  is  evident  that  the  planter 
could  not,  in  accordance  with  these  principles,  claim  in  advance  the 
reimbursement  of  the  total  value  of  the  slave,  for  in  the  place  of  the 
slave  whom  the  law  takes  from  him,  it  offers  him  a free  laborer.  The 
free  workman,  it  is  true,  will  only  serve  for  wages ; but  the  slave 
himself  can  only  serve  on  condition  of  purchase,  nourishment,  pro- 
tection, and  clothing,  which  are  wages  under  another  form.  The 
property  of  the  planter,  ther,  is  not  invaded  by  the  fact  of  emanci- 
pation ! he  has  strictly  no  right  to  an  idemnity,  unless,  by  the  yet 
doubtful  result  of  this  emancipation,  the  negroes  refuse  to  work,  or 
the  wages  which  they  demand  for  their  labor  shall  exceed  the  sum 
for  which  their  co-operation  could  be  compelled  during  slavery. 

It  is,  nevertheless,  the  unanimous  opinion  of  your  Commission, 
that  it  would  be  neither  humane,  equitable,  nor  wise  to  refuse  assis- 
tance to  the  colonies  at  the  hour  when  a general  emancipation  is  de- 
clared, and  during  its  operation. 

JUSTIN  PERKINS, 

Missionary  in  PisasrA. 

Every  European  who  meets  us,  as  he  strolls  through  these  distant 
regions,  for  curiosity,  fer  honor,  or  for  gain,  goads  us  by  tauntingly, 
but  justly  pointing  us  to  American  slavery,  that  blot  of  inconsisten- 
cy which  so  mars  the  escutcheon  of  our  republican  glory.  And  were 
the  natives  of  this  country,  to  which  we  have  come  to  bring  the  tid- 
ings of  ‘peace  on  earth  and  good  will  to  men,’  to  know  of  the  exis- 
tence of  American  slavery,  how  would  they  be  wrapt  in  amazement, 
and  apply  to  us  the  cutting  rebuke,  ‘physician,  heal  thyself;'  and 
with  reason  ; for  degraded  as  are  the  lower  classes,  and  particularly 
the  nominally  Christians,  in  these  countries,  who  are  trodden  down 
to  the  dust  by  their  Mohammedan  masters,  and  affecting  as  it  often 
is,  to  witness  their  sufferings,  there  is  still  but  a small  comparison  be- 
tween the  horrors  of  their  condition  and  that  of  the  southern  slaves. 
Yes;  though  I blush,  and  my  heart  sinks  at  the  acknowledgment, 
candor  compels  me  to  say,  that  in  all  my  travels  and  residence  in  the 
regions  of  Mohammedan  despotism,  I have  seen  nothing  in  the  shape 
of  oppression  to  equal  the  rigors  under  which  millions  of  immortal 
beings  are  at  this  moment  groaning,  in  our  own  Christian,  protestant, 
republican  America ! May  the  first  knowledge  which  Persians  and 
Nestorians  shall  receive  of  American  slavery,  be  the  intelligence  of 
its  removal,  and  that  ‘ right  early.’ 


HISTORY  OF  ABOLITION. 


“The  abolition  decree  of  the  Great  Council  of  England  was  pas- 
sed in  1102.  The  memorable  Irish  decree,  ‘ that  all  English  slaves 
in  the  whole  of  Ireland  be  immediately  emancipated  and  restored  to 
their  former  liberty,’  was  issued  in  1171.  Passing  over  many  in- 
stances of  the  abolition  of  slavery  by  law,  both  during  the  middle 
ages  and  since  the  reformation,  we  find  them  multiplying  as  we  ap- 
proach our  own  times.  In  1776,  slavery  was  abolished  in  Prussia  by 
special  edict.  In  St.  Domingo,  Cayenne,  Gaudaloupe,  and  Marti- 
nique, in  1794,  where  more  than  600,000  slaves  were  emancipated 
by  the  French  government.  In  Java,  1811;  in  Ceylon,  1815;  in 
Buenos  Ayres,  1816;  in  St.  Helena,  1816;  in  Colombia,  1821;  by 
the  congress  of  Chili  in  1821  ; in  Cape  Colony,  1823;  in  Malacca, 
1825;  in  the  southern  provinces  of  Birmah,  1826  ; in  Bolivia,  1826; 
in  Peru,  Guatemala  and  Montevideo,  1828;  in  Jamaica,  Barbodoes, 
the  Bermudas,  the  Bahamas,  Anquilla,  Mauritius,  St.  Christopher’s 
Nevis,  the  Virgin  Islands,  (British.)  Antigua,  Montserrat,  Domini- 
ca, St.  Vincent’s,  Grenada,  Berbice,  Tobago,  St.  Lucia,  Trinidad, 
Honduras,  Demerara,  Essequibo,  and  the  cape  of  Good  Hope,  on 
the  1st  of  August,  1834.  But,  waiving  details,  suffice  it  to  say  that 
England,  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  Denmark,  Russia,  Austria,  Prus- 
sia, and  Germany,  have  all,  and  often,  given  their  testimony  to  the 
competency  of  the  legislative  power  to  abolish  slavery.  In  our  own 
country,  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  passed  an  act  of  abolition 
in  1780;  Connecticut  in  1784,  Rhode-Island  in  1784,  New-York  in 
179®,  New-Jersey  in  1804,  Vermont  by  constitution  in  1777,  Mas- 
sachusetts, in  1780,  and  New-Harapshire  in  1784.” — Anti-Slavery 
Examiner, 


THE  HOLY  BIBLE, 


THE  HOLY  BIBLE. 


Moses. — Chap.  I,  ver,  27.  So 
God  created  man  in  his  own 
image  : in  the  image  of  God  cre- 
ated he  him  ; male  and  female 
created  he  them. — Genesis.  [JVbt 
tyrants  and  slaves.] 

XXI,  16.  And  he  that  stealeth 
a man,  and  selleth  him,  or  if  he 
be  found  in  his  hand,  he  shall 
surely  be  put  to  death. 

XXIII,  9.  Also  thou  shalt  not 
oppress  a stranger:  for  ye  know 
the  heart  of  a stranger,  seeing  ye 
were  strangers  in  the  land  of 
Egypt. — Exodus. 

XIX,  13.  Thou  shalt  not  de- 
fraud thy  neighbor,  neither  rob 
him : the  wages  of  him  that  is 
hired  shall  not  abide  with  thee  all 
night  until  the  morning. 

18.  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neigh- 
bor as  thyself. 

33.  And  if  a stranger  sojourn 
with  thee  in  your  land,  ye  shall 
not  vex  him. 

XXV,  10.  And  ye  shall  hallow 
the  fiftieth  year,  and  proclaim 
liberty  throughout  all  the  land 
unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof; 
it  shall  be  a jubilee  unto  you  ; and 
ye  shall  return  every  man  unto  his 
possession,  and  ye  shall  return 
every  man  unto  his  family. — 
Leviticus. 

XV,  14.  Thou  shalt  not  op- 
press an  hired  servant  that  is  poor 
and  needy,  ichetlier  he  be  of  thy 
brethren,  or  of  thy  strangers  that 
are  in  thv  land  within  thy  gates. 

XXIII,  15.  THOU  SHALT 
NOT  DELIVER  UNTO  HIS 
MASTER  THE  SERVANT 
WHICH  IS  ESCAPED  FROM 
HIS  MASTER  UNTO  THEE. 
— Deuteronomy 


Job. — Chap.  IV,  ver.  8.  Even 
as  I have  seen,  they  that  plow 
iniquity,  and  sow  wickedness, 
reap  the  same. 

XV,  20.  Toe  wicked  man 
travaileth  with  pain  all  his  days, 
and  the  number  of  years  is  hidden 
to  the  oppressor. 

XX,  18.  That  which  he  labor- 
ed for  shall  he  restore,  and  shall 
not  swallow  it  down  : according 
to  /lissubstance  sludl  the  restitution 
be,  and  he  shall  not  rejoice  thereon. 

19.  Because  he  hath  oppressed 
and  hath  forsaken  the  poor ; be- 
cause he  hath  violently  taken 
away  an  house  which  he  builded 
not  : 

David. — Ps.  XVIII,  ver,  25 
With  the  merciful  thou  wilt  shew 
thyself  merciful;  with  an 'upright 
man  thou  wilt  shew  thyself  up- 
right ; 

27.  For  thou  wilt  save  the 
afflicted  people ; but  wilt  bring 
down  high  looks. 

LXXll,  4.  He  shall  judge  the 
poor  of  the  people,  he  shall  save 
the  children  of  the  needy,  and 
shall  break  in  pieces  the  oppres- 
sor.— Psalms. 

Solomon. — Chap.  Ill,  ver.  1. 
And  Solomon  made  affinity  with 
Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt,  and  took 
Pharaoh’s  daughter,  and  brought 
herinto  the  city  of  David.  1 Kings. 

I,  24.  Because  I have  called 
and  ye  refused  ; I have  stretched 
out  my  hand,  and  no  man  re- 
garded ; 

25.  But  ye  have  set  at  nought 
all  my  counsel,  and  would  none 
of  my  reproof: 


THE  HOLY  BIBLE. 


26.  1 also  will  laugh  at  your 
calamity  ; I will  mock  when  your 
fear  cometh  ; — Proverbs. 

IV,  1.  So  I returned,  and  con- 
sidered all  the  oppressions  that 
are  done  under  the  sun  : and  be- 
hold, the  tears  of  such  as  were  op- 
pressed, and  they  had  no  com- 
forter ; and  on  the  side  of  their 
oppressors  there  was  power;  but 
they  had  no  comforter. — Eccle- 
siastes. 

Isaiah. — Chap.  V,  t ter.  20.  Woe 
unto  them  that  call  evil  good,  and 
good  evil ; that  put  darkness  for 
light,  and  light  for  darkness  ; that 
put  hitter  for  sweet,  and  sweet  for 
bitter ! 

LV1II,  6.  Is  not  this  the  first  that 
I have  chosen  ? to  loose  the  bands 
of  wickedness,  to  undo  the  heavy 
burdens,  and  to  let  the  oppressed 
go  free,  and  that  ye  break  every 
yoke? 

Jeremiah. — Chap.  XXXIV,  ver. 
1 7.  Therefore  thus  saith  the  Lord, 
Ye  have  not  hearkened  unto  me, 
in  proclaiming  liberty,  every  one 
to  his  brother,  and  every  man  to 
his  neighbor  : behold,  I proclaim 
a liberty  for  you  saith  the  Lord, 
to  the  sword,  to  the  pestilence, 
and  to  the  famine ; and  I will 
make  you  to  be  removed  into  all 
the  kingdoms  of  the  earth. 

Jesus  Christ. 

Chap.  V,  ver.  7.  Blessed  are 
the  merciful : for  they  shall  obtain 
mercy. 

Yil,  2.  For  with  what  judg- 
ment ye  judge,  ye  shall  be  judged  : 
and  with  what  measure  ye  mete, 
it  shall  be  measured  to  you  again. 

12.  Therefore  all  things  what- 
soever ye  would  that  men  should 
do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them  : 
for  this  is  the  law  and  the  pro- 
phets. 


IX,  13.  But  go  ye  and  learn 
what  that  meaneth,  I will  have 
mercy,  and  not  sacrifice  : for  I 
am  not  come  to  call  the  righteous, 
but  sinners  to  repentance. 

XXIII,  8.  But  be  ye  not  called 
Rabbi:  for  one  is  your  Master, 
even  Christ;  and  all  ye  are  bre- 
thren. 

XXY,  45.  Verily,  I say  unto 
you,  inasmuch  as  ye  did  it  not  to 
one  of  the  least  of  these,  ye  did  it 
not  to  me. — St.  Matthew's  Gospel. 

IV,  8.  To  preach  deliverance 
to  the  captives,  and  recovering  of 
sight  to  the  blind,  to  set  at  liberty 
them  that  are  bruised. — St.  Luke. 

St.  Peter. — Chap.  X,  ver.  34. 
IT  Then  Peter  opened  his  mouth, 
and  said,  Of  a truth  I perceive  that 
God  is  no  respecter  of  persons  : 

35.  But  in  every  nation  he  that 
feareth  him,  and  vvorketh  right- 
eousness, is  accepted  with  him. — 
Acts. 

Ill,  8.  Finally,  be  ye  all  of  one 
min-d,  having  compassion  one  of 
another  ; love  as  brethren,  be 
pitiful,  be  courteous; — 1st  Epistle. 

St.  Paul. — Chap.  II,  ver.  6. 
AVho  will  render  to  ever  man  ac- 
cording to  his  deeds. 

II.  For  there  is  no  respect  of 
persons  with  God. — Epistle  to  the 
Romans. 

XVII,  26.  And  hath  made  of 
one  blood  all  nations  of  men  for 
to  dwell  on  the  face  of  the  earth, 
and  hath  determined  the  times  be- 
fore appointed,  and  the  bounds 
of  rtheir  habitation. — Acts. 

III,  17.  Now  the  Lord  is  that 
Spirit:  and  where  the  Spiiit  of 
the  Lord  is,  there  is  liberty. 

VIII,  14.  But  by  an  equality, 
that  now  at  this  time  your  abun- 
dance may  be  a supply  for  their 
want,  that  their  abundance  also 


THE  HOLY  BIBLE. 


mar  bo  a supply  for  your  want, 
that  there  may  be  equality'. — 
u Cmnthians. 

V,  1.  Stand  fast  therefore  in 
the  liberty  wherewith  Christ  has 
made  us  free,  and  be  not  entangled 
again  with  the  yoke  of  bondage. 

13.  For,  brethren,  ye  have  been 
called  unto  liberty ; only  use  not 
liberty  for  an  occasion  to  the  flesh, 
but  by  love  serve  one  another. 

54.  For  all  the  law  is  fulfilled 
in  one  word,  even  in  this,  Thou 
shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself. 
— Galatians. 

V,  9.  And,  ye  masters,  do  the 
same  tilings  unto  them,  forbearing 
threatening : knowing  that  your 
blaster  also  is  in  heaven  ; neither 
is  there  respect  of  persons  with 
him.- — Ephesians. 

III,  25.  But  he  that  doeth  wrong 
shall  receive  for  the  wrong  which 
he  hath  done : and  there  is  no 
respect  of  persons. 

IV,  1.  Masters,  give  unto  your 
servants  that  which  is  just  and 
equal ; knowing  that  ye  also  have 
a Master  which  is  in  heaven. — 
Colossians. 

XIII,  3.  Remember  them  that 
are  in  bonds,  as  bound  with  them  ; 
and  them  which  suffer  adversity, 
as  being  yourselves  also  in  the 
body. — Hebrews. 

• St.  James.  — Chap.  II,  ver.  6. 
But  ye  have  despised  the  poor. 
Do  r.^"  rich  men  oppress  you,  and 
draw  you  before  the  judgment- 
seats  ? 

S.  If  ye  fulfil  the  royal  law  ac- 


cording to  the  scripture,  Thou 
shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself, 
ye  do  well : 

9.  But  if  ye  have  respect  to 
persons,  ye  commit  sin,  and  are 
convinced  of  the  law  as  trans- 
gressors. 

St.  John. — Chap.  IV,  ver.  20. 
If  a man  say,- 1 love  God  and 
hateth  his  brother,  he  is  a liar: 
for  he  that  loveth  not  his  brother 
whom  he  hath  seen,  how  can  he 
love  God  whom  he  hath  not  seen  ? 

21.  And  this  commandment 
have  we  from  him,  That  he  who 
loveth  God  love  his  brother  also. 
— 1st  Epistle. 

XIII,  9.  If  any  man  have  an 
ear,  let  him  hear. 

10.  He  that  Ieadeth  into  cap- 
tivity, shall  go  into  captivity : he 
that  billet  h with  .toe  sword,  must 
be  killed  with  the  sword. 

11.  And  the  merchants  of  the 
earth  shall  weep  and  mourn  ovet 
her ; for  no  man  buyeth  theii 
merchandise  any  more : 

13.  Fine  flour,  and  wheat,  and 
beasts,  and  sheep,  and  horses,  and 
chariots,  and  slaves  and  souls  of 
men. 

XX,  13.  And  the  sea  gave  up 
the  dead  which  were  in  it ; and 
death  and  hell  delivered  up  the 
dead  which  were  in  them  : and 
they  were  judged  every  man  ac- 
cording to  their  works. 

XXII,  12.  And  behold  I come 
quickly  ; and  my  reward  is  with 
me,  to  give  every  man  according 
as  his  work  shall  be. — Revelation. 


Justice  recording  the  Voiee  of  the  People  guided  by  Light  Liberty  and  Truth. 


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WILLIAM  HOGARTH’S 

PROGRESS  OF  CRUELTY. 

These  prints  were  engraved  with  the  hope  of  in  some 
degree  correcting  that  barbarous  treatment  of  animals,  the 
very  sight  of  which  renders  the  streets  of  our  metropolis 
so  distressing  to  every  feeling  mind.  If  they  have  that  ef- 
fect in  checking  the  progress  of  cruelty,  I am  more  proud 
of  being  their  author  than  I should  be  oi  having  painted 
Raphael’s  Cartoons ! Hogarth. 

[The  explanations  are  altered  from  those  of  John  Trusler.  A 
few  additions  to  the  plates  are  marked  by  brackets.] 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  CRUELTY. 


The  temperance  and  abolition  people  and  presses  have  essayed  to 
move  earth  and  heaven  by  all  sorts  of  means  and  appeals  except 
one  ; they  seem  studiously  to  have  avoided  a thought  or  a sentence 
on  the  connection  of  their  principles  with  the  condition  of  the  infe- 
rior animals.  But  do  not  these  suffer  as  well  as  the  human  race 
from  man’s  drunkenness,  and  from  starvation,  blows  and  all  ill-treat- 
ment. except  perhaps  the  consciousness  of  the  degradation  of  their 
slavery,  and  deprivation  of  the  Bible.  Of  what  use  is  liberty  but  as 
the  handmaid  of  humanity  ? Six  pages  are  here  annexed,  exhibi- 
ting the  progress  of  cruelty  from  infancy  to  maturity,  from  its  in- 
fliction on  the  lowest  animals  to  the  most  aggravated  crimes  to- 
wards the  human  species.  They  are  from  the  “ Spirit  of  Hu- 
manity.” 

The  First  Stage  of  Cruelty. — Here  are  seen  children  of  various 
ages,  engaged  in  different  barbarous  diversions  ; some  solitary,  some 
in  groups.  The  wretch  on  tire  right  hand  corner  in  front,  is  tying 
a bone  to  a dog’s  tail,  in  order  to  hurry  it  through  the  streets  and  en- 
joy its  terror  and  pain.  Next  to  him  is  a lad  setting  two  cocks  to 
fight : a refined  amusement  practised  by  full-grown  children.  On 
the  left  corner  a dog  is  urged  to- worry  amd  tear  to  pieces,  one  of  the 
tabby  kind,  by  a young  tyrant.  A r.ero  of  a fellow  has  deprived  his 
dog  of  its  ears,  and  is  about  cutting  off  its  tail  with  his  shears.  A youth 
returning  from  school,  intercedes  in  behalf  of  the  maimed,  suffering 
creature,  and  even  offers  the  other  a book  as  a present,  if  he  will  re- 
lease the  dog.  This  shows  not  only  the  necessity  of  general  in- 
struction, but  also  that  general  humanity  should  always  be  an  essen- 
tial constituent  of  education,  without  which,  both  boys  and  men 
would  be  little  better  than  savages  and  brutes. 

The  Second  Stage. — The  spirit  of  inhumanity  exhibited  in  the  first 
plate  as  growing  up  in  youth,  is  in  this  ripened  to  manhood.  The  base 
nero  of  our  piece  has  become  a hackney  coachman,  a profession  which 
affords  him  an  opportunity  of  displaying  his  brutal  disposition.  He  is 
here  sho'.Yn  cruelly  beating  one  of  his  horses.  The  lean,  galled,  and 
starved  appearance  of  the  afflicted  creature,  is  manifest  proof  of  the 
habitual  unkindness  of  its  master.  Pity  it  is,  that  such  barbarous 
wretches  should  be  suffered  to  live  at  large,  or  at  all  events,  to  have  any 
control  over  sentient  beings.  On  the  right  is  seen  one  of  those  inhu- 
man wretches,  who  are  so  often  permitted  to  drive  cattle  to  and 
from  the  slanghler-house  and  market.  He  has  beaten  a tender  over- 
driven lamb  with  a club  stick  for  not  going  on,  and  the  poor  faint 
creature  is  dying  with  the  fatigue  and  blows. 

The  Third  Stage. — His  notorious  barbarity  as  a hackney  coach- 
man, was  attended  with  discharge  from  his  place.  His  recklessness  of 
moral  principles  led  him  to  highway  robbery.  He  next  deceived 
and  betrayed  a young  woman,  for  baseness  and  duplicity  are  a com- 
mon form  of  cruelty.  He  consummates  his  crimes  by  her  murder ; 
but  is  arrested,  and  the  cruel  oppressor  who  had  no  feeling  for  others 
is  compelled  at  last  to  feel  for  himself  1 


PROGRESS  OF  CRUELTY. 


Behold  a youth  of  gentler  look, 

To  save  Lhe  creature’s  pain, 

‘Oh  take!’  he  cries,  ‘here  take  my  book,’ 
But  tears  and  book  are  vain. 


Learn  from  this  fair  example,  yon 
Whom  savage  sports  delight, 
How  cruelty  disgusts  the  view, 
While  pity  charms  the  sight. 


What  various  scenes  of  cruel  sport 
The  infant  race  employ, 

What  future  baseness,  must  import 
The  tyrant  in  the  boy. 


SPIRIT  OF  HUMANITY. 


EARLY  FRIENDSHIP. 

The  great  old  House  Dog  in  whose  face 
Rough  worth  and  all  that’s  good  had  place, 

With  paw  so  broad  and  velvet  drooping  jowls, 

Stretched  in  the  sun  would  roll  for  me, 

With  his  rude  love  and  awkward  glee, 

Half  closed  his  laughing  eye  with  merry  growls. 

At  length  weigh’d  down,  and  grey  with  years, 

The’'  guard  no  more  that  still’d  my  fears 
As  through  the  wood,  at  eve,  I trudg’d  alone  : 

Chang’d  was  his  hazel  eye  of  fire, 

And  dim  the  ray  that  could  inspire 
My  little  heart  with  boldness  not  its  own. 

Yet  still  he  crawl’d  to  lick  my  feet, 

And  choose  his  bed  beside  my  seat, 

Look’d  up,  and  wagged  his  tail  when  I was  by  ; 

And  tvhen  quite  blind,  with  lifted  ears, 

Soon  as  the  well  known  voice  he  hears, 

He  told  (’twas  all  he  could)  his  friend  was  nigh ! 

Poor  faithful  brute  1 thy  love  so  true 
Ne’er  waned,  as  human  friendships  do  ; 

Not  e’en  unkindness  could  thy  zeal  repress, 

For  did  one  smile  but  beam  on  thee 
Forgot  was  ever  injury — 

All,  all  o’erpaid,  and  lost  in  one  caress  ! 

The  above  is  is  a fine  contrast  to  the  First  Stage  of  Cruelty. 


PROGRESS  OF  CRUELTY. 


PRIZE’ 


BIGHT] 


THE  SECOND  STAGE  OF  CRUELTV. 

“ The  generous  steed  in  feeble  age 
Subdued  by  labor  lies, 

And  mourns  a cruel  master’s  rage, 

While  nature  strength  denies. 

“ The  tender  lamb  o’er-drove  and  faint, 
Amidst  expiring  throes, 

Bleats  forth  its  innocent  complaint, 

And  dies  beneath  the  blows. 

“ Inhuman  wretches  ! whence  proceeds 
This  coward  cruelty  ? 

What  interest  springs  from  barbarous  deeds  1 
What  joy  from  misery 


PROGRESS  OF  CRUELTY. 


CRUELTY  IN  MATURITY. 


My  conscience  has  a thousand  several  tongues. 

And  every  tongue  brings  in  a several  tale, 

And  every  tale  condemns  me  for  a villian; 

Cruelty,  perjury,  in  the  highest  degree, 

Murder,  stern  murder  in  the  direst  degree, 

All  several  crimes,  all  us’d  in  each  degree  ; 

Throng  to  the  bar  all  crying,  Guilty!  Guilty !! 

I shall  despair — There  is  no  creature  loves  me : 

And,  if  I die,  no  soul  shall  pity  me  : 

Nay,  wherefore  should  they  ? Shakespeare. 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


AN  APPENDAGE. 

[Although  the  names  of  many  assiduous  lecturers  and  laborers  in 
the  righteous  cause,  have,  from  want  of  space  been  omitted  in  this 
Legion  of  Liberty,  and  but  a page  or  paragraph  been  allowed  even 
to  those  who  have  written  voluminously,  yet,  at  the  suggestion  of  a 
devoted  advocate  of  freedom  and  justice  the  views  and  feelings 
of  about  a dozen  of  the  leaders  of  the  slaves  of  slavery  are  admitted 
as  an  example.  These  sentiments  will  be  found  worthy  of  their 
source,  and  to  corroborate  the  character  of  the  slave  system  and  its 
fruits  as  exhibited  by  the  previous  works  of  the  friends  of  liberty 
and  humanity,  with  which  they  strongly  contrast.] 


B.  WATKINS  LEIGH. 

Power  and  property  may  be  separated  for  a time  by  force  or 
fraud,  but  divorced,  never.  For  so  soon  as  the  pang  of  separation  is 
felt,  if  there  be  truth  in  history — if  there  be  any  certainty  in  the  ex- 
perience of  ages — if  all  pretensions  to  a knowledge  of  the  human 
heart  be  not  vanity  and  folly — property  will  purchase  power,  and 
power  will  take  property. 

Sir,  the  true  and  peculiar  advantage  of  the  principle  of  represen- 
tative government  is,  that  it  holds  government  absolutely  depend- 
ent on  individual  property,  which  gives  the  owner  of  properly  an 
interest  to  watch  the  government — that  it  puts  the  purse-strings  in 
tlie  hands  of  its  owners. 

In  every  civilized  country  under  the  sun,  some  there  must  be  who 
labor  for  their  daily  bread,  either  by  contract  with,  or  subjection  to 
others,  or  for  themselves. — Slaves  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  stale  fill 
the  place  of  the  peasantry  of  Europe — of  the  peasantry  or  day  la- 
borers of  the  non-slave-holding  states  of  the  Union.  The  denser  the 
population,  the  move  numerous  this  class  will  be.  Even  in  the 
present  state  of  the  population  beyond  the  Allegany,  there  must  be 
some  peasantry,  and  as  the  country  fills  up,  there  must  be  more, 
that  is,  men  who  tend  the  herds  and  dig  the  soil — who  have  neither 
real  nor  personal  capital  of  their  own,  and  who  earn  their  daily 
bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow.  They  (by  this  scheme)  arc  all 
to  be  represented,  but  none  of  our  slaves.  And  yet,  in  political 
economy,  the  latter  fill  exactly'  the  same  place.  Slaves  indeed  are 
not,  nor  ever  will  be,  comparable  to  the  hardy  peasantry  of  the 
mountains,  in  intellectual  power,  in  moral  worth,  in  all  that  deter- 
mines man’s  degree  in  the  moral  scale  and  raises  him  above  the 
brute.  I beg  pardon  — his  Maker  placed  him  above  the  brute — above 
the  savage — above  that  wretched  state,  of  which  the  only  comfort  is 
the  natural  rights  of  man.  I have  as  sincere  feelings  of  regard  for 
that  people  as  any  man  who  lives  among  them.  But  I ask  gentle- 
men to  say,  whether  they  believe  that  those  who  depend  on  their 
daily  labor  for  their  daily  subsistence,  can,  or  do  ever  enter  into  po- 
litical affairs  ? They  never  do — never  will — never  can. — Speech  in 
Virginia  Convention,  1829. 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


F.  W.  PICKENS. 

“All  society  settles  down  into  a classification  of  capitalists  and 
laborers.  The  former  will  own  the  latter,  either  collectively  through 
the  government,  or  individually  in  a state  of  domestic  servitude  as 
exists  in  the  Southern  Stales  of  this  confederacy.  If  laborers  ever 
obtain  the  political  power  of  a country',  it  is  in  fact  in  a state  of  re- 
volution. The  capitalists  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon’s  line,  have 
precisely  the  same  interests  in  the  labor  of  the  country  that  the  capi- 
talists of  England  have  in  their  labor.  Hence  it  is,  that  they  must 
have  a strong-  federal  government  (!)  to  control  the  labor  of  the  na- 
tion. But  it  is  precisely  the  reverse  with  us.  We  have  already  not 
only  a right  to  the  proceeds  of  our  laborers,  but  we  own  a class  of 
laborers  themselves.  But  let  ine  say  to  gentlemen  who  represent 
the  great  class  of  capitalists  in  the  north,  beware  that  you  do  not 
drive  us  into  a separate  system,  for  if  you  do,  as  certain  as  the  de- 
crees of  heaven,  you  will  be  compelled  to  appeal  to  the  sword  to 
maintain  yourselves  at  home.  It  may  not  eoine  in  your  day  ; but 
your  children’s  children  will  be  covered  with  the  blood  of  domestic 
factions,  and  a plundering  mob  contending  for  power  and  conquest.” 
— Pickens  of  South  Carolina  in  Congress,  21st  Jan.,  1S37. 

CHANCELLOR  HARPER. 

“ Would  you  do  a benefit  to  the  horse  or  the  ox  by  giving  him  a 
cultivated  understanding,  a fine  ieeiing?  So  far  as  the  mere  la- 
borer has  the  pride,  the  knowledge  or  the  aspiration  of  a freeman, 
he  is  unfitted  for  his  situation.  If  there  arc  sordid,  servile  labori- 
ous offices  to  be  performed,  is  it  not  better  that  there  should  be  sor- 
did, servile  laborious  beings  to  perform  them  ? 

“Odium  has  been  east  upon  our  legislation  on  account  of  its  for- 
bidding the  elements  of  education  being  communicated  to  slaves. 
But  in  truth  what  injury  is  done  them  by  this  ? He  who  works  du- 
ring the  day  with  his  hands,  does  not  read  in  Lite  intervals  of  leisure 
for  his  amusement,  or  the  improvement  of  his  mind,  or  the  excep- 
tion is  so  very  rare  as  scarcely  to  need  the  being  provided  for.” 
— Southern  Lit.  Messenger. 

“ Is  there  any  thing-  in  the  principles  and  opinions  of  the  other 
party,  the  great  democratic  rabble  as  it  has  been  justly  called,  which 
should  induce  us  to  identify  ourselves  with  that  ? Here  you  may 
find  every  possible  grade  and  hue  of  opinion  which  has  ever  existed 
in  the  country.  Here  you  may  find  loafer  and  loco  foco  and  agra- 
rian, and  all  the  rabble  of  the  ci'v  of  New- York,  the  most  corrupt 
and  depraved  of  rabbles,  and  which  controls,  in  a great  degree  the 
city  itseifi  and  through  that  as  being  the  commercial  metropolis,  ex- 
ercises much  influence  over  the  state  at  large. 

“ What  are  the  essential  principles  of  democracy  as  distinguished 
from  repubiicanisin  ? The  first  consists  in  the  dogma  so  portentcous 
to  us  of  the  natural  equality  and  unalienable  right  to  liberty  of  every 
human  being.  Our  allies  (!)  no  doubt,  are  willing  at  present  to 
modify  the  doctrine  in  our  favor.  But  the  spirit  of  democracy  at 


32* 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


large  makes  no  such  exceptions,  nor  will  these  (our  allies,  the  north, 
ern  democrats)  continue  to  make  it  longer  than  necessity  or  inter- 
est may  require.  The  second  consists  in  the  doctrine  of  the  divine 
right  of  majorities  ; a doctrine  not  less  false,  and  slavish,  and  ab- 
surd than  the  ancient  one  of  the  divine  right  of  kings.” — Speech  July 
4,  1840.  V 


ROBERT  WICKLIFFE. 

“ Gentlemen  wanted  to  drive  out  the  black  population  that  they 
may  obtain  white  negroes  in  their  place.  While  negroes  have  this 
advantage  over  black  negroes,  they  can  be  converted  into  voters ; 
and  the  men  who  live  upon  the  sweat  of  their  brow,  and  pay  them 
but  a dependent  and  scanty  subsistence,  can,  if  able  to  keep  ten  thou- 
sand of  them  in  employment,  come  up  to  the  polls  and  change  the 
destiny  of  the  country. 

“ How  improved  will  be  our  condition  when  we  have  such  white 
negroes  as  perform  the  servile  labors  of  Europe,  of  Old  England, 
and  he  would  add  now  of  New  England,  when  our  body  servants 
and  our  cart  drivers,  and  our  street  sweepers,  are  white  negroes  in- 
stead of  black.  Where  will  be  the  independence,  the  proud  spirit, 
and  the  chivalry  of  the  Kentuckians  then  ?”■ — Speech  in  Kentucky. 

[Had  the  gentleman  looked  across  the  river,  he  might  have  found 
an  answer  to  his  question,  in  the  wealth,  power,  and  happiness  of 
Ohio. — A.  S.  Reporter.} 

george  McDuffie. 

It  is  my  deliberate  opinion,  that  the  laws  of  every  community 
should  publish  this  species  of  interference  by  death  without  benefit 
of  clergy.*  . . . No  humane  institution,  in  my  opinion,  is  more 
manifestly  consistent  with  the  will  of  God  than  domestic  slavery. 
If  we  look  into  the  elements  of  which  all  political  communities  are 
composed,  it  will  be  found  that  servitude  in  some  form,  is  one  of  the 
essential  constituents.  . . In  the  very  nature  of  things,  there  must 
be  classes  of  persons  to  discharge  all  the  different  offices  of  society, 
from  the  highest  to  the  lowest. . . Where  these  offices  are  performed 
by  members  of  the  political  community,  a dangerous  element  is  ob. 
viously  introduced  by  the  body  politic.  Hence,  the  alarming  ten- 
dency to  violate  the  rights  of  property  by  agrarian  legislation,  which 
is  beginning  to  be  manifest  in  the  older  states,  where  universal  suf- 
frage prevails  without  domestic  slavery;  a tendency  that  will  in- 
crease in  the  progress  of  society,  with  the  increasing  inequality  of 
domestic  slavery,  supersedes  the  necessity  of  an  order  of  nobility, 
and  all  the  other  appendages  of  a hereditary  system  of  government. 
Domestic  slavery,  therefore,  instead  of  being  an  evil,  is  the  coi  ner 
stone  of  our  republican  edifice.  No  patriot,  who  justly  estimates 
our  privileges,  will  tolerate  the  idea  of  emancipation  at  any  period 
however  remote,  or  on  any  condition  of  pecuniary  advantage,  how- 
ever favourable.  I would  as  soon  think  of  opening  a negotiation 
for  selling  the  liberties  of  the  state  at  once,  as  for  making  any  stiou- 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


lation  for  the  ultimate  emancipation  of  our  slaves.  . . If  the  legis- 
lature should  concur  in  these  views  of  this  important  element  of  our 
political  and  social  system,  our  confederates  should  be  distinctly  in- 
formed, in  any  communication  we  may  have  occasion  to  mhke  to 
them,  that  in  claiming  to  be  exempt  from  all  foreign  interference, 
we  can  recognize  no  distinction  between  ultimate  and  immediate 
emancipation.  . . It  behoves  us  therefore,  to  demand  of  all  the  non* 
slaveholding  states.  1.  A formal,  and  solemn  disclaimer  by  its  leg* 
islature,  of  the  existence  of  any  rightful  power,  either  in  such  state, 
or  the  United  Slates  in  congress  assembled,  to  interfere  in  any  man- 
ner with  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery  in  South  Carolina.  2. 
The  immediate  passage  of  penal  laws  by  such  legislatures,  denounc- 
ing against  the  incendiaries  of  whom  we  complain,  such  punish- 
ments as  will  speedily  and  for  ever  suppress  their  machinations 
against  our  peace  and  safety.  . . The  liberal,  enlightened,  and 
magnanimous  conduct  of  the  people  in  many  portions  of  the  non- 
slaveholding states,  forbids  us  to  anticipate  a refusal  on  the  part  of 
those  stales,  to  fulfil  these  high  obligations  of  national  faith  and  du- 
ty.”— Extracts  front  his  Message  to  S.  Carolina,  1835. 

JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 

lI  We  regard  slavery  as  the  most  safe  and  stable  basis  for  free  in- 
stitutions in  the  world.  It  is  impossible  with  us  that  the  conflict 
can  take  place  between  labor  and  capital,  which  makes  it  so  diffi- 
cult to  establish  and  maintain  free  institutions  in  all  wealthy  and 
highly  civilized  nations  where  such  institutions  do  not  exist.  Every 
plantation  is  a little  community  with  the  master  at  its  head,  who 
concentrates  in  himself  the  united  interests  of  capital  and  labor  of 
which  he  is  the  common  representative.” — Mr.  Calhoun  of  South 
Carolina,  in  the  United  States  Senate,  Jan.  10 th,  1840. 

In  United  States  S/nate,  Feb.  4,  1836. 

Mr.  C/lhoun  from  the  select  committee,  reported  the  following 

bill  : — 

Be  it  enacted,  <fc.,  That  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  deputy 
postmaster,  in  any  state,  territory,  or  district  knowingly  to  receive 
and  put  into  the  mail  any  pamphlet,  news-paper,  handbill,  or  other 
paper,  printed  or  written,  or  pictorial  representation,  touching  the 
subject  of  slavery,  addressed  to  any  person  or  post-office  in  any 
state,  territory,  or  district,  where,  by  the  laws  of  said  state,  territo- 
ry, or  district,  their  calculation  is  prohibited.  Nor  shall  it  be  law- 
ful for  any  deputy  postmaster  in  said  state,  territory,  or  district, 
knowingly  to  deliver  to  any  person  any  such  pamphlet,  newspaper, 
handbill,  or  other  paper,  printed  or  written,  or  pictorial  representa. 
tion,  to  any  person  whatever,  except  to  such  persons  as  are  duly 
authorized  by  the  proper  authority  of  such  state,  territory,  or  district, 
to  receive  the  same. 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


HENRY  CLAY. 

With  the  abolitionists,  the  lights  of  properly  are  nothing  ; the  de- 
ficiency of  tiie  powers  of  the  General  Government  is  nothing;  the 
acknowledged  and  incontestible  powers  of  the  Slates  are  nothing  ; 
civil  war  and  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  the  overthrow  of  a 
government  in  which  are  concentrated  the  fondest  hopes  of  the 
civilized  world,  are  nothing.  A single  idea  has  taken  possession  of 
their  minds,  and  onward  they  pursue  it,  overlooking  all  barriers, 
reckless  and  regardless  of  all  consequences.  With  this  class,  the 
immediate  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in 
the  Territory  of  Florida,  the  prohibition  of  the  removal  of  slaves 
from  State  to  State,  and  the  refusal  to  admit  any  new  State,  com- 
prising within  its  limits  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery,  are  but 
so  many  means  conducing  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  ultimate 
but  perilous  end  at  which  they  avowedly  and  boldly  aim ; are  but  so 
many  short  stages  in  the  long  and  bloody  road  to  the  distant  goal  at 
which  they  would  finally  arrive. 

To  the  agency  of  their  powers  of  persuasion,  they  now  propose  to 
substitute  the  powers  of  the  ballot  box  ; and  he  must  be  blind  to  what 
is  passing  before  us,  who  docs  not  perceive  that  the  inevitable  tenden- 
cy of  their  proceedings  is,  if  these  should  be  found  insufficient,  to 
invoke,  finally,  the  more  potent  powers  of  the  bayonet. 

If,  therefore,  these  ultra-abolitionists  are  seriously  determined  to 
pursue  their  scheme  of  immediate  abolition,  they  should  at  once  set 
about  raising  twelve  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  to  indemnify  the 
owners  of  slave  property.  And  the  taxes  to  raise  that  enormous 
amount  can  only  be  justly  assessed  upon  themselves  or  upon  the  free 
States,  if  they  can  persuade  them  to  assent  to  such  an  assessment; 
for  it  woutd  be  a mockery  of  all  justice  and  an  outrage  against  all 
equity  to  levy  any  portion  of  the  tax  upon  the  slave  Slates  to  pay 
for  their  own  unquestionable  property. — Speech  in  the  U.  S.  Senate, 
Feb.  1839. 


WADDY  THOMPSON 

Of  South  Carolina,  moved  to  amend  as  follows  : “Strike  out  all 
after  instructions,”  and  insert, 

To  report  a joint  resolution,  directing  the  President  to  take  the 
proper  steps  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  as 
soon  as  it  can  be  done  consistently  with  the  treaty  stipulations  of 
this  government. — Motion  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  June 
14,  1838. 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


JAMES  HAMILTON. 

We  have,  therefore,  a claim  oil  the  governments  of  the  non-slave- 
holding  Stales,  not  only  moral  and  social,  but  of  indispensable  con- 
stitutional obligation,  that  this  nuisance  shall  be  adapted.  They 
not  only  owe  it  to  us,  but  they  owe  it  to  themselves,  to  that  Union, 
at  whose  shrine  they  have  so  ofien  offered  up  the  highest  pledges, 
by  which  man  can  plight  his  temporal  faith. 

Apart  from  all  these  obligations,  resulting  from  the  constitutional 
compact,  which  unites  these  States,  and  which  make  the  imperative 
duty  of  one  member  of  this  confederacy  not  to  allow  its  citizens  to 
plot  against  the  peace,  property  and  happiness  of  another  member, 
there  is  no  principle  of  international  law  better  established,  than 
that  even  among  foreign  nations,  such  atrocious  abuses  are  not  to 
be  tolerated,  except  at  the  peril  of  that  high  and  ultimate  penalty,  by 
which  a brave  and  free  people  vindicate  their  rights. — Report  of  S. 
Carolina  Legislature. 


MORDECAI  MANASSEH  NOAH. 

It  is  understood  that  an  abolition  convention  is  to  be  held  in  this 
city  during  the  present  month,  and  it  has  been  avowed  in  the  offic- 
ial Gazette,  attached  to  the  interests  of  the  delegates  about  to  assem- 
ble, hat  the  question  of  repealing  the  Union  between  the  North  and 
the  South,  will  be  openly  discussed  on  that  occasion.  This  has 
been  in  part  contradicted,  but  coupled  with  a declaration  that  no  vi- 
olence shall  prevent  the  discharge  of  their  duty.  It  is  possible  that 
the  objects  and  intentions  of  this  convention  may  have  been  misrep- 
resented, for  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  even  fanaticism,  carried  to 
its  fullest  extent,  could  have  the  boldness  to  broach  doctrines  of  the 
most  treasonable  import,  in  the  midst  of  a population  devotedly  at- 
tached to  the  Union  of  the  States.  The  people  have  an  undoubted 
right  to  assemble  and  discuss  any  question  connected  with  the  main- 
tenance of  their  own  rights,  and  the  free  preservation  of  our  free  in- 
stitutions ; but  it  is  unreasonable  to  suppose  that,  in  any  attempt  to 
carry  out  the  objects  of  this  meeting,  however  ostensibly  humane 
they  may  be,  that  such  convention  will  be  permitted  to  suggest, 
much  less  discuss,  a project  embracing  a dissolution  of  our  happy 
form  of  government.  Should  the  experiment  how'ever  be  made, 
which  would  evidently  tend  to  a disastrous  breach  of  the  public 
peace,  it  will  be  your  duty  to  present  the  agitators,  and  indict  every 
person  whose  active  agency  may  lead  to  such  results,  and  this 
Court  by  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws,  will  convince  any  body 
of  men,  making  this  city  the  theatre  of  their  deliberations,  that  their 
objects  and  intentions  must  be  strictly  legal,  rationable  and  justifia- 
ble.— Charge  to  the  IV.  Y.  Grand  Jury,  May,  1842. 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


JAMES  WATSON  WEBB. 

No  man  not  blind  to  future  consequences,  to  all  former  examples, 
and  to  all  the  lessons  of  past  experience,  can  hesitate  a moment  in 
foreseeing  that  the  triumph  of  the  abolitionists  is  a thousand  times 
more  likely  to  be  consummated  by  the  extermination  of  the  masters, 
their  wives  and  their  children,  than  by  the  freedom  and  consequent 
happiness  of  the  slaves. 

As  the  enemies  then  of  social  order,  of  the  rights  of  property,  of 
the  lives  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  our  brethren  of  the  race  of 
white  men,  their  wives  and  their  children,  and  as  the  vilifiers  and 
sappers  of  our  social  institutions,  Laws  and  Constitution,  we  say 
therefore,  that  the  preachers,  and  expounders  of  such  doctrines,  are 
justly  amenable  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  as  common  and  notorious 
disturbers  of  the  public  peace,  enemies  to  the  rights  of  property,  and 
traitors  to  the  country.  We  ground  this  assertion,  not  on  any  par- 
ticular statute,  but  on  that  great  and  universal  principle  of  the  com- 
mon law  of  nature,  which  recognizes,  not  only  the  right  but  the  du- 
ty ofeveiy  human  being,  and  every  human  society  to  protect  their 
property,  their  rights,  and  their  lives. 

Here  are  a set  of  fanatical  railers,  half  foreign,  half  zealots,  half 
hypocrite,  railing  and  raving  against  the  constitution,  the  laws,  and 
the  social  institutions  of  the  land,  and  denouncing  them  as  directly 
at  war  with  the  rights  of  nature  and  the  laws  of  God,  of  which  they 
impiously  and  insolently  pretend  to  be  the  sole  interpreters,  Care- 
less of  consequences,  or  what  is  more  likely,  eagerly  anticipating  the 
result  of  their  labors,  in  the  massacre  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
their  brethren,  and  the  second  act  of  the  bloody  drama  of  St.  Domin- 
go ; despising  the  lessons  of  the  past,  the  auguries  of  the  future,  and 
foaming  at  the  mouth  with  the  hydrophobia  of  fanaticism,  ihey  rush 
madly  from  city  to  city,  calling  on  the  people  of  the  north  to  be- 
come their  accomplices  in  the  ruin,  and  extermination  of  their  broth- 
ers qf  the  south,  and  proclaiming  with  all  the  fury  of  the  inspira- 
tion of  darkness,  a crusade  against  their  own  kindred,  color  and 
blood.  And  this  they  call  philanthropy  ; this  they  blasphemously 
denominate  a compliance  with  the  scriptures,  and  the  will  of  the 
great  Being  by  whom  their  writers  were  inspired. — N.  Y.  Courier 
and  Enquirer. 


THE  SLAVES  OF  SLAVERY. 


HENRY  A.  V ISE. 

“ Let  Texas  once  proclaim  a crusade  against  the  rich  States  to  the 
south  of  her,  and  in  a moment,  volunteers  would  flock  to  her  stand* 
ard  in  crowds,  from  all  the  States  in  the  great  valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi — men  of  enterprise  and  valor  before  whom  no  Mexican  troops 
could  stand  for  an  hour.  They  would  leave  their  own  towns,  arm 
themselves,  and  travel  on  their  own  cost,  and  would  come  up  in 
thousands,  to  plant  the  lone  star  of  the  Texan  banner,  on  the  Mexi. 
can  capitol.  They  would  drive  Santa  to  the  South,  and  the  bound- 
less wealth  of  captured  towns,  and  rifled  churches,  and  a lazy,  vic- 
ious and  luxurious  priesthood,  would  soon  enable  Texas  to  pay  her 
soldiery,  and  redeem  her  State  deb",  and  push  her  victorious  arms 
to  the  very  shores  of  the  Pacific.  And  would  not  all  this  extend  the 
bounds  of  slavery  ? Yes,  the  result  would  be,  that  before  another 
quarter  of  a century,  the  extension  of  slavery  would  not  stop  short 
of  the  Western  Ocean.  We  had  but  two  alternatives  before  us; 
either  to  receive  Texas  into  our  fraternity  of  States,  and  thus  make 
her  our  own,  or  to  leave  her  to  conquer  -Mexico,  and  become  our  most 
dangerous  and  formidable  rival. 

“ To  talk  of  restraining  the  people  of  the  great  Valley  from  emi- 
grating to  join  her  armies,  was  all  in  vain  ; and  it  was  equally  vain 
to  calculate  on  their  defeat  by  any  Mexican  forces,  aided  by  Eng- 
land or  not.  They  had  gone  once  already;  it  was  they  that  con- 
quered Santa  Anna,  at  San  Jacinto  ; and  three  fourths  of  them,  af- 
ter winning  that  glorious  field,  had  peaceably  returned  to  their  homes. 
But  once  set  before  them  the  conquest  of  the  rich  Mexican  provin- 
ces, and  you*  might  as  well  attempt  to  stop  the  wind.  This  Gov- 
ernment might  send  its  troops  to  the  frontier,  to  turn  them  back,  and 
they  would  run  over  them  like  a herd  of  buffalo. 

“ Nothing  could  keep  these  booted  loafers  from  rushing  on,  till 
they  kicked  the  Spanish  priests  nut  of  the  temples  they  profaned.” — 
Speech  in  Congress,  April,  1842. 


THE  LEGION  OF  LIBERTY. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  PERIODICALS  IN  THE  U.  S.  Aug.  1,  1843. 
New  England. 

LIBERATOR,  25  Cornhill,  Boston,  W.  Lloyd  Garrison  ed’r.  $2,50 
EMANCIPATOR  AND  FREE  AMERICAN,  32  Washington  st. 
Boston,  Joshua  Leavitt. 

TRUE  WESLEYAN,  Boston,  O.  Scott,  J.  Horton  and  L.  Lee. 
CHRISTIAN  REFLECTOR,  do  H.  A.  Graves. 

ESSEX  TRANSCRIPT,  Salisbury,  Mass,  G.  J.  L.  Colby. 
CHRISTIAN  FREEMAN,  Hartford,  Conn.  7 Asylum-st.  W.  H. 
Burleigh. 

VERMONT  TELEGRAPH,  Brandon,  Orson  S.  Murray. 
VERMONT  FREEMAN,  Norwich,  Vt.  J.  E.  Hood. 

HERALD  OF  FREEDOM,  Con.  N.  II.  Main-st.  N.  P.  Rogers. 
PEOPLE’S  ADVOCATE,  Concord,  N..H.,  A.  St.  Clair. 
LIBERTY  STANDARD,  Hallowell,  Maine,  Joseph  C.  Love  joy. 
BANGOR  GAZETTE,  Maine,  John  E.  Godfrey. 

New-York 

NATIONAL  ANTI -SLAVERY  STANDARD,  143  Nassau-st. 
David  L.  Child. 

NEW-YORK  EVANGELIST,  113  Fulton-st.  N.  E.  Johnson  & 
Wm.  Bradford,  $2.50. 

ANTI -SLAVERY REPORTER,  American  and  Foreign  A.  S.  So- 
ciety, N.  Y.,  S.  W.  Benedict,  printer,  monthly,  $1. 

ALBANY  PATRIOT,  6 Exehange-st.  Albany,'  Charles  T. 
Torrey, 

CHRISTIAN  INVESTIGATOR,  Honeoye,  On.'  W.  Goodell, 
monthly,  50  cts. 

LIBERTY  PRESS,  Utica,  J.  C.  Jackson  & W.  Bailey. 

Pennsylvania. 

PENNSYLVANIA  FREEMAN,  31  N.  Fifth-st.  Philadelphia, 
J.  M.  McKim,  monthly,  50  cents. 

SPIRIT  OF  LIBERTY,  Pittsburgh,  Penn.  Edward  Smith. 

Western  States. 

PHIL  ANTHB.OPIST,  Main  -st.  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  Gamaliel  Bailev. 
OBERLIN  EVANGELIST,  Oberlin.  do. 

AURORA,  New-Lisbon,  Ohio,  John  Frost,  $1. 

SIGNAL  OF  LIBERTY, Ann-Harbor,  Michigan,  Guy  Beckley. 
WESTERN  CITIZEN,  Chicago,  Illinois,  $2.50. 

FREE  LABOR  ADVOCATE,  New-  Garden,  Indiana,  H.  H.  Way 
and  B.  Stanton,  $1.50. 

Thirteen  Southern  States. 

NONE. 

[All  the  above  are  published  weekly  at  $2  per  annum  except 
when  otherwise  specified. 


2JSt&  Due 


D01314914N 


326.4  ' L514  13  0930 

-Xegion  T.l'bftrty 


326.4  L514 


13093  0 


